TATJANA SREBOT-REJEC WORD ACCENT AND VOWEL DURATION IN STANDARD SLOVENE An Acoustic and Linguistic Investigation

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A C K N O W L E D G E M E N T S
In the course of the years when this investigation was taking shape many people helped me, making it possible for me to start on it and carry it out.
My thanks are due to the authorities of the Pedagoška akadēmija in Ljub-lj&na who created the conditions that enabled me to start thinking about this project: they did not shy й о т the financial costs of providing a sonagraph and all the necessary phonetic literature, and carried the main brunt of the expenses in connection with the computer work. I should also like to thank the engineers Jože Tomše and Vinko Kune for keeping the sonagraph in good repair in spite of its several attempts to strike. Miloš Tavzes most generously offered to do the computer work and helped me with the Summary Tables. I am deeply obliged to Urska Snedic and Tine Logar for their substantial contribution to this investigation enabling me to deal with the perceptive side of Slovene word accent. I am especially grateful to the late Jakob Rigler for the few illuminating conversations I still had the j‫׳‬ood fortune to have with him on vowel duration and word accent in Slovene. I should further like to thank my linguistic friends Janez Orešnik and David Bennett for their most useful comments when reading parts of this study. My warm thanks to Margaret Davis for faithfully correcting my English. Ī should also mention the Znanstveni inštitut at the Arts Faculty of the University of Ljubljana which included my work in their programme.
I should further like to express my deep thanks to the two mentors of my doctoral thesis Gerhard Neweklowsky and William Nemser of the University of Klagenfurt for their constant encouragement, especially in the initial stages of my work when for a long time no results were visible but only a sea of figures; for the patience with which they followed the slow course of this work; and for the great tolerance with which they encouraged me to develop my ideas. The investigation was submitted for a Doctor of Philosophy degree at the University of Klagenfurt in spring 1987. Finally my thanks are due to Peter Rehder of Munich University for accepting this investigation for publication; and to the technical editor Ljubica Crnivec and the typist Marija Svara for producing the camera-ready copy of the volume.    (Table 10 Ju, Ka, P i) . . 4.5.3 Vowel duration in oxytones. Agreement between expected accent and interpreted accent on oxytones. The role of the F0C (Summary Tables 5 Ju, 5 Ka, 5 Pi, 8   via free access C h a p te r 1

A S H O R T S U R V E Y O F S L O V E N E T O N E M A T IC S U P T O T H E P R E S E N T
1.1 Tonematic Slovene, with its opposition between accent 1 and accent 2, also called the circumflex and the acute, is still spoken in the central dialects of Upper Carinola, Lower Carniola, in the Slovene dialects in Austrian Carinthia, in the Upper Soča Valley, in Slovene Venetia in Italy and in a part of Bela Krajina. The actual realization of the two word accents, however, differs from region to region.
Ljubljana, the capital of Slovenia, lies at a meeting point of the two large dialect groups of Upper and Lower Carniola, and so the influence of both is felt in the SS as spoken by its inhabitants. This fact has brought about a certain instability as to accent distinction which characterizes the pronunciation of many speakers of SS in Ljubljana (Vodušek, 37;Rigler 1968, 197).
Slovene accentology has a long tradition. The first to notice accent was Valentin Vodnik in his grammar of 1811.
In the 19th century SS was still remote from realization therefore each of the researchers was largely concerned with his own dialect.

For Luka Svetec (bom at Podgorje near Kamnik, Upper Carniola)
writing in 1863* the difference between the circumflex and the acute is in intensity. In oxytones the intensity peak is at the beginning of the syllable with the circumflex, and at the end with the acute; in barytones on the accented syllable with the circumflex, and on the postaccented with the acute.
1.3 Three years later Father Stanislav Skrabec (from Ribnica, Lower Cainiola) was of the same opinion as Svetec before him, and stated explicitly that the difference between the circumflex and the acute was in the different curve of intensity, not pitch. He was the first to introduce the notion of word accent neutralization under the influence of sentence intonation. He also noticed that the acuted vowel tended to be longer than the circumflexed.
1.4 For M atija Valjavec (from Bela, Upper Carniola) (1897), on the contrary, Slovene accent had to do with pitch differences. He regarded the circumflex falling in tone and the acute rising. He was the first to point out th at a circumflex vowel had a high pitch at the beginning and was then falling, whereas with the acute the postaccented syllable was higher in pitch than the accented.
1.5 The Norwegian Olaf Broch during his visit to Slovenia studied Slovene *I partly follow Toporišič's historical survey of Slovene accentology (1976) for the older authors where the bibliographical data not mentioned here can be found. as spoken in Ljubljana (pp. 289, 291-292, 311-312, 325-327). In its segmental characteristics it is a form of Slovene strongly under the influence of the dialect of Ljubljana, but in its tonemic characteristics his observations apply to SS as well, as the local and the standard dialects seem to coincide in their tonematic structure. There might be some differences in single words when on account of vowel reductions an open syllable is converted into a closed one, but the tone curves of the two accents should remain the same. Broch ,s observations indicate that he was a well trained phonetician with a particularly sensitive ear. Broch regards the circumflex as falling in tone and intensity and the acute as rising in tone and intensity. In everyday or in quicker speech the tone curve may not be so marked, especially with the acute; with the circumflex the falling part may be lost. In this case the two accents are held apart by the relatively higher tone of the circumflex, and the relatively lower tone of the acute. But he admitted that in this case they are often difficult to distinguish. He also noticed that the tone continues without any hindrance on the following /m / or /n /. Broch was also very well aware of the great influence sentence intonation has on the tonic realization of an accented word, i.e. that the realization of the latter depends on its position in a sentence. He explicitly mentions that he has left unanswered the question of which component, intensity or tone, is decisive in the perception of accent in Slovene. Carniola (1933) and in his historical grammar of the Slovene language (1935) states that the acute is lower in tone, that it can even fall at the beginning before it starts to rise. He represents the circumflex as being convex (a), and the acute as concave (b): a) b) 1.7 Alexander V. Isačcnko (1939) regards the acute as rising in tone and intensity, and the circumflex as falling in tone and intensity. He says that on a falling nucleus the acute tends to become a circumflex.

FYan Ramovš in his description of the dialect of Lower
1.8 FYancè Bezlaj was the first (1939) to study the quantity of Slovene vowels (pp. 73-93) and also Slovene accent (pp. 97-100) instrumentally by means of a kymograph. He studied both on the same corpus of about 200 words in falling nucleus sentence position. Bezlaj had 4 informants, among them Fran Ramovš.
In his introduction to the chapter dealing with quantity (p. 73) he said that he had to limit himself to the study of vowel duration under the two accents in different positions and to the study of the length relationship between stressed and unstressed syllables. Bezlaj divides vowels into long and short stressed vowels and unstressed (= short) vowels. He measured the vowel length of long vowels with both types of accent in barytones and oxytones. Bezlaj complained that it was in most cases impossible to find minimal pairs th at would differ only Tatjana Srebot-Rejec -9783954792146 Downloaded from PubFactory at 01/10/2019 04:04:59AM via free access as to accent type and said that his findings as a result might not be as accurate as he would like them to be. T hat was also the reason why his findings were of a general character and not detailed. He gives the durations in centiseconds and the number of vibrations of the vocal cords during the articulation of the vowels under study. Among Bezlaj *s findings were the following: of the long accented vowels / a / was the longest followed by /о /, /е /; /о /, /е /; /э /; / и / and / і / . Не noticed the extra shortness of the last two. Some of his speakers had no systematic difference of length between an acuted and a circumflexed long vowel, while with others the circumflex was longer.
Bezlaj found the vowels of some words to be 50-70% shorter when unstressed than when stressed (p. 89). In his examples the unstressed vowels -regardless of quality -are always shorter than the stressed ones. He admits to having found some cases where the initial unstressed vowel was longer than the following stressed one, but ignored them because he considered such a pronunciation abnormal (p. 89). The idea of the intrinsic duration of vowels depending on vowel quality was still strange to him, inspite of the duration differences found with long vowels. As far as I know Bezlaj was the first to notice that the duration of unstressed vowels increased in proportion to their proximity to a stressed syllable regularly in prestressed position, and less regularly in poststressed position (pp. 92-93).
He found that all vowels had approximately the same vowel frequencies (p. 74).
Bezlaj measured the melody contour of about 200 words and found that with the words which he (and Ramovš?) considered the long circumflex (a) 70% of the words had a rise up to half of their duration, followed by a gradual or steep fall, (b) in about 20% of the cases the contour was level with deviations upwards or downwards followed by a fall in the second half of the contour, and (c) in only 10% of the cases the contour was falling throughout. All the acuted utterances had a rising contour, (a) 50% rising throughout, (b) about 25% after an initial slight fall, and (c) the rest falling some time in the second half of the contour. Bezlaj noticed that the more energetic an utterance the more marked the rise. The less energetic utterances were more likely to be falling throughout.
Practically all Bezlaj's 64 illustrations (pp. 103-117) of the tone contours with both accents are rising on the tonic, although they are on a falling nucleus. W ith barytones the acute reaches its tonal peak at the very end of the accented syllable and the falling sentence intonation sets in only on the postaccented syllable. Most of the acuted words are not finally accented and are in open syllables. Most of the long circumflexes are on the ultimate syllable, and the tonal peak is followed by a fall on the same syllable.
There are only three circumflexed words not accented on the final syllable in his illustrations -their syllable structure and accent position can thus be compared with the structure of most of the acuted words. In two of these (na 3 Tatjana Srebot-Rejec -9783954792146 Downloaded from PubFactory at 01/10/2019 04:04:59AM via free access posodo, kolôvrat) the tonal peak occurs earlier on the accented syllable than on the acuted accented syllables of words with a comparable syllable structure, while the third circumflex with this structure (têdan) is falling throughout. The acuted accented syllables are rising throughout, while the circumflexed contain a rise and the beginning of a fall. W ith regard to words accented on a final syllable (24 circumflexed and 4 acuted examples), düh -debelúh seem to be allotted to two different accents only on account of their different vowel durations, zid&r is of relatively low pitch and shares with stàz a late peak.
Looking at this series of kymograms one receives the impression that the words must have been pronounced carefully, distinctly and with a certain energy. Bezlaj says (p. 98) that Ramovš articulated his utterances clearly and distinctly but without exaggerating. Toporišič mentions (1967, 81) that Bezlaj and Ramovš schooled their informants how to pronounce their corpus and later they selected the kymograms that they considered typical.
Bezlaj heard slight differences in the quality of some of the vowels in the medium height range depending on whether they were circumflexed or acuted, an observation not shared by any earlier or later researcher.

1.9
The next experimental study on this subject appeared in 1961 when Božo Vodušek published his kymographic study on the nature Of the Slovene accent in six Slovene dialects, including SS as spoken in Ljubljana. He worked with six informants, five of them linguists, so chosen that all the main tonematic dialects, except the westernmost, were represented. He had a much smaller corpus than Bezlaj, but his words were often repeated. As he was aware of the different intrinsic pitches of the various vowels (something th at Bezlaj had not paid attention to), he studied the two accents on barytones and on oxytones as realized on words containing accented / a / to avoid the influence of intrinsic vowel pitch. Accent was studied on minimal pairs, where possible. The words were said in groups of several words -that is, all except the last with a rising nucleus and the last with a falling.
His findings, illustrated by diagrams, are th at in the pronunciation of Ljubijana (and southern Upper Carniola and Central Lower Carniola) with words accented on the penultimate syllable the melodic contour stretches over the tonic and posttonic: the curve first rises on the tonic and then falls on the posttonic with the circumflex; and it first falls on the tonic and rises on the posttonic with the acute. On account of this and because the tonic is rising on the circumflex and falling on the acute, the relevant characteristic of the circumflex accent is a higher pitched tonic, and of the acute a lower pitched tonic.
Diagrams of words accented on the final syllable do not show any marked difference in their melodic contour between circumflexed and acuted words, both may be only rising in pitch, the circumflexed words being higher in pitch than the acuted. The circumflex should therefore be called the high toned accent, and the acute the low toned. VoduSek thus considers pitch the distinctive feature of the two accents. He further noticed that the pitch oppositions between the two accents were smallest in the utterances of the informant from Ljubljana. 1.10 The short description of presentday word accent in Jaksche (1965, 7) should also be mentioned. It is based on the tone curves of Slovene made on a Grützmacher-Lottermoser pitchmeter in the Slavonic Seminar in Göttingen (Prof. Braun and Dr. I. Mahnken). According to these tone curves the circumflex is a rising-falling accent (convex) and the acute a rising accent, the rise may be preceded by a slight fall (concave).

1.11
Vodušek's work was carried on by Jože Tbporišič (1968), who set out to study Slovene tonematics as manifested in its natural surroundings, that is on words in sentences in initial, medial, final and emphatic position. He formed these sentences with 13 barytones (8 expected acutes, 5 expected circumflexes) and 12 oxytones (6 expected acutes, 6 expected circumflexes). All his sentences had 2 versions: one on a falling nucleus, and one on a high rising as declarative questions. Tb this he added a series of words with expected circumflexes and acutes said with a low rise -an intonation typical of enumeration -and the last with a fall. He had his recorded sentences, as spoken by 5 informants, analyzed on a Grützmacher-Lottermoser pitchmeter in Braunschweig (A detailed description of these sentences is on p. 133).
ToporiSič analyzed the sentences of one speaker only, a female speaking SS influenced by the Lower Carniolan dialect. The sentences were interpreted as to accent type by 4 linguists, 3 of them phoneticians, and the speaker of the corpus.
In the sentences with a falling nucleus the expected acuted barytones were perceived as acuted in every case. Some disagreement arose in the circumflexed series, where judge Lo in a neutral sentence intonation position interpreted 4 out of 5 non-^mphatically stressed realizations of the same word (Čaka) as acuted, while in all the other cases the interpreters agreed th at the expected circumflexes were realized. In the sentences consisting of oxytones with expected circumflexes all the accented words with their 7 realizations were unanimously considered circumflexed, while in the acuted series the interpreters disagreed in 8 cases out of the total number of 23.
Toporišič studied the following elements of an accented word as they appear in a sentence: 1) he measured the mid-point of the accented vowel in semi tones; 2) with these data he obtained the difference in pitch between an acuted and a circumflexed accented vowel in the same sentence position; 3) he measured the pitch interval between the accented and postaccented Tatjana Srebot-Rejec -9783954792146 Downloaded from PubFactory at 01/10/2019 04:04:59AM via free access syllable on barytones (always in the middle of the syllable), and the first and second half of the accented syllable on oxytones; 4) he further studied the pitch relationships between the successive pairs of accented and postaccented syllables from initial to final sentence position; 5) and he observed the shape and direction of the tone contours of accented vowels. As to shape a tonic could be: concave, convex, level or convexconcave. As to pitch movement (Toporišič calls it inclination angle) the shape of the tonic could be: rising, falling or level.
ToporiSič's English summary of his results follows: The main relevant element of the opposition between the acute accent and the circumflex is the difference in the realized height of the arsis (= accented syllable, note T. S.), which is especially significant in the first measure of a segment and generally in the measures under the sentence stress. When this part fails, it can be replaced by the quotient arsis/thesis (thesis = postaccented syllable, note T. S.); when the latter is also neutralized the question of tonemicity is preserved (differently according to different measures, and especially according to sentence intonation) also by the inclination of the shape of the arsis, whereas the weakest distinctive force is given to the shape of the tonic movement of the arsis. This survey, although short, would be deficient if we did no; mention the work done on Slovene accentology in lexicography and by lexicographers.
The first and so far the only complete dictionary in which word accent is marked is Pleteršnik's Slovene-German dictionary (1894/95). Its lexicon and accentuation are in many cases out of date or are influenced by various dialects (Rigler 1968, 196). The same applies to inflectional accent alternations as defined by Valjavec, Škrabec, Breznik and Ramovš (Rigler 1968, 196).

1.13
The Dictionary of Standard Slovene of the Slovene Academy of Seiences and A rts (1970,1975,1979,1985) has word accent marked, but is as yet not complete. Four volumes have been published so far, but the last has not yet appeared. When this is completed a norm as to which accent to use with single words will be set. Jakob Rigler, the late editor of this part of the dictionary, however, was very careful not to commit himself (personal communication 24 Nov. 1983) as to what exactly happened phonetically on an acute or circumflex. He distinguished the two accents very well by ear, but could not tell exactly how this was realized in terms of pitch, tone-contour, intensity or length. He therefore preferred the expressions circumflex -acute, and not falling -rising, or high pitched ‫-‬ low pitched. He thought that Toporišič in his study (1Э68, 1970, 1972) overemphasized the role of pitch to the detriment of the other parameters, especially tone-contour.
In his introduction to the Dictionary Rigler worked out the accent types in inflected forms of presentday SS.
In reply to Kolarič's assertion (in the commentary by Kolarić on the reprinting of Pleteršnik's Dictionary in 1974 at the end of the book) that Slovene word accent should be studied experimentally from dialect to dialect, Rigler said (1976, 286-287) th at this holds of course only for the character (T. S. emphasis) of the intonation, but not at all for the classification (T. S. emphasis) of a word as to accent. gler was convinced that for the identification of the 2 accent types the ear was still the most reliable apparatus -naturally an ear tuned to the tonemic system under study.
gler was further of the opinion that when identifying accent one should do it live. It is very difficult if not impossible to work with recorded material. It is well known that phonemes and tonemes occur within a certain range and they may be realized on the very border of it or even somewhat beyond it. When later listening to such an utterance one sees that one has not pronounced it well. Listening to the same recorded utterance a hundred times you will hear the same thing a hundred times. But if a live person repeats an utterance he will pronounce it differently a second time and the phoneme or toneme will be identifiable. Imprecise realizations cannot be solved by experimental methods either.
Rigler looked at the Slovene word accent primarily from the point of view of a lexicographer who is concerned with an accurate accent type identification in the pronunciation of SS speakers in Ljubljana. He was concerned with what Isačenko (1974, 201) called "jeder Wortform zukommende (inhärente) Intonation ausserhalb des Kontextes", and therefore developed this method of working with his informants.
1.14 In actual life of course words appear in context and there is then a perpetual interplay between word-tone and sentence-tone. Toporišič (1968) and Neweklowsky (1973) made their accent studies from this point of view, while Ivić and Lehiste in their earlier sonagraphic studies (1963,1965,1967,1970,1972) tried to capture accent type in Serbo-Croatian in a neutral sentence intonation position in its "pure" form, and later also in sentences (1978). Both are valid methods so long as you are aware what you are doing.
1.15 Although word accent in Slovene was early identified and its lexicon classified as to accent type in the dictionary by PleterSnik already by the end of the 19th century, the researchers relying only on their ears have had great problems in describing what actually happens in phonetic terms to the two accents. Broch (p. 325), Vodušek (p. 21), and Toporišič (1967, 64-65), all three agree that based on perception only, it is difficult, if not impossible, to say what exactly happens on an accented syllable in Slovene. We have just mentioned Rigler's opinion on this. Broch attributed this difficulty to the smaller pitch intervals found in Slovene as compared with Serbo-Croatian (p. 326). T hat the pitch difference between the circumflex and the acute was particularly small in SS as spoken in Ljubljana compared with other Slovene dialects was discovered by Vodušek (p. 31).
Comparing the findings and speculations of all this research with one another and with our sonagraph findings, one comes to the conclusion th at most of these observations were right, but incomplete, as the researchers could not see the situation in its entirety, and as clearly as one can do this with the help of modern technology. It is to be hoped that the present investigation will shed some light on the relationship between perceptual interpretation and acoustic representation.
Word accent in Slovene has therefore never been phonetically codified, is ignored in the orthoepic dictionaries and is not taught in schools or university. The general attitude is: word accent cannot be taught, either you have it or you do not. You acquire it in your early youth if you live in tonematic surroundings. So two types of SS exist side by side: the non-tonematic variant and the tonematic one freed of explicit dialect colouring. * * *

1.16
If we refer to the most important experimental post war research on tonemes in Slovene (Vodušek 1961, Tbporišič 1968, Neweklowsky 1973) the present standpoint is: word accent in SS is primarily concerned with pitch relationships between stressed and poststressed syllables in barytones, and in oxytones the role of the stressed and poststressed syllable are telescoped into one syllable. Thus the circumflex accent has a higher tonic and lower posttonic, and the acute a lower tonic and a higher posttonic. On an oxytone the first half of the tonic has the function of the tonic and the second half of the posttonic. The circumflex is thus a high pitched and the acute a low pitched accent. Contour is irrelevant. Neweklowsky in his sonagraphic investigation of Slovene Carinthian dialects found the same conditions in the dialect of Podjunska dolina/Jauntal and in Ziljska dolina/Gailtal, while in Rož/Rosental tone contour of the tonic + posttonic were relevant (1973,231,244,(234)(235)  2) to measure the intrinsic frequencies of Slovene stressed and unstressed vowels as nobody had previously done this; 3) to study word accent in SS in its "pure" form, as far as possible independent of sentence intonation, which had not previously been done; to study word accent context free in its intrinsic form; in short to study word accent in the form in which a lexicographer defines word accent from the perceptive angle, while I would try to find out its acoustic correlates; 4) I was further curious to see how far word accent as defined in SSKJ correlates with the actual usage of speakers of SS in Ljubljana (in so far as this is possible to study on so small a corpus as this one); 5) to study word accent under the influence of sentence intonation in greater detail and with more informants than has been done so far; to measure the frequency of accented and postaccented vowels at more points so as to obtain at least a stylized contour and to study its role, and to obtain numerical d ata on pitch movement; to find out the role length has in connection with accent; 6) as all the acoustic d ata are irrelevant unless we know how they are per- The words in the corpus appear in their ordinary spelling, eccept the 3 vowel phonemes /ę /, Д>/, and sometimes /a / which differ from ordnaiy spelling. Therefore some basic pronunciation rules of SS should be menioned: The voiced obstruents (non-sonorants) /b , d, g, z, ž, j / in final position and before Both T. Logar and U. Snedic cooperated with the late Jakob Rigler as main informants in m atters of word accent in SSKJ. Both work by ear and identify Slovene word accent auditorily. When identifying accent Logar listens to both the accented and postaccented syllable in barytones, and he listens to both pitch and contour. Snedic says that she concentrates on the pitch contour of the accented syllable, regardless of whether there is a postaccented syllable or not. She considers pitch in absolute terms (acute -low, circumflex -high) irrelevant. W hat counts is the pitch contour of the accented syllable.

2.4
The CORPUS was recorded in a studio of the broadcasting station of Ljubljana (Ju and Ka in 1981, Pi in 1982) on a Philips stereo 4408 recorder. The tape speed was 7.5 inch./sec. The sonagrams were made at the PedagoSka akadēmija in Ljubljana on a Kay Sona-Graph Model 6061-B. Three displays were made of each unit: a wide-band sonagram for the study of duration of each syntagm, a magnified narrow-band display for the study of frequency, and an amplitude display for the study of relative intensity.
The speakers were asked to speak at their normal speed, neither slow nor fast, and to keep it up throughout the recording session. Ju and Ka followed these instructions, while Pi's nonsense series and single word series were spoken at a quicker speed than the rest of the corpus.
The text of the corpus is in the appendix. The corpus is described at the beginning of the chapters dealing with the corresponding parts of it.
2.5 It is well known th at the sensitivity of an electroacoustic apparatus and that of the human ear differ (for a detailed study of this see Neweklowsky 1973, 49-70). This fact should be kept in mind when evaluating d a ta obtained with a spectrograph. To mention just a few: generally speaking the human ear can perceive vowel quality clearly only when a vowel is at least 40 msecs. long; the pitch changes of a tone contour only if the segment under study is at least 100 msecs. long and the pitch changes amount to at least 14-17.5% of the fundamental frequency (Neweklowsky 1973, 58-59); it appears th at in the range 14 Tatjana Srebot-Rejec -9783954792146 Downloaded from PubFactory at 01/10/2019 04:04:59AM via free access of the duration of speech sounds the just noticeable differences in duration are between 10 and 40 msecs. depending on the duration of the sound (Lehiste 1970, 13). On intensity see p. 56.
2.6 Vowel duration was measured in wide-band spectrograms. Since the corpus was recorded in ideal conditions and the speakers were chosen because their voices yielded clear spectrograms, the segmentation into vowels and consonants did not present any additional problems. For the usual problems connected with segmentation see Peterson & Lehiste 1960, 694-698. Vowel duration was defined with the help of voicedness and the corresponding formants. Diphthongs were measured either as one unit or as two in cases where the transition from one vowel to the other was relatively sudden and clear; in both cases the duration of the whole diphthong is evident. When two figures denote the duration of a pure vowel in end position, the first applies to the vowel proper and the second to the period of pure phonation without the particular vowel resonance (i.e. without the formants). In addition to the closure and stop period plosives contain the periods of frication and aspiration at the release stage. In this respect our segmentation differs from that of Peterson and Lehiste. The fricative p art of a plosive which with certain speakers in final position may be extremely long was ignored. The measurements of sound duration made on the wide-band spectrograms were helpful for the segmentation of the corresponding narrow-band spectrograms in which the frequency contours of single sound segments were measured. And vice versa: sudden frequency changes in narrowband spectrograms sometimes helped to segment a less clear transition from one sound to another. The frequencies not only of vowels, but also of sonorants belonging to the same syllable were measured if they formed a continuous unit with the preceding vowel.

2.7
The basics of Slovene accent and the meaning of the word "accent" as used here.
In English, and probably in many other languages, the most important indicator of stress is pitch (Fry 1955(Fry , 1958Bolinger 1958). This is not so in Slovene. Stress and pitch may not coincide. W hether they do or not depends on the word-tone, the tone pattern realized on a word. Another prosodic feature intimately connected with stress and word-tone is length. We shall use the expression word accent or just accent for the result of the interaction between stress, length and pitch as realized on a word in Slovene independently of sentence intonation (Lehiste & Ivić 1978, 100-101). Accent here means the place in a word where the culmination of prosodic features occurs (Hyman 1978, 4).
Stress and accent always coincide in Slovene. Every stressed word can have only one stress and one accent in Slovene. It can be on any syllable of a word, although with a particular word it is generally fixed. This syllable can be either a stem or an ending. There are two distinctive accents in Slovene: Tatjana Srebot-Rejec -9783954792146 Downloaded from PubFactory at 01/10/2019 04:04:59AM via free access accent 1 (also called circumflex), and accent 2 (also called acute); the former traditionally considered falling, and the latter rising. One can study word accent best when it is realized in neutral sentence intonation position. When a non-final syllable is accented in a word, the syllable following the tonic, the posttonic, is also important. The phonological feature distinguishing the two accents is the pitch difference between the end of the tonic and the beginning of the posttonic called "the jum p" in this investigation. The circumflex accent has a jum p down, and the acute a jump up. The domain of accent in this case is the accented and postaccented syllable.
Although the shape and pitch of the tonic are not of crucial importance for accent definition, they support the accent type when we have to do with a typical accent realization.
Vowels can be either stressed or unstressed. Stressed vowels are longer than the same vowel phonemes when unstressed. A stressed vowel is long in the type of educated Slovene as spoken by our three informants. Length is not an independent variable, a phonological feature, but a phonetic one supporting the perception of stress (see p. 211). Although with the acute the posttonic is higher in pitch, and with the circumflex the tonic, it is always the tonic th at is perceived as stressed.
Finally accented words have no posttonic and no jump. The most important feature, the one that is of phonological importance with barytones, the jump, is missing in oxytones. The contour of an oxytone can be rising (R), rising-falling (RF), falling-rising (FR), falling (F) or level (L).
The spectrograms show certain recurring contours. In non-finally accented words the accented syllable forms with the following syllable certain patterns which differ with the circumflex and acute. A formalized list of these patterns (FoPs -fundamental frequency patterns) is found on p. XXI.
2.8 Slovene is a pitch accent language. Hyman (1978Hyman ( , 1-4, 1981 distinguishes between (a) tone languages, (b) accent languages and (c) languages which combine tone and accent in intricate ways. Tone is necessarily realized as a particular pitch pattern whereas accent need not be realized as a pitch pattern (i.e. in the case of "stress accent", e.g. English), though accent can itself be realized as a pitch pattern, namely in the case of "pitch accent" . But Hyman sees the crucial difference in the function of tone and accent rather than in their realization: tone is "distine‫-‬ tive" , i.e. it involves paradigmatic contrasts; whereas accent is "culminative" in Trubetzkoy's sense -i.e. it involves syntagmatic relations, and, for instance, enables one to identify the number of words in an utterance if all words carry one and only one accent.
Stress accents have no inherent pitch properties of their own, but rather receive all of their prosodic realization from the physical properties of the intonational patterns under which they occur. Tonal accents (also pitch accents)

16
Tatjana Srebot-Rejec -9783954792146 Downloaded from PubFactory at 01/10/2019 04:04:59AM via free access defmitionally have an isolatable physical pitch property of their own which cannot be related in any way to intonation. Tone always appears in connection with stress in Slovene. Every word has only 1 stress and consequently 1 accent. Though stress and accent are connected, tonal peak and stress need not coincide. The syntagmatic relation in this case is more im portant than the paradigmatic one. The stronger a word is stressed, the more characteristic becomes its type of accent, the more easily it is distinguishable from its opposite number. Slovene is a language that combines tone and accent, a so-called pitch accent language.
Since the duration of Slovene vowels and their intrinsic frequency have not been experimentally and systematically studied yet (cf. p. 2-3) this has been attem pted in the present investigation. It is well known that vowels in all languages have inherent durations and frequencies (Fischer-Jørgensen 1955; Peterson & Lehiste 1960;Ivić & Lehiste 1963;Neweklowsky 1975;etc.). The closer a vowel, the shorter it tends to be and the higher is its frequency; the more open a vowel, the longer it tends to be and the lower is its frequency, / i / for example, is thus shorter and of higher frequency than / a / which is longer and of lower frequency than / i/.
3.2 It is moreover well known th at adjacent consonants have an influence on the duration and frequencies of a vowel. The influence of a consonant is primarily progressive as to frequency and regressive as to duration (Lehiste 1970, 20, 74).

3.3
The traditional tenets about stress and vowel duration in the grammar of SS (Toporišič 1984, 52) are: (1) Stress is free and can appear on any syllable in a word; (2) long vowels can appear only in stressed syllables; (3) unstressed vowels are always short; (4) a vowel in a finally stressed syllable can be either long or short, in a particular word only long or only short. Length is a distinctive feature; (5) /i, и, e, о, а / can be either long or short and thus can appear in stressed or unstressed syllables; /3/ can be only short, and can appear in stressed or unstressed syllables; /ę, о / can be only long, and thus can appear only in stressed syllables.
This may be presented as follows: Tenet 4 raises some doubts. If it did not hold, then length in presentday educated Slovene as spoken in Ljubljana would cease to be a distinctive feature, it would not be phonologically relevant any more, and would become a supportive feature of stress. I further believed that duration depended also on the structure of the syllable, that vowels in open syllables tended to be longer than those in closed syllables. I further wanted to study the extent of intrinsic vowel duration, and the duration relationships between stressed and unstressed vowels.

3.4
To eliminate the influence of adjacent consonants and to measure vowel duration in ideal conditions artificial nonsense words were created of different length and syllable structure, each word built on a certain vowel and a certain consonant, which were repeated as often as the structure of the word demanded it: the consonants were chosen so as to represent all the 4 manners of articulation (plosives, affricates, fricatives, sonorant consonants), always the voiceless and the voiced member of the pair where such exist. Of the 8 vowel phonemes 7 /i, u, ę, e, о, о, а / were said with the same group of consonants and with the same syllable patterns. The 8th vowel phoneme /э / is not represented systematically as the words with this vowel in all syllables would sound too artificial.
The word types adopted in the nonsense words: 1) ?V:CV ‫-‬ open stressed syllable (long)*, not preceded by a consonant in a disyllabic word, followed by an unstressed syllable; 2) CV'CV:CV -open stressed syllable (long)*, preceded by a consonant, in a trisyllabic word, so as to be preceded and followed by an unstressed syllable; 3) CV'CV:C -closed finally stressed syllable, long, preceded by an unstressed syllable; 4) CV'CVC -closed finally stressed syllable, short, preceded by an unstressed syllable.
The durations of vowels could thus be studied paradigmatically (intrinsic duration) and syntagmatically (stressed -unstressed), ignoring the influence of adjacent consonants. The nonsense words were stressed where intuitively the stress would most commonly appear on actual words. The text of the nonsense words is in the appendix (pp. 252-257). The words appear in the mid-position of a sentence frame. The 3 speakers were asked to pronounce them as if they were Slovene words and to incorporate them in the sentence so as to pronounce them free from sentence intonation. In mid-position sentence intonation influenee is at its weakest.
3.5 The frequencies were measured at the beginning and end of eveiy vowel and in between if a change of direction in the frequency movement took place. These figures were then averaged for each vowel in each syllable of every word separately, and then again so that the average frequencies of the 8 (or 7) Slovene vowel phonemes in stressed (open, closed/long, short) and unstressed (pre-/poststressed) positions, as they are found in the enclosed tables (pp. 33, 36, 38), were obtained.
When studying frequency the influence of the preceding consonant in the groups of words said with the same vowel could be ignored as all vowels appeared in exactly the same surroundings. W hat, however, could not be ignored was accent influence on frequency, although it is difficult to speak about accent proper in nonsense words.
If word accent type is an integral part of every word (semantically conditioned) and word-form (morphologically conditioned), these conditions are missing in nonsense words. W hat we have is only word structure. Although word structure is not decisive for a particular accent in a particular word, i* has a certain weight statistically: thus barytones accented on an open syllable tend to be acuted in SS and oxytones tend to be circumflexed to an even greater extent than the open syllabled barytones are acuted. So these general tendencies should show in the nonsense series. W hat should further appear are the idiosyncratic characteristics of each speaker (does he use accent at all, is he acute/circumflex orientated etc.).
3.6 Some general principles (GP) about vowel length that have emerged in the nonsense series: 1) Since every syllable must have a certain intrinsic length, a stressed (long) vowel is longest in an open syllable when forming this syllable without a preceding consonant (word type 1). 2) Vowels in the prestressed series are shortest because they are not stressed and are cut short by the following consonant (slots 5 and 6 in the tables). 3) Unstressed vowels in end position are longer and cannot really be measured. As there is no impedance to their duration phonation can continue (slots 7 and 8 in the tables). (Cf. also Neppert & Pétursson 1986, 161). 4) An intrinsically short vowel, though stressed, may be shorter than an intrinsically long vowel, though unstressed. In this case intrinsic duration prevails over stress duration. This fact is important because it explains why it is possible th at a stressed vowel may be shorter than the neighbouring unstressed. 5) Every vowel, regardless of its tongue position, must have a certain minimal length to be properly perceived. If the intrinsically longer vowels Tatjana Srebot-Rejec -9783954792146 Downloaded from PubFactory at 01/10/2019 04:04:59AM via free access (e.g. in unstressed position) are near this value, the intrinsically shorter vowels cannot be much shorter, or they would not be properly perceived as to their quality. The role of intrinsic duration can in this case become minimal. 6) Vowel length can be studied only with the same speaker, and only the relationships within the same speaker, not length in absolute terms. Each speaker has his length system. 7) The greater the durations in absolute terms, the bigger the differences in length tend to be. Thus the ratio between the stressed and unstressed versions of the same vowel when comparing the two corresponding variants is increasing as the tongue moves from close to open position, because the stressed (long) vowels are getting longer and longer, while the corresponding unstressed (short) variants do not change their duration much. As intrinsic duration plays a much greater role in stressed vowels than in un‫-‬ stressed the ratios between stressed/unstressed vowels increase as the intrinsic duration of stressed vowels increases from close to open vowels (GP 7, p. 22). The ratios between stressed/unstressed vowels may be different in actual words, where, however, they are much more difficult to measure because the situation generally is not so clear as with nonsense words where we have the same vowel and the same consonant in the stressed and unstressed syllable. Ka makes a perceptible difference between long and short vowels only with / a / and perhaps with / 0/ , short / i / and /e / are only slightly shorter, and short / и / is even slightly longer than long /и /. The length differences are not big enough to be linguistically relevant ( 10.5 1e: 11.0 '0: 11.3 *9: 12.0 ,a: 12.5 П І Duration depending on position. The vowels tend to be shorter as one progresses from column 1 to column 3 ( Table 2 Ka; Fig. 7a Ka, p. 49).
Vowels in an open syllable, forming that syllable without a preceding consonant are longest (column 1), followed by vowels in an open syllable preceded by a consonant (column 2). Another reason why vowels in column 1 tend to be longest is the fact that we have a disyllabic word in column 1, and a trisyllabic in column 2. The longer a word, the shorter its sounds tend to be. This tendency, however, is weaker than length differences due to intrinsic duration or to the fact that a vowel only forms the syllable. A vowel in a closed syllable with Ka tends to be shorter than the same vowel in the same surroundings in an open syllable (columns 2 and 3). This tendency with Ka overrules the length of word tendency: trisyllabic words with an open stressed syllable (column 2) tend to have a longer vowel than a disyllabic word with a closed syllable (column 3).  (Table 2 Ka, columns 5 and 6). Their duration varies very little, and the duration differences are too small to be perceived. We cannot speak about intrinsic duration here. There is some trace of it only with / a / in column 6 (GPs 2 and 5, p. 21).
Poststressed open syllables (columns 7 and 8) cannot be properly measured as to duration since phonation can continue without any hindrance in final position (GP 3, p. 21). Ka's /u/sounds show this clearly. We cannot speak about intrinsic duration here either.

Comparison between stressed and unstressed vowels
Ka's vowels in general are relatively short ( Table 2 Ka). This applies especially to stressed vowels and to a lesser degree to unstressed. The ratio between stressed and prestressed vowels with Ka is thus relatively small, or the percentages of the durations of the unstressed vowels as compared with the stressed relatively high.  Fig. 7a Pi 4> -5 and 4<-5, p. 54). His expected short vowels are even slightly longer on the whole than the corresponding expected long vowels (6.7 : 6.9 csecs, averaged). This difference, however, is too small to be perceptible. П Intrinsic duration. Stressed long / i / and / a / are still the shortest and the longest vowel, respectively. The order of duration of the single vowels within these two extremes, however, is a bit confused. The averaged values in centiseconds of stressed long vowels (columns 1, 2 and 3) are: 30 'i: 6.5 '0: • 6.5 'u: 6.9 'e: The overall contour of the averaged durations of the single vowels, however, if linked, is still convex with some possible deviations at both ends of the convex contour ( Fig. 7a Pi, p. 54). П І Duration conditioned by position. Stressed vowels in an open syllable when forming this syllable by themselves (column 1) arc the longest. The differences in duration between stressed long vowels in open and closed syllables however, are not systematic (Table 2 Pi, columns 2 and 3).
Prestressed syllables when averaged tend to be shorter than poststressed (GPs 2 and 3, p. 21), though values vary within the two groups. There are cases where poststressed vowels are shorter than prestressed (/i/, / e / in Table 2 Pi, column 7; Fig. 4a Pi, p. 51). The averaged durations of prestressed syllables do not quite follow the expected pattern of intrinsic durations. The shortest vowel is / и / , followed by /о /, /e /, / i / and / a / , which is the longest (Figs. 5a Pi and 6a Pi, pp. 52 and 53).

.7 ..3
Comparison between stressed and unstressed vowels.The ratio of duration stressed : prestressed vowel is the lowest with Pi and never reaches 1.50 (or 50%). Vowel duration varies a lot with the three speakers. Ju has the greatest lengths and consequently his differences between stressed long vowels in open and closed syllables, and between stressed long and stressed short vowels, and between stressed and unstressed vowels are biggest. His duration relationships are also most systematic. Pi's vowels, on the other hand, are shortest and his duration relationships are least systematic.
If we compare vowel length in absolute terms, we see that J u 's unstressed vowels are as long as P i's stressed (Ju 6.8-8.4 csecs., Pi 6.5-8.8 csecs.). Pi adopts the speed of "allegro" speech in the nonsense series. This shows quite clearly th at duration is a m atter of relations, not absolute figures (GP 6, p. 22). Neweklowsky in his study of Carinthian dialects (1973,46) found the same state of affairs. Each speaker has his length system, the greater the durations in absolute terms, the bigger the differences in length tend to be. J u 's long stressed vowels range from 9.7 to 16.8 csecs., a 7.1 csecs, range, Ka's from 8.2 to 12.5 csecs., a 4.3 csecs, range, and P i's from 6.5 to 8.8 csecs., a 2.3 csecs, range.
Tatjana Srebot-Rejec -9783954792146 Downloaded from PubFactory at 01/10/2019 04:04:59AM via free access Intrinsic vowel duration differences exist with all 3 speakers, although their range depends on duration in absolute terms. An overall generalization of Slovene vowels arranged as to their intrinsic duration might yield the following arrangement: i, u; ę, e, o, o; a. In the groups separated by a semicolon a rearrangement is possible.
With all 3 speakers the vowels are longest in an open stressed syllable forming that syllable on their own, without a preceding consonant (column 1). Ju is the only speaker that can make a perceptible distinction (1.9 csecs, on the average) between long and short vowels in closed finally stressed syllables in the nonsense series. Ka's expected averaged short vowels are throughout shorter than the expected averaged long vowels, but the distinction is not in all cases big enough to be perceptible. Pi is not systematic in his finally stressed expected long vowel and expected short vowel series. Some vowels are longer in the expected averaged long vowel series and some in the expected short vowel series. The overall averaged figures at the bottom of columns 3 and 4 show that the vowels in the expected short series are longer on the whole than in the expected long vowel series.
Ju makes a perceptible distinction in length between stressed (long) vowels in open syllables and stressed long vowels in closed syllables, 2.2 csecs, on the average. W ith Ka the vowels in an open syllable (except / a / ) a llo n g e r than the same vowels in a closed syllable, but the difference often is not big enough to be really perceptible. Pi again, is unpredictable: sometimes it is in the open, and sometimes in the closed syllable, that the stressed vowel is longer.   (Table 3 Ju, columns 1 and 2) are the lowest in pitch, and the highest in the stressed syllable series are the two contours with vowels occurring in closed syllables (Table 3 Ju, columns 3 and 4; Fig. 7b Ju, p. 44). In actual words finally accented closed syllables are predominantly circumflex, have thus higher frequencies than open syllables, in which the acute with lower frequencies is more common.
It is not really possible to arrange the vowels as to their intrinsic frequency because the measured frequencies are the result of intrinsic frequency and the Slovene word accent. We will therefore quote the vowel frequencies in Hz from the lowest to the highest in an open syllable series (column 1, 2-4) where all the utterances are acute-like (i.e. relatively low) and in a closed syllable series (column 3, 4> -5) where they are circumflex-like (i.e. relatively high): The range of the acute-like series is 33 Hz; and the range of the circumflexlike series is 30 Hz.

Unstressed vowels
The frequencies of the vowels in prestressed position are the lowest in pitch (Table 3 Ju, columns 5 and 6; Figs. 4b Ju and 5b Ju, pp. 41 and 42). Although these are nonsense words and the type of accent realized on them is a m atter of apparent chance, not choice, Ju, in these words, uses the acute pattern. This refleets the general tendency of the Slovene language mentioned by Rigler that in the word type / ,CVrCV/ the acute accent was more common (Rigler 1968,198).
In trisyllabic words, also with a stressed open syllable (Table 3 Ju, columns 2 and 8), although the acute pattern is much more common than the circumflex, the pattern adopted seems to be vowel dependent: / i / and / 0/ are predominantly circumflex-like and the rest acute-like. But a closer look at  Table 3 Ka are found at the end of this chapter on pp. 45-49.
Tatjana Srebot-Rejec -9783954792146 Downloaded from PubFactory at 01/10/2019 04:04:59AM via free access T he average frequencies of the single vowels if combined form an overall concave contour, although there may be some smaller deviations within it. The pitch differences between the 4 contours representing stressed vowels are small and the pitch opposition low -high in open -closed syllables is not so clear. This is so because both barytones (open syllables) and oxytones (closed syllables) are circumflex-like (Figs. 3b Ka-6b Ka, pp. 45-48).
As to intrinsic vowel frequency his vowel frequencies, whether in open or closed syllables, show some system in so far that / ,i:/ or / ,i/ generally are the highest vowels, followed by / ,u :/ or / ,и /, while / ,a:/ or / ,o :/ or /*0/ may be the lowest. The others are in between in any order ( Fig. 7b Ka, p. 49).

.8 .2 .2 Unstressed vowels
The inherent pitch differences, although less marked, are kept in the unstressed syllables as well.
Both the prestressed and the poststressed vowel nuclei are lower than the stressed. The 2 poststressed contours have the lowest frequencies. Especially low are those in disyllabic words (Table 3 Ka, column 7; Fig. 3b Ka, p. 45). W ith Ka the tonal peak in the nonsense words is definitely on the stressed syllable. Ka's word pattern clearly is circumflex-like. A pronunciation in which the circumflex accent, which is the unmarked accent (cf. p. 236), prevails, is a sign th at word accent in this type of pronunciation is on the wane.  Table 3 Pi. Average vowel frequencies in Hz in nonsense words. Table 3 Pi are found at the end of this chapter on pp. 50-54.

Figures to
Tatjana Srebot-Rejec -9783954792146 Downloaded from PubFactory at 01/10/2019 04:04:59AM via free access 3.8.3.1 Stressed and unstressed vowels P i's frequency figures still show a concave contour though a much more shallow one than Ju and Ka. The speed of his utterances in the nonsense series is "allegro speech" where duration and frequency range are decreased (cf. Neweklowsky 1981, 57). The frequency differences between single vowels are smaller than with both Ju and Ka. It is quite common that a certain vowel, whether long or short, in closed or open syllable, stressed or unstressed, has the same or almost the same frequencies, so most of the contours cluster together (Figs. 3b-7b Pi, pp. 50-54). The only exception are some stressed vowels in the disyllabic word type (Table 3 Pi, column 1; Fig. 3b Pi, p. 50), where the close and some half-close vowels have above average frequencies. The 3 jum ps up in the same series (on /*e:/, / 'a:/, and /*o:/) are small, and are the only acute-like patterns. All the other barytones are circumflex-like with small jumps down if they resemble any accent pattern at all. So most of Pi's utterances in his nonsense series either do not have the typical characteristics of an accent type or do not sound accented. As the pitch differences between single vowels are small, any small change in the different word types can bring about a different sequence. Only / '0:/ (or / ,o /) and / 1u :/ (or /41/) are consistently higher, the other vowels can appear in any order or disorder.

3.8.4
On the whole, we can say about Ju, Ka and Pi that in the nonsense group the expected intrinsic vowel durations appear more clearly and consistently than do the intrinsic frequencies, where accent interference is felt, or the "allegro" style of speech with Pi brings about a levelling out of expected frequency differences.
The convex/concave contours expressing the duration/frequency relationship between vowels (Figs. 3ab -7ab Ju, Ka, Pi) make one think that there is a fixed quantity of energy for their production. Therefore the more energy is channelled into duration, the less is left for frequency and vice versa. The complementary distribution of duration and frequency in vowels certainly gives rise to such thoughts.     Since the words were originally meant to form the Slovene part of a Slovene-English contrastive analysis corpus (sonagrams 557-682), they contain all the Slovene vowels in stressed and unstressed position and the diphthong-like combinations of vowels with / j / and /и /, and are some kind of "homonyms" to the corresponding English words (not dealt with in the present investigation). Because monosyllabic words are common in English and much less common in Slovene the number of monosyllabics is relatively big in the Slovene part of the corpus. This proved useful for the Slovene word accent studies, as there were thus enough examples of oxytones, about the accent of which less is known than about the word accent of barytones. 4.1.2 When breaking up the tone curves into smaller parts to formalize them, I tried to do it in such a way th at would show up the tone movements that might be im portant in the identification of the two accents. I tried to do it, moreover, in such a manner that the course of the tone curve could be reconstructed without any special effort, just looking at the figures. The original data on the accented syllable (= the tonic) have been kept as they contain basic information, all the other figures to the end of the curve are not the original ones. They are there to show the relationship with the tonic data or with each other.
My aim was to have all the frequency changes in figures, numerically expressed, and not only as a description of the direction a contour takes. T hat is why on accented and postaccented syllables besides the starting point and the end point any inbetween point was measured where a change of direction occurred (hardly ever more than one). Where there was no change of direction on the accented vowel, the middle frequency figures in the basic tables (if present) are the mathematical mean between the starting point (= starting frequency) and end point (= end frequency) of the accented vowel. The frequencies of the starting and end point do not tell anything about the tone curve, unless it is the shortest distance between the two points. It is only the third figure that tells whether the tone curve is concave or convex, and what the size of the pitch changes is. This third point is so far formalized in the tables (see Fig. 8, p. 57) as it is supposed to be in the middle of the tonic (posttonics hardly ever have this third point), which of course actually often may not be the case. In other words: the distance from the starting point to the change of direction point was not measured. The resulting contour is in this respect formalized and does not represent its exact course.
The frequency difference between the starting and end point of a vowel gives the exact extent of pitch movement which can be rising (marked + ) or falling (marked ‫.)-‬ Special attention was paid to the pitch difference between the end point of the accented vowel and the starting point of the postaccented vowel. This pitch difference can be either positive (up) or negative (down) and is disjunctive as a rule (only with sonorant consonants it may be continuous) and is therefore called "the jum p" . This frequency difference plays a crucial role in the perception of accent type as is evident from the identifications of the two interpreters. The average frequencies of the tonics and posttonics are in the basic tables because with vowels of shorter duration they might be nearer to the auditive perception than the original figures. In these instances they may show a more realistic picture of the pitch relationship between the tonic and posttonic, a relationship which I think is crucial for the identification of accent in barytones. The intensity peaks as seen in the amplitude displays in the sonagrams have also been marked in the basic tables although it is believed th at these data are less reliable and thus have a marginal role in accent identification. 0-0 means that it was not clear where the intensity peak was. Since the intensity peak is under the strong influence of the inherent intensity of a particular vowel and also depends on the neighbouring consonants, especially their manner of articulation and phonation, less attention was paid to these d ata and they were not further processed.  4.1.6 The sonagrams show certain recurring contours. In non-finally accented words the accented syllable, the tonic, forms with the following syllable, the posttonic, certain patterns which differ with the circumflex and the acute. W ithin each of these two groups certain phonetic variations are possible. A formalized list of these fundamental frequency patterns (FoPs) is found on p. XXI. Patterns th at do not agree with any in the list are called IP (indeterminate pattern). Often they are falling throughout with no halt anywhere. W ith Ju and Ka, but much less with Pi, the FoPs are an im portant indicator of accent in the single words. So, for example, in only three words out of 62 as spoken by Ju do both interpreters Lo and Sn agree to disagrees with the FoP.
With oxytones tone contour and pattern coincide, there is no jump. We therefore speak about a R, F, RF, FR, or L fundamental frequency contour (FoC). Tables 4, which are the basic lists, containing most d ata on each word, the two groups (barytones and oxytones) are each subdivided into three subgroups: the circumfiexed, the acuted, and the group less distinct as to accent. The two interpreters Lo and Sn are not always unanimous in their interpretation. Since one classification must precede we followed Lo's into the three groups. Where the two interpreters and the FbP agree the words in question are considered typical circumflexes/acutes. Even more interesting are the examples where they do not. It is this group that particular attention has been paid to for the light they throw on the interplay of duration, pitch movement and frequency in the perception of Slovene accent. As will emerge below, it is possible to draw various conclusions concerning which features are more or less important in different configurations, with different speakers and listeners.

In
Hardly ever do two utterances have exactly the same configuration of features. Although we are dealing only with duration, frequency and pitch movement, each utterance has a unique tone contour, the configuration possibilities being infinite. But each of them -or to be exact -most of them have certain characteristics, which result in the identification of one or other of the two accents. When the two interpreters have trouble in identifying the accent, I have tried to find out what exactly are the reasons for their difficulties. In his single word list Ju has 62 barytones. Of these 41 or 66% have an acute F0P, and 20, or 32% a circumflex FbP, and 1 has an IP (Summary Table 7 Ju, p. 99).
All the 4 averaged barytone acute FoPs (Figs. 9, 10, 11, 12, pp. 105, 106, 108) have a jum p up between the tonic and posttonic (+19 Hz, +13 Hz, +19 Hz, +15 Hz).  Hz respectively, the posttonic is falling, with maki steeply falling, so that the posttonic ends even lower than is the starting point of the tonic. In these cases the human ear cannot clearly perceive whether the posttonic is higher in pitch than the tonic or not. The acute prevails in J u 's barytones. Only one third of the barytones have a circumflexed FoP. In this group there is much less unanimity between Lo and Sn in accent evaluation than with acute FoPs. Of the 20 circumflex FoPs (Sum* mary Table 7 Ju, p. 99) Lo interprets 18 as circumflexed, and Sn only 9. Figs. 13 and 14 (pp. 108,109) represent these typical averaged barytone circumflexes perceived as such by Lo Sn. Both have a jum p down between the tonic and posttonic (-28 and -11 Hz). Patterns *1 and ' 2 both have a continuously relatively steeply rising tonic. W ith ~ 1 the tonal peak is reached before the end of the tonic, so th at the change of direction starts on the tonic and continues on the posttonic; with я 2 the tonal peak is at the very end of the tonic and the fall starts on the posttonic after a jump down between the tonic and posttonic. As Ju is acute orientated in his barytones, his tonal peak even on circumflexed words in pattern * 1 comes late, "at the last moment" so to say, and the fall on the tonic is indicated in Ju 's sonagrams rather than actually carried out. That is why Fig. 13 does not show the change of direction towards the end of the tonic so clearly.
Circumflexed tonics are expected to be shorter than acuted. They may start on the same level as the acuted, but while the acuted are slightly falling, falling-rising, and in some few cases only rising with Ju, the rise on acuted tonics is not so steep and so continuous as with the circumflex. W ith the acute accent the tonal peak is not on the tonic, but on the posttonic, the highest averaged frequency on a typical acute tonic is 114 Hz and on a typical circumflex 145 Hz, because the tonal peak is reached on it.
T hat Sn should have interpreted half of the circumflex patterns (Summary Tables 6 and 7 Ju, pp. 98, 99) as acuted is strange. Cases like 577 memorandum, 604 domena, 648 bajti, 676 teoloiki have a continuously rising tonic, a big enough jump down, so that their tonal peak is definitely on the tonic to be perceived as circumflexed. Or is it the length of the tonic which makes the rise so clearly perceptible that influenced Sn's judgement?
Sn must have here actually followed her own theoretical principle (ignored by her elsewhere) which has already been mentioned (p. 14) that on barytones too she defines accent by listening to the tonic only, and th at the circumflex is a falling accent and the acute a rising one.
The two cases with FoP 557) 4 ‫״‬ toki and 681 mâvnca) have a concave tonic though with a definitely rising overall pitch movement, 557 with a big jum p down and 681 with a zero jump down and both with a definitely falling posttonic. They are not so typically circumflexed because of their concave tonic.
590 âstma (Fig. 15a, p. 109), on the other hand, is an interesting case as it is the only instance with an acute FoP which was perceived by both Lo and Sn as circumflexed. It seems that the extra shortness of the tonic / a / and as a consequence a steeply rising tonic won over the big jump up in favour of a circumflex interpretation. Expected accent could have played its part as well.
The only other instance where both interpreters agree in their disagreement of the FoP are 617 budxzem and 622 rudntna (Figs. 15b and 15c Ju, p. 110) with accent on the suffixes. They both perceived the circumflex FoPs as acuted. The reasons for it: a very small jump down (-4 Hz, ‫-1‬ Hz) of less than a halftone, a long enough (9.1 and 10.6 csecs., while the averaged length of Ju 's stressed / i / in an open syllable in his nonsense word series is 8.2 csecs.) and low enough tonic on the vowel / i / , which is a vowel of small inherent duration and high inherent pitch. This only confirms the accent marking of the two words in SSKJ as either acuted or circumflexed.
The actual FoPs are shifted in favour of the acute: 41 (66%) have an acute FbP, 20 (32%) have a circumflex FoP, and 1 word has an indeterminate FoP.
All the expected barytone acutes have acute FbPs and are perceived by both interpreters as acutes. In addition 9 of the 27 expected barytone circumflexes have an acute FoP, 17 the expected circumflex FbP, and 1 has an IP. 7 of the unexpected acute FoPs are perceived as acuted by Sn while Lo perceives only 3 of these as acuted (Summary Table 6 Ju, p. 98).
Ju in his barytones is acute orientated. All the expected acutes have an acute FoP and are perceived as acutes by both judges. 9 of the 27 expected circumflexed barytones, moreover, have an acute FoP as well. They are in most cases perceived as acutes only by Sn and not by Lo.
The acute orientation of speaker Ju is confirmed by the FoP of the 10 words where the two accents can appear in free variation: 7 out of 10 have an acute FoP and with 1 exception are perceived by Lo and Sn as acuted.
As we can see from the above the two interpreters, too, are biased: Lo shows a circumflex orientation and Sn an acute. This attitude does not show in the 25 typically acuted words where there is complete agreement between SSKJ, the FoPs and Lo and Sn's auditive perception, or in the 7 acuted FoPs (Sn 7 ' , Lo 6 ‫׳‬ ) in the SSKJ-free-variation-series. The 8 utterances, for example, with a circumfiexed F0P in the expected circumflex series (557, 577, 601, 604, 645, 648, 676, 681) interpreted as acuted by Sn, and the 4 circumflex perceptions of Lo's (584, 594, 646, 682) in the 9 utterances with an acute F0P in the expected circumflex series confirm that Sn is acute-biased and Lo circumflex-biased. Sn heard 82% of the barytones as acuted and Lo 58%.
Or should we rather say: Sn will hardly ever miss an acute FbP and Lo a circumflex.
Typical circumflexes and acutes are perceived by both Lo and Sn as circumflexes and acutes. Sn, moreover, hears the less typical acutes as acutes too, and Lo the less typical circumflexes as circumflexes. In the in-between-area, between an acute and a circumflex, Sn is acute-biased, and Lo circumflexbiased.
Tb sum up: Ju uses both accent types. The expected acute barytones are realized as acuted and some of the expected circumflexes as well, while the others are realized as circumfiexed. Ju is acute orientated. A typical acute has a concave tonic with a slightly negative pitch movement, a jum p up between the tonic and the posttonic, and generally a posttonic with rising pitch movement. A typical circumflex has a continuously more steeply rising tonic, a jump down between the tonic and posttonic, and a more or less steeply falling posttonic. Ju has 75 oxytones in his single word list. Of these 48 or 64% have a rising contour, 8 or 11% a rising-falling, 6 or 8% a falling, 10 or 13% a fallingrising, and 3 or 4% a level contour (Summary Table 8 Ju, p. 99).
As to average vowel duration the longest are the falling-rising, 18.3 csecs., followed by the rising, 14.3 csecs., rising-falling 11.6 csecs., falling 10.4 csecs., and level 7.9 csecs., respectively. This is in agreement with the figures on the length of vowels in nuclear position in different sentence intonation patterns. There too, rising nuclei are longer than falling (cf. p. 138).
On account of accent type interference with Ju fall-rises and rises are Ionger than rise-falls. The level oxytone is shortest, where the vowel is not long enough, often because it is not stressed enough to change its level.
A rising contour, which with Ju is the prevailing contour in oxytones, can be perceived as either circumfiexed or acuted (Figs. 16a Ju and 16b Ju, p. I l l ) , depending on the steepness of the rise, on pitch and on vowel length. via free access a circumflex oxytone is a little shorter, steeper and has a wider pitch range than an acute oxytone. The duration difference of 2 csecs, found in the 16a Ju and 16b Ju versions of the two accents can be well perceived by the human ear. Besides this constant difference of duration there may be a difference of a halftone between the two accents; or the circumflex may start even lower than the acute, butthough shorter -end higher in pitch than the acute. The contour of a circumflex is consequently steeper and has a wider pitch range than th at of an acute. Lo's and Sn's evaluations of 12 identical words as acuted out of 48 shows that all these differences can be well perceived by a tonematically trained linguist.
Let us now take a close look at some of the 15 actual sonagrams (12 R, 3 FR) classified by both Lo and Sn as acuted or less distinctly acuted. All the tonics are rising, the rise is a little delayed, often preceded by a slight fall, so small th at it generally cannot be perceived as a fall, only a delay of the rise, not evident in the basic frequency data in Table 4 Ju (p. 85) (nos. 566/3, 608, 609/2, 611,619, 635; 612, 643, 671 -the last three with a definite fall before the rise). In the second half of the accented syllable there is a definite rise, which however is smaller than on a corresponding circumflexed syllable. The vowels are definitely longer than with the corresponding circumflexes. This fact also lessens the steepness of the rise. They might be lower in pitch than with the same vowel when circumflexed, but not necessarily. Compare e.g. the pitch of the acuted /í/s in nos. 566/3, 634, 642 with that of the circumflexed / 1/s in 559, 560, 561, 567, where this difference holds; or the pitch of acuted / á / in 609 with circumflexed / а / in 586/2, or of acuted / ú / in 619 with circumflexed / ú / in 627, where it does not. Only such examples have been chosen where Lo and Sn agree in their interpretation.
If the accented vowel exceeds a certain length and its pitch range is at the same time decreased rather than increased, the typical tone contour in this case is almost level in its first half and rising towards the end. Sn perceives such a contour as non-accented ( Fig. 17 Ju, contour B, p. 112). Of the 14 nonaccented utterances as perceived by Sn the averaged В contour shows extra long vowels with a small voice range (15 Hz) and with an end pitch th at slightly exceeds the end pitch of a typical circumflex. Sn perceives these examples as non-accented because on account of their great duration they do not have a sufficiently rising contour. As she said herself she heard them as too long and too level with too small a rise at the very end to be either circumflexed or acuted. As soon as the accented syllable is shortened, its starting frequency slightly lowered, and its pitch movement increased ( Fig. 18 Ju, p. 112) Sn perceives such a contour as acuted. Interesting in this respect are the three realizations of the same word p ęt 640 and 647 have exactly the same duration, both start on the same frequency, differ widely in pitch movement (+3, +17 Hz) but are both classified by Sn as 581 definitely shorter and with a markedly bigger rise (+27 Hz) is considered a distinct circumflex.
Lo's mind works differently here. He pays most attention to pitch, then to length, and then to contour. Sn, on the other hand, is more sensitive to contour, which is the result of duration and pitch movement, and less to pitch. Fig. 18 gives the averaged values of the borderline cases perceived as still acuted by Sn and already circumflexed by Lo.
If we examine all the six sonagrams in question (566/2 dvê, 589 akôrd, 592 katalog, 628 Лига, 632 samìnj) we can see that in all the cases there is some reason for Sn's acute interpretation. 566/2, 589, 592, 628 -all have a delayed rise (589, 592 not so explicitly) and are long enough to be classified among the acutes. 589, 592, 628, moreover, are low in pitch. 566/2 dvê (Sn ' ) has the same average frequency as 581 pęt (Sn ‫״‬ ). The classification criteria, here, seem to be length and contour (= pitch movement) with pitch as a supportive feature.
The last two words of the six that Sn considers acuted 632 and 638 have a continuous and not a delayed rise. If we compare 638 imçj with the earlier 635 glēj (which Lo and Sn defined as ' ), imêj is much longer than glēj and so despite its great pitch movement of +27 Hz, which however is spread over a long period of time, supported by a relatively low pitch, Sn interprets imêj as acuted too.
/ í / has the shortest inherent duration among all the Slovene vowels and therefore Sn perceives it in 632 39m7nj as a definite acute (= very long and low in pitch; 9.8 csecs, is long for the intrinsically short / 9/ ) and in 629 рэз (not averaged in Fig. 18 Ju) she interprets it as a less distinct acute ( ' ‫,)*-*‬ as it is a little shorter and higher in pitch, but is perceived as definitely too long for a circumflex. W hat Lo still considers the right length for a circumflex, Sn already feels too long for it.
In 571 diem, 578 cemè'nt, 597 räd> 625 lûk> all with a rising tonic, Sn could not make up her mind whether they were acuted or circumflexed, although she was sure that they were accented. It seems that the length factor (in 571 and 578 the sequence vowel + sonorant consonant may be perceived as length) drew Sn's identification into the acute region, and the relatively big pitch movement into the circumflex region. About díêm which has only a small rise, and that initially, not delayed, Sn stated categorically that it certainly was accented but neither acuted nor circumflexed.
In 583 reżim and 672 soldât Sn vacillated between an acute and a nonaccented interpretation. Vowel duration and the low pitch could point to an acute, but the pitch movement (+20 and +17 Hz) not.
A rise-fall is a typically circumflex contour, so none of the 8 rise-falls is 63 Tatjana Srebot-Rejec -9783954792146 Downloaded from PubFactory at 01/10/2019 04:04:59AM via free access perceived by either interpreter as acuted. If a rise-fall is especially long (576 medên, 652 -daj), Sn considers it non-accented. Falling-rising is a contour found with Ju in some of his utterances that have a relatively long vowel. As it is a contour typical of Ju in acuted barytone tonics, some of the longer utterances within this group (612 poły 643 kraj, 671 sold) were interpreted by both Lo and Sn as acuted. Sn was mostly in doubt about the rest, and Lo interpreted them as circumfiexed.
A falling contour in neutral sentence intonation position is either the resuit of weak stress, or the sentence intonation is not really neutral but falling. Sn therefore perceives only two words as definitely circumfiexed, one where the fall is weak (586 hud), and one where the vowel is so short that the fall cannot be perceived (618 к ftp). About the other 4 cases she is in doubt, or considers them not accented. Lo defines them all as circumfiexed.
The three level oxytones have a relatively short vowel followed by a voiceless plosive. Two (559 3ti, 627 produkt) are too short for the tone contour to be perceived. W hat makes them circumfiexed is probably the overall pitch. 593 mák or mák seems to be long enough for Sn to perceive it as having a level contour and she therefore interprets it as non-accented.
The many zero and undecided classifications by Sn in the oxytone series are a sign that she did not feel at home with many of J u 's utterances. In the few cases where the pitch movement is small (568, 634, 661) this must have been the reason for Sn's zero classifications, while in the rest the greatest stumbling-block for her was the great length of the accented vowels in the words in question, 16.2 csecs, on the average (Fig. 17 Ju, B, p. 112). This then affected the contour, which was not rising enough to be considered accented.
The main reason for this is the fact that J u 's SS is under a weak influenee of the Lower Carniolan dialect and thus has longer vowels than Sn's SS on an Upper Carniolan basis. The shape of the contour largely depends on its duration. Two tonics with the same pitch movement (i.e. frequency difference between the starting point and end point of the tonic) may vary greatly in the shape of their contours if the two tonics are not of approximately the same duration. A particular contour is always the result of pitch movement and duration. Besides these two elements the listener is, to a smaller or greater extent, also influenced by pitch. If one oversimplifies matters, one feels tempted to say that Lo, on the other hand, was very careful as to what constitutes an acuted oxytone, and classified the remainder by exclusion as circumflex. Lo's relatively lew less distinct classifications, however, show th at m atters are not quite as simple as that.
To sum up the characteristics of Ju 's oxytones: 1) an accented oxytone should have a rise; 2) the F0C can be: rising (most common), rising-falling, falling-rising (less c) a fall-rise, if long enough, is acuted, otherwise it is ambiguous; d) a level or falling contour is a sign of too weak stress and may be perceived as unaccented; 3) A very long tonic is interpreted as unaccented by Sn.  Table 5 Ka, p. 100). While all of J u łs expected acutes were interpreted by Lo and Sn as acuted, with Ka only 39% are interpreted by them as acuted, and almost half of them they both consider circumflexed. The circumflex accent has consequently supplanted almost half of the expected acutes. The percentage of expected circumflexes identified as such is much higher. A good 2/3 of the expected circumflexes are really circumflexed. Of considerable interest is the relatively high percentage of acutes in this series (15% -4 cases). About K a's accent we can say: only a good third of the expected acutes are realized as acutes, while 2/3 of the expected circumflexes are realized as such. In spite of the fact th at Ka is circumflex orientated on the whole the 15% of unexpected realized acutes in the expected circumflex group are a sign that the changes of accent are two-way: the main stream from acute to circumflex, and a small stream from circumflex to acute. The cases in SSKJ where the two accents can appear in free variation with the same word are a sure indicator that Ka is circumflex biased: with barytones 56% of them are typically circumflex (with Ju 80% typically acuted), and with oxytones even 83% are circumflexed (with Ju 57% acuted).

.3 Speaker Ka
On the whole the figures in the slots where Lo and Sn disagree in their judgements are considerably lower with Ka than with Ju (Summary Tables 5,  6, 7, 8 Ka, pp. 100-101). Sn had no problems here to interpret Ka as she had with Ju. The number of non-accented classifications is negligible.
The relationship between expected accent and interpreted accent is 39% with acutes and 67% with circumflexes (Summary Table 5 Ka, p. 100). The correspondence between FoPs and their interpretation is much better as we have to do this time with the same actual realization of a word -once from the point of view of acoustic phonetics and once from the point of view of perceptual phonetics. The two judges agree with 87% of acute and 76% of circumflex FbPs. (Summary Table 7 Ka, p. 101). W ith "Lo only" in the same table the acute agreement rises to 100%.
The 10 words (= 22% disagreement on the circumflex FoPs) in Table 7 Ka that are perceived as circumflex by one of the judges, not by both, show that they are circumflexed, but not typically circumflexed (Table 9 Ka, p. 67). We have made a list of them as well as of 2 acute FoPs with their technical details to see if we can find any reasons for their differing interpretations.
As long as there is a jump up between the accented and postaccented syl* lable, and the postaccented syllable is rising, Lo and Sn unanimously interpret the accent as acuted with Ka. 562 sfta, however, has a falling posttonic, and so in spite of a jump up of 4*27 Hz Sn interpreted it as circumflex. Compared with 661 pókoj which too has a falling postaccented syllable of the same pitch movement, the bigger jump up of +37 Hz seems to counterbalance the fall, and so Sn here perceives an acute accent.
678 rāja is perceived as less distinctly acuted by Lo, while Sn considers it circumflexed. The rise of +29 Hz on the accented syllable indicates rather a circumflexed accent. On the other hand this big rise may have been caused by the extraordinary low-pitched start of the accented syllable. There is no jum p between accented and postaccented syllable, neither up nor down (due to the fact that there is a sonorant consonant between the two vowels?), while the postaccented syllable has an upward pitch movement, typical of Ka'8 acute postaccented syllables.  Lo's 5 interpretations of barytones with a circumflex F0P as acuted or less distinctly acuted may in the first place be due to the psychological influence of the expected accent, except in 677 bâjer which Lo considers less distinctly acuted anyhow. Differing interpretations of this word are probably due to the fact that there is no jum p between the accented and postaccented syllable. 645, 648, 651, 659 are circumfiexed. Sn must have ignored here the big jum p down followed by a falling postaccented syllable. She seems to have followed her own theory here, namely that on barytones too you listen to the tonic only (cf. p. 14). The relatively low pitch of 645 (and a concave tonic), 648, 651, 659 may have acted as a supportive cue for her perception. The prevailing contour in oxytones with Ka is the RF (64%), followed by the R (23%), while the number of other contours is much smaller (L 8%, F 5%) and there is no FR (Summary Table 8 Ka, p. 101).
Duration of accented vowels in oxytones. The only combined contour, consisting of two movements -first R, then F -is the longest (10.4 csecs.). It is followed by the F (8.6 csecs.), R (7.1 csecs.) and L (6.5 csecs.). The order is different here than with Ju (F R > R > R F > F > L ). The fact that with Ka the F is longer than the R may be because we have only 4 instances of a F contour, of which 2 are diphthongs, which are by their very nature longer than pure vowels. The L contour is the shortest with both Ju and Ka.
We said th at the RF was a typically circumflex contour and so 92% of the utterances in this group are interpreted by both listeners as circumfiexed.
In the R-group 72% of the words are considered circumfiexed by Lo and Sn, there are only 4 acute classifications, 2 by Lo and 2 by Sn, however, only once by both on the same word. 623 n i (Fig. 34, p. 121) was perceived as acuted by Lo, and after much hesitation as less distinctly acuted also by Sn. It has a gentler R than a typical R circumflex (Fig. 32, p. 120).
Differing identifications in the R-series. Sn considers 566/2 dvê (Fig. 35 Ka, p. 121) acuted probably on acccount of its low pitch, gentle R and length. In 609/1 kod both Lo and Sn deviate from the usual circumflex. The word has too small a pitch movement and is not high enough in pitch for a typical circumflex. Lo interprets it as acuted, and Sn as not accented, which goes to show that we are really in "no-m an's land" with this word. 634 smH has the shortest vowel in this series and is perceived by Sn as non-accented. I can see no reason for Sn's interpretation of 674 nag as non-accented.
Differing interpretations in the RF series. In the 50 RFs there is almost complete unanimity as to accent between the two listeners. In 586/1 hűd the small pitch movement up and down could be the reason for Lo's non-accented interpretation. In 634/2 smrdi (Fig. 36 Ka, p. 122) Lo's acute interpretation may be the result of expected accent, and a relatively low general pitch, ignor-ing the contour (see also p. 72). In any case, the fact that he classified it a less distinct acute shows that he was not quite sure about his perception. Sn's acute interpretation of 658 lőj (Fig. 37 Ka, p. 122) may be due to the combination of above average duration, relatively low overall pitch and positive overall pitch movement. A typical RF oxytone ( Fig. 33 Ka, p. 120) with Ka has a negative pitch movement, i.e. it ends lower than it starts. 653/1 daj Sn considers nonaccented. It has a well below average F.
There is no agreement between Lo and Sn in the 4 instances with a Fcontour, except in 1 case where we have negative agreement when both consider 653/2 to non-accented. A falling contour in neutral sentence intonation position is really a sign of a non-accented pronunciation.
Four of the 6 L realizations contain a vowel between two voiceless plosives (581/1, 618, 619/1, 647/1), 5 utterances in this group (581/1, 568/1, 619/1, 642/1, 647/1) appear as the first word of a closely knit unit, which however does not start the tone group -both facts which favour a L contour. Only in one word does one of the interpreters (Lo) perceive an acuted accent (642 mejY) which has the lowest pitch in this series, in spite of the fact that / i / is an inherently high pitched vowel. L,o concentrated here on the low pitch and ignored its short duration and the absence of the specific perceptive effect brought about by a R pitch th at takes place in too short a time to be clearly perceived as a R. This and 568 it, both containing / i / of very short duration, were perceived as non-accented by Sn, probably on account of their weaker stress. The other interpretations were all circumflex. The direction of movement of the tonic cannot be significant here, but only pitch, as the contour is level throughout.
Ka has no FR contours as Ju has. A FR contour presupposes greater durations of vowels. Ju 's averaged duration of the FR is 18.3 csecs., while Ka's longest averaged duration RF is 10.4 csecs. The FR is typical of Ju 's barytone acutes and is -though much less common -found also in some of J u 's oxytones.
Ka uses the acute accent in barytones, although much less than Ju, but he never pronounces a typical acute oxytone. None of the 6 expected acute oxytones can be considered a typical acute, i.e. clearly perceived as such by both interpreters. While Ju still uses the acute in oxytones, we can say that with Ka there are no typical acutes, recognized as such by both listeners. Ka's preferred contour in oxytones is RF, a typically circumflex contour, and in the R-oxytones the vowels are below the threshold level of 12 csecs., the approximately minimal duration necessary for the perception of a contour (Neweklowsky 1973, 58). On an oxytone tonic of such short duration 2 accentually different rises are hardly possible. The cue of pitch contour is missing. The two accents could be held apart by a difference of pitch only.
Ka in his utterances of barytones and oxytones is definitely circumflex orientated.
We cannot say, however, that either of the two interpreters is biased as to accent type in Ka's utterances. The few examples where Lo and Sn disagree in Tatjana  As seen in Summary Table 5 Pi (p. 102) there is in the series of expected acutes 75% agreement between Lo and Sn in their interpretation of the realized accent, while agreement falls to 41% in the expected circumflex series. Lo proves to be more expected accent orientated than Sn with Pi too. Above 80% of the expected acutes and circumflexes he interpreted as expected. In the words where the two accents are expected to appear in free variation, we find 33% agreement on the acuted and only 11% on the circumflex accent, which, of course, does not mean that speaker Pi is acute orientated. It only confirms the fact we have just mentioned that between the two interpreters there is more unanimity as to what constitutes the acute accent, than what the circumflex. The relatively high number of words interpreted as non-accented in this series should also be mentioned (Summary Table 7 Pi, p. 103).
Fewer than half of the expected acutes have an acute FoP (Summary Table  6 Pi, p. 102) though all of these are recognized as acuted by both interpreters. W ith the 12 expected acuted words having a circumflex FbP, expected accent seemed to play an important role, 5 of them were jointly interpreted as acuted, in spite of a circumflex FoP, and only 1 was jointly considered circumfiexed.
Of the 27 expected circumflexes, 19 have a circumflex FoP, but only 6 of them were interpreted as circumfiexed by both judges. The rest Lo considered mostly circumfiexed, and Sn less distinctly acuted or non-accented. None of the 3 expected circumflexes with an acute FoP was jointly interpreted as acuted. The circumflex FoP prevails in the free-variation-group, and again there is least agreement about the 5 circumflex FoPs. Summary Table 7 Pi with its comparison between FoP and interpreted accent only confirms more clearly what we have already said about the 2 accents with Pi. While there is 73% agreement between the acute FoPs and their interpretation, the circumflex FoPs have only 19% agreement.
Pi articulates typical acute FoPs, but of his non-acute FoPs not quite 20% are typically circumfiexed, and the rest are not. Consequently the latter are differently interpreted by the two judges: Lo is circumflex orientated, and considered them mostly circumflexes (14 instances), and Sn either acuted (11 cases), or non-accented (7 instances) or undecided (2 instances). The number of acute FoPs in the expected acute and expected circumflex series with Pi and Ka is approximately the same, the number of IPs (indeterminate patterns) of which Ju and Ka had 1 instance each has risen to 9 cases with Pi, replacing the circumflex FoPs, which in most cases are not typical, and have even become IPs in some cases.
As I follow the principle that an averaged figure should contain the averaged values of at least 4 items, there is only 1 example (Fig. 38, FoP ' 1c, p. 123) of a Lo + Sn averaged acute. There is no other group of 4 words with the same FoP and a joint acute interpretation. So the other acute classes are represented by single examples of actual words (Figs. 39, 40, 41 Pi, pp. 123-124). The pitch movement of the accented syllable is either slightly rising or falling, a concave accented syllable is found in 1/3 of the cases. All utterances have a jum p up. The jump up, however, is smaller on the average than with Ju and Ka. The 15 allotonic variants of the Pi acute have a falling postaccented syllable, with 2 exceptions (644 krāji, 617 budt zem). The voice range with Pi is relatively small. Some differing interpretations. 662 âvto is difficult to classify: the accented syllable is level and is in the acute pitch range, there is a small jump up (less than a half tone), too small to be distinctly perceived, which is followed by a steeply falling postaccented syllable. I classified the FoP as acuted, Lo interpreted it as non-accented and Sn as less distinctly circumflexed. -In 594 māki the accented syllable has an above average positive pitch movement for a Pi acute, the pitch reaches the circumflex region, the small jum p up -big enough to be perceived -is followed by a greater fall. -630 v*nd9rlc is interpreted by both judges as circumflexed primarily on account of its extra short duration, supported by a high enough pitch for a circumflex, the jump up is not decisive, and is followed by a slight fall. -673 soldāičina is much longer on account of / a / '8 inherent duration, but all the other characteristics are the same as with 630.
The main reason for the many differing interpretations with the circumflexed FoPs with Pi is the small jump down of only averaged -9, -6, 6-‫-7,‬ Hz in the four groups respectively, followed by a falling postaccented syllable (averaged -11, -9, -7, *4 Hz), which, however, is not falling steeply enough to support a definitely falling perception, which is the decisive characteristic of the circumflex accent in barytones. As a consequence the voice range in P i's circumflex FoPs is smaller than with both Ju and Ka.
The joint acute interpretations of 566/1 Ina, 596 v kádi, 620 ràda, 639 na siji probably owe such an interpretation to the psychological influence of an expected acute combined with a small jum p down and an insufficiently steep fall on the postaccented syllable. It seems that the mind of the two judges worked according to the principle: W hat is not properly falling is considered rising if you expect the acute accent. This also explains why the acutes with a small jump up are jointly perceived as acutes, while unanimity is broken with the circumflex FoPs with a small jump down.
I have toyed with the idea that this may be related to the fact that pitch perception functions logarithmically, and therefore the human ear is more sensitive to the higher pitch intervals than to the lower, i.e. even a small rise is Tatjana Srebot-Rejec -9783954792146 Downloaded from PubFactory at 01/10/2019 04:04:59AM via free access perceived as a rise, while a falling interval has to be bigger to be distinctly perceived. I have, however, come to the conclusion that this is language conditioned. The difference in perception intervals with a frequency of 120 and 160 Hz is 1/4 of a tone, too small to be significant. Rigler says that an acute cannot replace a circumflex, while it does not sound wrong to Slovene ears if a circumflex replaces an acute (Rigler 1968,196). An acute sounds more specific than a circumflex, which is more neutral in its sound effect. The acute is the marked accent, the circumflex not (cf. p. 236). And so the acutes (even though the jumps may be small) are easier to perceive than the circumflexes.
Expected accent, however, is ignored with typical FbPs. Thus, for example, 563 sitasi (Fig. 44 Pi, p. 126), is considered circumflexed by Lo + Sn on account of its relatively large jum p down and the steeply falling postaccented syllable, strongly supported by the fact that the accented syllable is short and has the tonal peak.
The temptation to use a falling sentence intonation on a combination of two words as 596 v kddi and 639 na séji forming a structural unit is especially great in spite of the instructions to the three speakers at the beginning of the recording session to incorporate these words in the frame sentence. In this case we would have to do with the acute accent on a falling sentence nucleus. These m atters will be dealt with in the next chapter.
When allotting the circumflex FbPs to different classes a certain though small number of cases was noticed that had a typically acute accented syllable, i.e. first falling or level and then rising towards the end, a concave contour; followed by a jum p down and a falling posttonic -which again was typically circumflex. As I consider the jum p phonologically relevant these cases form the 4th class of the circumflex FoPs. W ith all three speakers this group had relatively the greatest number of differing interpretations.
Ju has only 2 such cases and no joint interpretation of the 2 words. Of the 4 interpretations 2 are circumflex, 1 acute and 1 less distinctly acute. Ka has 4 cases in this group with the circumflex interpretation prevailing because of the relatively large jumps down: 2 joint circumflex perceptions, 2 single circumflex, and 2 acute. Pi on account of his small jumps down has most confusion: 2 joint acute interpretations (596 v kddi, 639 na séji), supported by the expected acute accent, and the rest are 4 single acutes, 4 less distinct acutes, 4 circumflexes, 3 non-accented, and 1 undecided. Sn never perceived this pattern as circum* flexed. Where Lo perceives a circumflex accent, Sn generally interprets it as less distinctly acuted. She pays more attention to the accented syllable with its concave shape, while Lo to the accented + postaccented syllable and the jum p down between them.
These data and their interpretations show that the shape of the accented syllable though not of phonemic importance can cause confusion in the interpretation of the FoPs. Lo and Sn agree only about one barytone 651 nękaj with an IP th at it was non-accented. The accented syllable is exceptionally short (4.1 csecs.), the word has a jum p down, and the tone contour in both the accented and postaccented syllable is falling throughout. The only other barytone that Lo interprets as non-accented is 662 âvto where the accented and postaccented syllables are also falling, but a slight jump up (+3 Hz) inbetween interrupts and halts the fall. Sn wondered if the word was circumfiexed. Sn moreover considers 7 more circumflex FbPs non-accented. All these words have in common a tendency to a smaller than average jump down. No acute FbP is interpreted as non-accented by either Lo or Sn. Pi has 72 oxytones in his single word list. No contour is really predominant, although the R has most examples (23-32%), followed by the F (20-28%) and the RF (16-22%). FR and L contours are less numerous (6-8% and 7-10% respectively).
As to averaged vowel duration the longest is the RF, 8.9 csecs, on the average, followed by the FR 8.6 csecs., the R 7.9 csecs., the L 7.2 csecs, and the F 7.2 csecs. The two contours with a change of pitch movement within their contour are the longest and form a group as they are practically of the same duration. At the other end are the durations of the L and F contours, and in between the two groups is the averaged R contour. Since each group contains examples with different vowels inherent vowel duration of single vowels can be ignored here.
13 of the oxytones with a R contour are jointly classified as circumfiexed ( Fig. 48 Pi, p. 128), and 3 as acuted (Figs. 45, 46, 47 Pi, pp. 126-127). Examining the graphs of these 3, comparing their durations, frequencies, and pitch movements I cannot see any other reason that 637 smejoć and 642 meji should be jointly perceived as acuted but expected accent, while 660 lojâr is a typical acute, low enough in pitch with a concave, gently rising and long enough pitch contour. 637 and 642 are too short and too steeply rising for an acute and of the same pitch as a typical averaged circumflex oxytone.
The possible reasons for Lo's single acute interpretations of the three utterances 609 kod, 638 imęj and 650 gajīč (Figs. 50, 51 Pi, p. 129): in köd the expected free variation of the two accents and the fact that we have a close / 0/ and not an open could have contributed to an acute perception; in imęj it could be length combined with a gentle rise (Lo perceived it as ' ^) , and in gajīč the low pitch of /i/.
I can see no reason for Sn's non-accented interpretations of 588 aktivist and 672 soldag while 638 imęj is probably too long for her to be perceived as accented.
P i's 6 FRs (Summary Table 8 Pi, p. 103) invite a lot of guessing and 73 Tatjana Srebot-Rejec -9783954792146 Downloaded from PubFactory at 01/10/2019 04:04:59AM via free access little unanimity. The contour is typically acute. Of the 6 words 3 have a single non-accented classification. Pitch, which is circumflex-like and contour, which is acute-like are in disagreement, hence the confusion. There is much more unanimity with the RFs, a typically circumflex contour. Of the 16 words 13 are jointly perceived as circumflexed (Figs 53 Pi, p. 130). One word (634 smrdlj Fig 52 Pi, p. 130) is perceived as acuted: the circumflex contour seems to be here the result of an acute R on a falling sentence nucleus, the R is cut short by a F.
We have here to do with the last word of a sentence embedded in a frame, hence the fall at the end. The interpretation here is phonological, not phonetic (= a R acute accent on a F nucleus). 619 rût and 623 muH Sn interprets as non-accented. Both are relatively short, have little pitch movement (5 and 3 Hz) and they start and end on the same pitch. She may therefore have perceived them as level.
Pi has relatively many oxytones with a falling contour. If the fall is not too steep and the vowels are in the right voice range the falling words are jointly interpreted as circumflexed (Figs. 54 and 55 Pi, p. 131), except 585 alarm (Fig. 54 Pi) where expected accent seems decisive. The feature common to the joint non-accented interpretations in 652 zdäj> 667 iël and 675 snôv is a steeper fall (12-21 Hz) and a lower frequency than in the joint circumflex series.
As the two interpreters have studied the whole vocabulary of the Slovene language they know the expected accent in most cases and are to a certain extent under its influence, especially where the FoP is not so specific.
Acute FoPs with speakers Ju and Pi are 100% and with Ka 90% jointly interpreted as acuted when the expected accent is the acute. The circumflex perception, though expected, will never reach this high percentage of unanimity. With Ju it drops to 53% (Lo only 100%), with Ka to 82%, and with Pi to 32% (Lo only 84%). This shows that it is not only expected accent that makes the two judges perceive the acute so well.
When the acute FoP is not supported by expected accent Lo + Sn agree with J u 's FoPs that they are acuted in only 22% of the cases (Sn only in 78% of the cases), while they both recognize unexpected acute FoPs with K a 100%, and unexpected circumflex FoPs 73%. W ith Pi the FbP system seems to break down here: out of 12 circumflex FoPs only 1 (8%) is jointly perceived as circumflexed. The situation does not improve even if we take the single judgements of the two interpreters into consideration. The same holds for the 3 unexpected acute FoPs. None of them is jointly recognized as acuted.
W ith utterances where the two accents are expected to appear in free variation the situation should be most realistic. The two interpreters cannot have any preconceived notions as either accent can appear here. Of the 7 acute FoPs Perceptions of unexpected FoPs show th at Ka's FoPs are easiest to define. W ith Ju Sn is an expert on his acutes, and Lo on his circumflexes. Pi's FoPs are not specific enough to be classified with certainty. Expected accent plays too great a part with them. Ka has the greatest jumps, while P i's jumps are very small, and so the vital cue for accent interpretation is weak.
Of the 3 speakers Ju follows the prescribed accent more faithfully than Ka and Pi. All the expected acutes have acute FbPs and 1/3 of the expected circumflexes as well, which shows th at Ju is acute orientated. There is no transition of an expected acute accent into a circumflex one.
Ka, however, is circumflex orientated. Over a half of his expected acutes have a circumflex FbP. On the other hand even this accent type is not firmly rooted with him. We find in Ka barytones, though to a much smaller extent, a few unexpected acute FbPs in the expected circumflex series.
While there is 1 IP with Ju, and 2 with Ka, their number increases to 9 with Pi. This fact and the fact that there is much less agreement between a FoP and its accent perception shows that P i's tonematic pronunciation is in a stage where many of the FoPs themselves are not specific enough to be unambiguously classified.
W ith Ju and Ka the FoP always agrees with at least 1 perception of the two judges. Instances where both interpreters perceive an accent differently from the one signified by the FoP are extremely rare. We have 3 such cases with Ju, 617 budxzem and 622 rudnxna, both words accented on a suffix with the acute and the circumflex occurring in free variation and 590 âsima. With Ka there is only 1 such instance 626 lúka.
W ith Pi, however, this phenomenon is not so rare. We have 11 barytones with a circumflex FoP (558, 566, 596, 602, 620, 621, 622, 636, 639, 648, 659), 7 with an expected acute, 2 with an expected circumflex, and 2 with free variation accent. All are jointly interpreted as acuted or less distinctly acuted. All these words have a jum p down of 0 to -7 Hz, too small to be properly perceived. Supported by an expected acute in most instances or a free variation acute they are jointly interpreted as acuted.
To what extent do the 3 speakers adhere to the acute/circumflex distribution in barytones as prescribed by SSKJ?
All three have both accents in barytones. Only one of them (Ju), though, uses one accent (the acute) wholly in the expected words. The distribution of the circumflex with Ju and of the two accents with Ka and Pi follows the There must thus be tenfold circumflex/acute agreement. Only few words meet these strict conditions. Three circumflexes: 663 âvdion, 565 mîting, and 587 aktíven; four acutes: 644 kráji, 655 bóji, 570 matemātika, and 582 médel. These words thus seem to have a firmly fixed accent.
With expected circumfiexed words, acute orientated Ju with his acute FbPs in this series breaks the chain of agreement in 1/3 of the cases. Disagreement between FoP and interpretation, which is not so uncommon here as with acute FbPs, accounts for some more interruptions with Ju and Pi.
With expected acuted words the chain of agreement is broken by the many circumflex realizations of the circumflex orientated speaker Ka and also on account of the disagreement between Pi's FoPs and the perception of one of the interpreters.
No expected free variation word gets through this tenfold net. Here accent is expected to appear in free variation, and th at is what really happens. (Table 10 Ju It is believed that the acute accent tends to be longer than the circumflex (Neweklowsky 1973, 94 in Podjuna/Jauntal, but 145 not in Rož/Rosental; Rig-1er, personal communication, Nov. 24, 1983). Ju barytones, however, do not show this (Table 10). There are too many other, stronger, factors coinfluencing the duration of an accented vowel (cf. pp. 212-213). In the few examples of expected minimal pairs where the two accents appear in exactly the same conditions (Tables 15 Ju, 15 Ka, 15 Pi, pp. 208-210) even when they are not actually realized the (expected) acutes tend to be longer than the (expected) circumflexes. The same applies to P i's accusative/instrumental series (Table 14 Pi, pp. 204-205).

Some general observations on barytones
J u 's acuted barytones mostly have a concave contour (3a, 3b, 3c). They are long enough for a concave contour, which more often has negative than positive pitch movement. Only the group with the shortest duration (2c) has a continuous, though gentle, rise. W ith all his acutes the jump up has the steady value of about two halftones, which can be well perceived. The posttonic is generally rising, but often also falling.
The two averaged circumflex groups have a steady rise, steeper than with the acute accent, the tonal peak is on the tonic. The change of direction in group * 1 is only indicated at the very end of the tonic rather than carried out, so that the frequency figures do not show it. The jum p down ( " 1, ‫״2‬ ) is big enough to be perceptible and is supported by a falling posttonic. In classes ' 2c, ' 3b, '3 c , "2 the tonal peak, whether on the tonic or posttonic, amounts to about 124-129 Hz, and the lowest point to about 100-108 Hz. This is the normal voice range within which Ju moves. Averaged "1, however, starts higher and ends higher, but the bigger jum p down restores the normal values. Acuted tonics with Ju tend to be lower than circumflexed, because the tonal peak is reached on the posttonic only. When the tonal peak is on the accented syllable (= circumflexed accent), the rise, naturally, is steeper and such a tonic, obviously, has higher frequencies than an acuted one.
Ka's vowels in general are shorter than J u 's. Group ' 3b has definitely longer vowels, but the other acuted words have about the same length as the circumflexed.
In his acuted barytones Ka too, has slightly negative pitch movement, the jumps up, however, are twice as big as with Ju and are mostly supported by a rising postaccented syllable. W ith Ka's circumflex barytones, numerically, the R is smaller than with Ju, though actually it is much steeper as it takes place on a vowel of shorter duration. The jumps down are throughout bigger than with Ju and the postaccented syllable is always falling, as expected. The difference in overall pitch of the accented syllable under the two word accents is kept.
Acuted vowels do not tend to be longer than the circumflexed with Pi either, often it is even the other way round. In average length they are nearer to Ka than to Ju. Acuted accented vowels can be slightly rising or falling, in the biggest averaged group they are falling. When rising there is no definite difference between a rising acuted tonic and a circumflexed one. Neither is there a clear cut difference in pitch between the two accents. There are a few big jumps up and jumps down, but on the whole they are smaller than with Ju and Ka. As mentioned earlier when the jum p up or down are approximately equal it is easier to recognize the acute accent than the circumflex accent. Circumflex FoPs with small jumps down and accented vowels that do not differ in pitch from the acuted are easily ambiguous, especially if they are not backed by expected accent. The fact that Pi spoke these words at an above average speed might be the reason for his less specific PbPs.

4.5.3
On vowel duration in oxytones. Agreement between expected accent and interpreted accent in oxytones. The role of the FbC (Summary Tables  5 Ju, 5 Ka, 5 Pi, 8 Ju, 8 Ka, 8 Pi, pp. 98-103). Generally speaking one can say that accented vowels with a change of pitch movement are longer with all 3 speakers than those without one. Thus a FR or RF is longer than a R or F. Of the latter two a R tends to be longer than a F. F and L vowels tend to be shortest.
The expected length difference of the two accents shows clearly with Ju, whose acute oxytones are about 2 csecs, longer than his circumflex.
As with barytones so with oxytones all the Ju expected acutes are identified by both listeners as acuted. Of the 6 expected acutes with Ka only 1 is jointly interpreted as acuted (see pp. 68). Of the 5 Pi expected acutes 4 are jointly identified as acuted -expected accent seems to have been decisive here as only 1 word (660 iojár) has all the characteristics of an acute (see p. 73).
Almost half of J u 's oxytones (45%) are interpreted as undecided or nonaccented by Sn. She had problems with J u 's long vowel durations, which also affected the contour (see p. 64).
Their number falls drastically with Ka where Sn interpreted 8 oxytones (10%) as non-accented and Lo 1. It rises again with Pi where Sn considered 22 words (31%) undecided or non-accented and Lo 1. This is so because P i's FoCs tend to be less specific. Lo has fewer problems with the interpretation of words because he tends to be more expected accent orientated than Sn.
On the whole, we can say that barytones have fewer undecided or nonaccented interpretations than oxytones.
The fundamental characteristic of an accented oxytone is a rising contour. This may be realized either as a pure R; a R followed by a F, and in some cases and with some speakers as a R preceded by a F. Instances that have no R in their contour (i.e. are F or L) amount to 12% with Ju and 13 with Ka.
As Ju is acute orientated, pure Rs prevail with him (64%), while the prevailing contour with Ka is RF (64%), which is typical of a circumflex orientated speaker. With both, however, a contour containing a R is typical (Ju 88%, Ka 87%). P i's weaker manifestation of accent has already been mentioned in connection with his barytone FoPs. These tendencies also appear in his oxytones. The proportion of only R versus only F oxytones is almost the same, 32% versus 28%. Instances with no R in their contour amount to 38% with Pi, as compared with 12 and 13% with Ju and Ka.
An acuted root morpheme in oxytones is very rare and has a small fune-

78
Tatjana Srebot-Rejec -9783954792146 Downloaded from PubFactory at 01/10/2019 04:04:59AM via free access tional load. Such words as alárm, Цр, kót> Vič, ključ with an expected acute are rare. T he acute accent is expected also in final position in some bound morphemes, such as -ár> -ač or in verbal inflection. No experimental studies on how much the acute is still used in these endings have been undertaken yet. I could imagine that suffixes, being more frequent, might follow expected accent more faithfully than expected acutes in root morphemes, which are not so often used.
Lo + Sn's joint acute interpretations of 12 words out of 48 with a R contour and of 3 out of 10 with a FR show that Ju distinguishes between the two accents on oxytones very well. He can pronounce typical acute oxytones. The 6 more definite acute interpretations of utterances with a R contour made by Sn only (Fig. 18 Ju, p. 112) show that her acute perception has a wider range than Lo's. Her acutes can be slightly shorter than a joint acute (Figs. 16a Ju B, 16b Ju B, p. Ill) and have a frequency range starting slightly higher and ending higher than a joint averaged acute. In barytones the vowel duration difference between a circumflexed and an acuted accented vowel was not so evident as it is in oxytones. It amounts to 2 csecs., which is easily perceptible to the human ear.
Ka and Pi have hardly any typical acute oxytones. The few perceptions of Ka's oxytones as acuted are single, not joint, or less distinct. Of the 3 joint perceptions of R oxytones as said by Pi two are obviously conditioned by expected accent, and only one has all the characteristics of the acute accent (see p. 73). The one joint less distinct perception of a RF as acuted seems to be phonological (see pp. 74), and for 585 alárm with a F contour expected accent seems to be decisive.
Ka and Pi practically do not use the acute accent in oxytones any longer. The contour on which a typical acute is possible in our corpus in single oxytones is R and in a few cases FR (with Ju). The 1 RF (634 smrdt) by Pi, jointly interpreted as acuted, is a combination of a R on a falling sentence nucleus. The R can thus be acuted or circumflexed.
The RF is a typically circumflex contour. Joint agreement is more common here than with any other contour: 6 out of 8 of J u 's RFs are jointly classified as circumflexed, 46 of Ka's 50 instances, and 13 of Pi's 16 such cases (overall 88% agreement).
F and L contours with all 3 speakers have fewest joint interpretations. They are not really accented in neutral sentence intonation position.                                 Table 5 Ju.
Summary data on single words In neutral sentence intonation position.
Comparison between expected accent (SSKJ) and interpreted accent in percentages.  Table  6 Ju.
Summary data on single words in neutral sentence intonation position.
Summary data on single words in neutral sentence intonatior p3sit10n.    Comparison between some averaged data in barytones for the same speaker, and between the three speakers.

W O RD A CC EN T IN SENTENCES U N D ER T H E IN FL U E N C E OF SEN TEN C E IN TO N A TIO N
5.1 Word accent in sentences is studied on the same sentences as Toporišič did in "Liki slovenskih tonemov". Whereas Toporišič studied word accent in statements and declarative questions as spoken by 1 speaker and as perceived by 5 linguists, we deal with statements only as spoken by the 3 speakers Ju, Ka and Pi and as they are interpreted by the 2 linguists Lo and Sn. The text of the sentences is in the appendix (pp. 261-262). The speakers were asked to pronounce the sentences in a natural way, neither slowly nor quickly.
Toporišič constructed 4 sentences, 2 with barytones, and 2 with oxytones. One barytone sentence consisted of only expected acuted barytones, and the other of expected circumfiexed, and in both sentences most accented syllables had the vowel / a / . Depending on the number of accented words it contained, every sentence was said 5 to 7 times with all the accented words being in turn emphasized, 1 version was unmarked, and 1 ended with a low rising nucleus as it was followed by another tone group. The 2 oxytone sentences were constructed on the same principles. (More detailed information on Toporišič's investigation is on pp. 5-6.) At the end of this chapter are to be found: consists of two open syllables, and siārček of two closed. Some prosodic differences axe probably due to the fact th at the two words are differenti? structured. On the other hand, it is a fact that among the words with structure (a) more are acuted than circumflexed. An open syllabled disyllabic word tends to be acuted unless there are morphological or other reasons (e.g. a loanword) that make it circumflexed. Siārček is circumflexed by analogy with star. J u 's accented vowels are shorter here than the same vowel phonemes in similar positions in the nonsense series, 15.5 and 10.3 csecs, versus 17.2 and 15.6 csecs. The averaged difference in duration between an open and closed syllable in the nonsense series was 1.8 csecs, and here it is even greater. When the barytone words were grouped as to accent (regardless of syllable structure) in the single word series there was no difference in duration with Ju between acuted and circumflexed vowels in barytones. T hat is why I consider duration in barytones to be more affected by syllable structure than accent type, although the fact that we have to do here with an open acuted syllable and a closed circumflexed may increase the duration difference even more.
The tonics of all the words (with 1 exception 746, which is falling) have a concave contour with negative pitch movement when acuted, and positive when circumflexed. All the expected acutes have a jum p up, and most of the expected circumflexes a jum p up too, although a jump down is possible. The degree of the jum p up in the expected acutes does not differ systematically from the expected circumflexes. The posttonic is rising in the acute series, and falling in the circumflex. The average frequency of the accented vowel is throughout higher in the expected circumflex than in the acute vowels. The intensity peak in the acuted group is throughout on the postaccented vowel and in the ex* pected circumflex on the accented vowel. The expected acute series has acute FoPs in all instances; of the 7 expected circumflexes, 3 have an IP.
All the expected acuted barytones have been interpreted as acuted by both listeners, the acutes are typical acutes.
There is hardly any unanimity between the two interpreters in the expected circumflex series. While Lo hears the expected accent in all cases but 1 (which he hears as a less distinct circumflex), Sn is not quite sure. Keeping in mind the features found typical of the two accents (in Chapter 4) and referring to Sn's interpretations of the less clear cases of word accent in the single word series, we may say that because she pays much attention to the concave contour and because she hears the jum p up, she in most cases decides on an acute. But as the fall on the postaccented vowel is always bigger than th e preceding jum p up, and the pitch movement on the accented vowel is always positive, she thinks it a less distinct version of the acute accent. (The cases w ith emphatic and contrastive stress will be dealt with separately.) The overall sentence intonation at the beginning of a sentence in Slovene is rising (Neweklowsky 1973, 158 Oxytones: a) iák (4 instances), b) zvečcr (pronounced (zvetfrj) (4 instances).
The acuted / á / is very short even for a closed syllable. No Ju oxytones with intrinsically shorter vowels (with the exception of /и /) jointly perceived as acuted in the single word series (608, 609, 611, 612, 637, 660) have such short vowels. Only the emphatic version of iák, though much longer than the normally stressed ones, reaches the same duration as the shortest acuted vowel in a closed syllable in the single word series. The two main reasons for this are: (a) the fact th at it stands between 2 voiceless plosives; especially the second plosive shortens the duration of the preceding vowel, (b) as already mentioned, the vowels in a sentence are shorter than in a single word, even if embedded in åffåmg.
All the acuted words have a falling contour. Is the reason for this the fact that they are so short, that there is "no time" for a rise? T hat we have only the 1st part of the concave contour and not the whole?
Both interpreters perceived ták as acuted. Sn perceived the shortest version in preemphatic position (764) with an above average fall as less distinct. The / a / vowel in these words is on the average lower in frequency than the same sound in stārčck also in position 1 . This then should be the main reason for an acute interpretation, besides the fact that an acute accent is expected.
Zvečtr has no falls. The contour is either rising or level. The frequencies are near those found in long circumflexed nonsense words (Table 3 Ju, p. 33). The vowels are too short for the contour to be properly perceived. Both interpretere must have perceived them as circumflexed on account of their pitch and duration. In spite of their short duration Sn did not completely ignore contour: she perceived the two level versions as less distinctly circumflexed.
The two accents cannot really be compared here: / a / is intrinsically long and has a low intrinsic pitch; and / i / is intrinsically short and has a high intrinsic pitch. The former thus favours the acute and the latter the circumflex accent.
The two vowels cannot really be compared as to their duration though they belong to the same phoneme and are both in an open syllable. T hat / а / is longer in pdse(jo) than in čāka is certainly due to the fact th at in the first case it is followed by a fricative, and in the second by a plosive; and perhaps also to the fact that the first is acuted and the second has no typical accent. Compared with kráva/e, pásé(jo) is shorter because it is in mid-position and is followed by a voiceless consonant, and kráva/ 1 in initial position and followed by a voiced consonant.
Compared with the acute in position 1 the difference is only in a relatively bigger jum p up, probably due to the fact that it is after a voiceless consonant, and the posttonic is falling, while in position 1 it is rising. The FoPs are typically acuted, both interpreters have perceived all versions as acuted. The only tonic with no pitch movement, although with a concave contour, Sn has inter‫-‬ preted as less distinct.
The tonics of Čaka do not differ from the acuted of påse: the tonics are followed by a jum p up, though usually smaller than with pdsefjo), the postton‫-‬ ic has approximately the same negative pitch movement as the acuted series. Small wonder then that the two listeners do not agree in their perception. The PbPs were considered acuted on account of their jump up. Sn perceived all versions th at had a jum p up as acuted; and as less distinctly acuted probably on account of their smaller jum p up than in the pdse(jo) series. Lo may have perceived them as circumflex because of this latter feature and because of their expected accent. The interpretations in the single word series have already shown th at with Ju utterances Sn is acute orientated and Lo circumflex. The longest normally stressed version with an above average jum p up they both considered acuted: Sn distinctly acuted, and Lo less distinctly. The decisive criterion for this interpretation seems to have been duration -I-degree (extent) of jum p up. While in the typically acuted series the intensity peak is throughout on the postaccented vowel as expected, the intensity peak in the expected circumflex series is on the accented vowel; and in the two instances perceived as less distinctly acuted by both judges, on the postaccented vowel.

136
Tatjana Srebot-Rejec -9783954792146 Downloaded from PubFactory at 01/10/2019 04:04:59AM via free access T he averaged durations of tak -jundk differ by 3 msecs. in both averaged versions, which of course is not perceptible, and probably is due to the fact that we have a voiced nasal in front of / a / in jundk and not a voiceless plosive, ic spite of the fact that iák has position 1 , and junak position 2. Dán is on the average longer than jundk as it is in voiced surroundings and not followed by a plosive. The expected acute/ circumflex duration difference shows up only in the em phatic version of the two words.
Three instances of junák out of five (emphatic included) have a tonic with a wobbling tone contour with 4 changes of pitch on each tonic which, however are small. There is no contour that would be only falling. The general pitch level is the same as with ták.
Although Lo rarely perceives a word as not accented, he did so twice with dan. Neither the sonagrams nor the numerical data show clearly what are the reasons for the many zero classifications. Listening to the tapes helped to elea! m atters, 768, although shorter and with a weaker rise than 754, is jointly perceived as circumfiexed, while 754 is considered not accented by both judges 754 is only weakly stressed, while 768 is normally stressed. The two intensity curves show this: with 754 it is falling throughout, and with 768 it is risingfalling. 766 has a shallow concave contour -something unusual on an oxytone circumflex and so is perceived as not accented by both listeners. 752 is a similai case. The intensity curve is in both cases (766, 752) level with a fall at the end Barytones: a) lépi (5 instances), zdrdve (4 instances), grfmo (1 instance). Oxytone: a) 61ló (1 instance).
Lépi is typically acuted, recognized as such by FoPs and both interpreters The high intrinsic pitch of / i / increases the jum p up. Zdrdve and krdva/e car be compared on account of their identical sounds and structure. Krava stand ing at the head of a sentence and forming a noun phrase on its own, has or the average longer vowels, a concave higher tonic, a bigger jum p up and т о п pitch movement on the posttonic than zdrdve, which is in the middle of a ton< group and forms a noun phrase with the following noun. The FoP is al way! acuted, and both interpreters always perceive it as acuted, Sn generally as les: distinctly acuted. The version with the deepest (= most difference betweei bottom and top of contour) concave contour and the biggest jum p up (749) ii the only one (emphatic excluded) that is perceived as distinctly acuted by both Grémo and biló have little pitch movement, hence the many zero interpretations The vowels on a rising nucleus are lengthened. The added duration figures in 751a and 751b mean pure phonation, the vocal cords go on vibrating though the / a / and / e / resonance have ended. Trdvi with its concave tonic with negative pitch movement and a jum p up, though small, is perceived as acuted by both listeners. Lo interprets pomlddi as circumflex on account of its definite rise on the tonic and probably on account of expected accent, ignoring the jum p up on the tonic and the positive pitch movement on the posttonic. Or should we rather say that Lo hears a circumflex accent on a rising nucleus: in this case we would have to do with a phonological and not a phonetic interpretation. Snf on the other hand, seems to concentrate her attention on the jum p up and rising posttonic and interprets it as acuted.
Vdd has a typically circumflex contour (RF) and is thus jointly interpret• ed as circumflexed, and v$ a concave and is thus considered acuted. Končā in spite of its concave contour is ambiguous probably because it is too short for a proper acute.
All The FbPs of pomlddi are ambiguous. The patterns do not differ fundamentally from trdvi. Expected accent must be decisive with Lo. Sn's acute interpretation of 759, 760 and 761 might be due to the fact that they are similar to the preceding trávi and they happen to have tonics with the lowest frequencies within the group, although the frequencies of the tonics of the two groups taken as a whole do not differ. 749 is jointly perceived as circumflexed, perhaps on account of its having the biggest jum p down in this series.
All oxytones on a F nucleus have a F contour, in some cases RF. The interpreters heard a circumflex in all cases, regardless of expected accent.

Summary
Expected barytone acutes have an acute FoP in initial position and in mid-position, and are in all cases except 1 (752 grémo) jointly interpreted as acuted. In final position on a R nucleus the 1 case has an acute FoP and is jointly interpreted as acuted. The expected acutes on a F nucleus have an acute FoP only under emphatic stress. On a F nucleus in 3 cases the initial part of the tonic is R, and somewhere in the middle it starts to fall and falls to the end, and in 1 case the tonic has a small F throughout its course. All the 4 cases were jointly interpreted as acuted, the interpretation is phonological (a R accent on a F nucleus), not phonetic. The only remainder of the acute accent is perhaps the general pitch of the accented vowel.
Expected barytone circumflexes are much less stable in their FbPs and perception. Although we have no typically acute FbPs in initial and final position where they are either circumflex or indeterminate, even the circumflex FoPs are not typically circumflexed. One could argue about some of the FoP classifications with stārček in initial position. I decided on a circumflex classi-

139
Tatjana Srebot-Rejec -9783954792146 Downloaded from PubFactory at 01/10/2019 04:04:59AM via free access fication because the pitch movement of the tonic was positive, while with an acute accent it is generally negative with Ju, the jump up was smaller than in krâva/e in spite of the fact that a voiceless plosive favours a bigger jump up, and the following posttonic always had a bigger fall than was the rise of the preceding jump up. The contour of the tonic, on the other hand, is typically acute-like and the jump is an up one, not a down one. These circumflexes certainly are not typical. The tonic in most cases is higher in pitch than the corresponding acuted one: small wonder then that all these contradictory features cause confusion. In final position the pitch of most tonics (pomlâdi) seems too low to Sn to be circumfiexed. And čāka in mid-position has no circumflex FoPs at all (except in emphatic position). In the expected circumflexes the FoPs are not typical enough for Sn to overcome her acute orientation. Or is it just expected accent that makes Lo hear the circumflex even though it is not typical? Do the acutes survive the sentence intonation influence better because Ju is acute orientated in his pronunciation or because it is the marked accent (cf. p. 236), or perhaps on account of both influences?
In the oxytones iák, jurták and zvečērt overall pitch seems responsible for the accent interpretations, dán in mid-position in some cases does not seem to be stressed enough to be considered accented, while in final position all the oxytones are considered circumfiexed probably on account of the fall caused by a falling nucleus. On a rising nucleus one would expect acutes, but only vé is typically acuted and recognized as such by both interpreters, vdd has a rise-fall, and is consequently considered circumfiexed, and končā with a concave contour is interpreted by Lo as to expected accent and by Sn as to contour. On the whole we can say that in oxytones, contour is less resistant to sentence intonation than in barytones where we have more features distributed over a longer period of time that make up accent. The most persistent part of an oxytone that may resist sentence intonation may be overall pitch which in some of our examples is supported by the intrinsic pitch of a vowel ( / a / -low, / i / -high). (Tables 11 Ka,  Ka's accented vowels are shorter here than the same vowel phonemes in similar positions in the nonsense series, 9.4 and 7.7 csecs, versus 12.5 and 12.8 csecs. Although stressed long / a / (p. 26) in the averaged closed nonsense syl* lable is slightly longer, the overall averaged difference in duration between an Here, however, it is much bigger, and amounts to 2.3 csecs, because the acuted tonic has a concave shape. A big difference in length between acuted and circumflexed words in the single word series appears only in FbPs ' 3 on account of their concave tonics with a change of pitch movement, while the other subclasses do not show any marked duration differences between acuted and circumflexed utterances. The acuted tonics are either slightly falling with a concave-like shape initially, or definitely rising after some initial hesitation, and they all have a definite jum p up and a rising posttonic. All the expected acutes have an acute FbP and have been interpreted as acuted. Most of the expected circumflexes are slightly higher in pitch than the expected acutes, the accented vowel is in most cases slightly falling, most have a jum p up, 1 has a jum p down, and 1 has no jump, but they all have a definitely falling postaccented vowel. The FbPs vary, and there is practically no unanimity between the 2 interpreters. The contours of the accented vowels and the jumps up are acute-like, while the pitch of some accented vowels is rather circumflex-like, and the steeply falling postaccented vowels are definitely circumflex-like. Just as with Ju and for the same reasons (pp. 134-135) the circumflexes are not typical, which shows in their differing interpretations.
The / á / in iák with its 7.4 csecs, is on the short side if compared with the /á / or / a / realizations in the single word series even if it were circumflexed, let alone acuted. The contour is falling or level and the pitch moves within the same range as in siārček. In so far as there is definite unanimity between the two judges, it is negative, i.e. two of the four utterances are considered non-accented by both interpreters.
Although / І / in zvečer in absolute terms is as long as / a / in ták% it is long enough for an / i/. The contour is either level, rising or rising-falling, and only the rising-falling utterance is jointly perceived as circumflexed.
Most of these oxytones (751, 765, 764, 767, 752, 768) do not seem to be stressed enough to Sn to be considered accented, in most cases on account of an emphatic word in their vicinity, which so to say "absorbs" most of the speech energy. In 765 and 764 Lo joins her judgement for the same reason, while he considers zvečer circumflexed throughout on account of expected accent and/or general pitch (see also p. 135). Again the averaged / a / in pásé(jo) is longer than in čāka, and the differenee is bigger than with Ju.
In the pást(jo) series the tonic is concave (FR) (748,757,758), or only initially concave (750, 755) with a negative piteli movement, and in 1 case (746) RF. The utterances have a definite jump up, except after the RF tonic, where the jum p up is small, and all the posttonics are falling, 10 Hz at the most. The intensity peak is mostly on the posttonic. On account of the jump up the FbPs are classified as acuted. Sn also perceived all the utterances as acuted; and so did Lo except the only tonic with a RF (746), rising pitch movement on the tonic and the smallest jum p up, which he perceived as circumflexed.
The situation in čāka is not so clear. 3 of the 5 utterances have an IP. The contours of the tonics do not differ from those in pást(jo) except that most of them are slightly higher in pitch (on account of the preceding /С/?); the piteli movement is negative, the jum p up in some cases is smaller than in the preceding sequence, and all the posttonics are falling, in some cases steeply falling. The intensity peak is on the tonic or posttonic. Lo interprets all the preemphatic and postemphatic positions as not accented as he does not consider them stressed enough, and the rest as less distinctly acuted, and Sn generally decides th at they are acuted.
W ith jurták and dán the situation is not clear. The / а /s in junák are shorter than in dan because they stand before a voiceless plosive. The contour of the tonic in junák is either rising or level. The frequencies are not lower than in dan. Lo hears the expected accent, the acute, and Sn interprets the two shortest versions (765, 751) with a falling intensity contour as not accented, and 763 as circumflexed (for which I can see no special reason). There is only 1 joint acute interpretation (753) with a R contour, which is long enough and low enough in pitch to be interpreted as acuted by both judges.
Dán has low pitched tonics and is not stressed enough to be perceived as having a definite pattern. Consequently it is considered either not accented or les distinctly accented. The lépi versions are typically acuted: they have acute FbPs which are jointly perceived as acuted. Although the posttonic is falling, the jumps up are considerably bigger than the falls on the posttonic.
In zdráve the situation is quite clear: there is complete agreement between FoPs and the two interpreters. Utterances with F pitch movement on the tonic, or a concave (FR) tonic with slightly R pitch movement, with a jum p up and positive pitch movement on the posttonic are perceived as acuted; and the utterance with a great R on the tonic, a jum p down and a falling posttonic is considered circumflexed by both interpreters. On account of the different position of the tonal peaks and consequently the different pitch movements in the two accent types the acuted tonics are lower in pitch than the circumflexed. Contrary to traditional belief the circumflexed tonic is definitely longer than the acuted one. The duration relationships between averaged acuted and circumflexed tonics on barytones in single words (Table 10 Ju, Ka, Pi, p. 104) have already shown that the length distinction acute -longer, circumflex -shorter, need not appear as there are enough other distinctive features on barytones to keep the two accents apart. (See also Neweklowsky 1973 , 145 and 184). The role of the intensity peak seems to be negligible.
Bilģ is not stressed enough and so does not have enough pitch movement to be considered accented by either of the two interpreters.

.3.3.1 On a rising nucleus
Barytones: All these words have a lengthened tonic owing to the fact that they are said on a R nucleus. All the interpretations are unanimous and in agreement with the corresponding FoPs.
Since a R nucleus favours the acute accent, all the expected acutes have an acute FoP and are heard as acutes. Of the two expected circumflexes the barytone 747 pomlâdi retains its accent in spite of the R nucleus, while the oxytone 752 konéâ, where everything has to happen on a single syllable (cf. p. 140) loses it.
Only 1 of the normally stressed barytones on a F nucleus has ft FoP, the rest are indeterminate as to pattern (IP). As there is much unanimity in the perception of the two interpreters their interpretations are of special interest. The first 3 instances (756, 757, 755) of travi were by both perceived as acuted: the tonics are especially low, in the first two cases F throughout (tonic + jum p + posttonic); in the third the tonic is low but level, followed by a jump down and a F posttonic. The last 2 cases are definitely higher in pitch, and the F is held up somewhere, or there is even a R in the course of the tonic and they are thus perceived as circumfiexed. The pitch of the tonic seems to be decisive, the jump down is ignored -or better: the two interpreters know that they have to define accent on a F nucleus.
There is less agreement in pomlâdi. Lo interpreted it throughout as to expected accent, i.e. circumflex; Sn interprets 3 of the 4 utterances as acuted, perhaps on account of their pitch, and 1 as not accented, perhaps on account of its great length. Matters certainly are not quite clear here.
Does Lo in 746 déielji listen primarily to the low pitch to interpret it as acuted, or has expected accent to account for it? How can Sn combine a F tonic and posttonic with a R accent and interpret it as acuted, or does she too follow expected accent?
Of the oxytones the only normally stressed utterance with a RF -which is also the longest -753 vdd is jointly perceived as circumfiexed. The 2 postemphatic utterances are both F and clearly are ambiguous. Why končā which is falling throughout, and is too low to be measured, is in most cases considered Tatjana Srebot-Rejec -9783954792146 Downloaded from PubFactory at 01/10/2019 04:04:59AM via free access circumflexed by both judges is difficult to say as these utterances could not be properly measured on account of their low frequencies. Or is expected accent again the decisive factor?

Summary
Expected barytone acutes have an acute FoP in initial position, in midposition and in final position on a R nucleus, except 1 case of zdráve (749). All the acute FoPs are jointly interpreted as acuted, except 746 páse(jo) (see p. 142). In final position on a F nucleus the FoP becomes indeterminate and the lower pitched versions are jointly considered acuted, and the higher where the F is halted or there is even a R somewhere on the tonic are jointly circumflexed. In the 1 instance of dftelji perception differs. Acute FoPs tend to break down on a F nucleus. What may remain to serve as an indicator of accent type is overall pitch of the tonic. This seems to be the criterion for the acute/circumflex perceptions of trávi. -Zdráve with its two definitely different FoPs is a classic example what constitutes a typical acute and what a circumflex (p. 143). It shows, moreover, that accent type need not be an inseparable part of a word in a speaker's mind.
Although Ka was circumflex orientated in his single word utterances this does not show here. Expected barytone circumflexes are less stable in their FoPs and perception than acutes. Or is this so because initial position favours the acute accent, in medial position we have only 1 barytone expected circumflex that is not a good example anyhow, and in final position on a F nucleus, which favours the circumflex accent, unanimous circumflex perception is missing because Sn is acute orientated?
Ka's circumflexes in initial position are ambiguous: the negative pitch movement of the tonic and the jum p indicate the acute, while the definitely falling posttonic and the overall pitch of some tonics rather point to the circumflex. Consequently the perception of the two interpreters differs. A striking example of a word that seems to have no fixed accent with all the 3 speakers and thus causes problems to its interpreters is čāka -the only expected circumflex barytone in mid-position. W ith Ka it certainly is not circumflexed. The negative pitch movement of the tonic and the jum p up point to the acute; the overall pitch of the tonic and in some cases the steep fall of the posttonic point to the circumflex. On a F nucleus the FbPs and the interpretations break down, the two judges disagree in their perceptions. Lo in this situation seems to rely on expected accent, and with Sn the zero and the less distinct classifications show that generally she was not sure of what she heard.
Oxytones with their fundamental frequency contours (FoCs), whether in initial or mid-position or on a F nucleus, and the differing perceptions of these utterances by the 2 interpreters show that Ka does not distinguish between the 2 accents on oxytones any longer. This confirms what has been found about his oxytones in neutral sentence position where the expected acutes were realized 14õ Tatjana Srebot-Rejec -9783954792146 Downloaded from PubFactory at 01/10/2019 04:04:59AM via free access as circumflexes. An indicator of this state of affairs is the fact that in initial and mid-position, where the oxytone contour should contain a R, only in 7 out of 16 cases is a R actually found, the rest have a F or L contour. The only position where accent-like conditions appear to function on oxytones is on a R nucleus with lengthened vowels where, however, the R is sentence conditioned, not word conditioned. 751 vdá has a RF and is jointly perceived as circumflexed, 751 vê has a R which is jointly perceived as acuted, and 752 končā has a FR, a concave contour, which is jointly perceived as acuted. (Tables 11 Pi,  P i's vowels in actual words in these sentences are longer than in the corresponding nonsense words, which are spoken very quickly. Averaged nonsense / a / in corresponding positions is 7.3 and 7.9 csecs, respectively (Table 2 Pi, p. 29), averaged krâva/e and siārček 10.2 and 9.1 csecs, respectively.

Speaker Pi
All the utterances of kráva/e have a R pitch movement, which is not concave but continuously R, a small jump up and a R pitch movement on the postaccented syllable. The R on the postaccented vowel is bigger than the preceding jump up. The FoPs are thus acute throughout and all the interpretations are in agreement with it.
W ith stārček the situation again is not so clear: although some of the averaged tonic frequencies of the utterances in the two groups coincide, all the accented vowels start on a higher frequency level than any kráva/e utterance (perhaps on account of the preceding /t/), they have a R pitch movement of the same size as the kráva/e group, a jump up which tends to be greater than with kráva/e, while the postaccented vowel is definitely falling in most cases. This latter is the only supportive (not distinctive) feature that characterizes the circumflex accent in this group besides the higher pitch of most accented vowels. As the distinctive feature for a circumflex, the jump down, is missing (the FoP is therefore classified as acuted throughout), only 1 utterance (747) has joint interpretation, and this circumflexed. The accented vowel of this utterance is relatively high-pitched, and in spite of its jum p up (which however is the smallest in the group), which is followed by a F posttonic of the same size as the preceding R in the jum p up, Lo and Sn perceive it as circumflexed.
Although emphatic utterances are dealt with separately, we should compare 747 (which is not said clearly contrastively) with emphatic 759 because the 2 tonics are almost identical as to duration and frequencies, the jump up in 146 Tatjana Srebot-Rejec -9783954792146 Downloaded from PubFactory at 01/10/2019 04:04:59AM via free access 759, however, is much greater, and so both interpreters perceived it as acuted.
The decisive factor must have been the large jum p up. The frequencies of the tonic, interestingly, are not a decisive obstacle to this perception. W hat in an unemphatically stressed utterance are circumfiexed frequencies, in an emphatically stressed one (which is characterized by higher frequencies) can be perceived as acuted, if connected with a large jum p up. The other jumps are too large (from 25 to 36 Hz) for a circumflex perception. The two interpreters perceive them as either non-accented or acuted (Lo less distinctly acuted).
Acuted oxytone / á / in iák is as long on the average as in the barytone kráva/e, 10.3 and 10.2 csecs, respectively, while / 1/ is much shorter, as expected.
Tdk has a R contour throughout, which to Sn in the shorter versions (765,764) with a large R is too steeply R for a typical acute. Zvečēr in most cases has a RF, a typically circumflex contour. As it is also high enough on account of its intrinsic frequency it is throughout jointly perceived as circumfiexed.
The accented averaged vowel in páse(jo) again is longer than in čāka (cf. pp. 136 and 142), as expected, and even longer than in initial krdva/e, contrary to expectation. Different from the accented vowels in initial position they have falling pitch movement and are generally higher in pitch than in initial position. The jumps up are large, and the falls smaller than the jumps up. All have an acute FbP, except 746 which has an exceptionally small jum p up, and an exceptionally large fall on the postaccented syllable. The 2 interpreters agreed with expected accent and the FbPs in all cases. Čaka again is neither here nor there. The accented vowels tend to be somewhat higher in pitch and the jumps up smaller than in pásé(jo). The FoPs are mostly indeterminate on account of the greater falls on the postaccented vowels than the preceding jumps up. Most of the interpretations are less distinct acutes or non-accented with little unanimity between the two judges. Oxytones: a) junák (4 instances), b) dán (4 instances).
As expected the averaged accented vowel in junák in mid-position is shorter than in iák in initial position. The accented averaged vowel in junák, however, though before a voiceless consonant, is longer than in dán -on account of its acute accent?
Lo interprets all utterances of junák as acuted, while Sn perceives the two versions with a level and falling contour respectively as not accented, and the two versions with a fall-rise as less distinctly acuted. The rise is probably too small for a proper acute. I can see no reason but expected accent for Lo's perception of 765 as acuted with a level contour and a relatively high pitch, while 763 with a fall which happens in too short a time to be properly perceived ends low enough for an acute.
The criteria for Sn's non-accented and Lo's circumflexed interpretations of dán are not quite clear. Although in combination with / n / there are some rising-falling contours, the intensity contours are mostly level. The utterances are less stressed than in initial or final position. Lo in his judgement seems to have been influenced by contour and Sn by weak stress.
The averaged / ę / in lépi again is longer than the corresponding /ę / in the nonsense words with a similar structure, 7.8 versus 6.9 csecs, respectively.
Lépi is not problematic, it has acute FoPs which are interpreted as such. There is more variety within the zdráve group. The first 2 instances (760,759) have an IP because they are falling throughout: the falls however are slow and gradual, the accented vowels -regardless of what follows ‫-‬ are acute-like and interpreted as such by both judges. 749 has an acute FoP and is interpreted as definitely acuted. 762 has an unusual FoP: after a rising tonic there is a small jum p down (circumflex-like) followed by a rising posttonic (acute-like) which ends in a fall. And so the 2 interpreters could not decide on any accent. 752 grémo and 751 biló are not stressed enough to be really accented.
trdvi has a longer accented vowel than 717 pomlâdi. 746 has a typically acute FbP: a concave tonic, a jump up and a rising posttonic. 747 not so: a definitely R tonic (influence of the R nucleus?), no jum p and a rising-falling posttonic (the R is as big as the following F). Sn perceives it as acuted and Lo as circumflexed.
All 3 oxytones have a R contour, supported by a R nucleus. The 2 expected acutes are perceived as acuted, and the 1 expected circumflex as circumflexed. This latter has not the greatest rise, but it starts highest and ends highest and has the highest average frequency, but is slightly longer than the acuted /а /.
All the normally stressed words on a F nucleus have an IP as they are falling throughout. There is 50% unanimity in the perception of the expected acute {trivi) and the expected circumflex (pomlâdi).
The accented vowels in the two groups do not differ in frequency. In the trivi group the lower frequencies tend to be acuted with both interpreters and the highest circumflexed. In pomlâdi however, Lo is expected accent orientated and Sn perceives the acute accent at the lower end and the circumflex at the higher end; why the in-between 759 is perceived as circumflexed and 761 as non-accented by her is difficult to say. All the versions of the 3 words have a falling contour. The first 2 of vdd (763,764) are continuously and steeply falling and Sn thus perceives them as not accented, the contour is too falling to be accented; Lo on the other hand, seems to concentrate on the overall pitch (supported by expected accent) and interprets the same two utterances as acuted. 753 starts much higher and has a steep fall only at its very end, the fall on the tonic is delayed, and it is therefore perceived as circumfiexed by both interpreters.
The first 2 utterances of konéâ (766, 767) with the lowest pitch are again perceived as not accented by Sn, although 766 has a relatively low fall; so it may be the low pitch rather than the fall that makes them non-accented to Sn, while the utterance (754) with a much higher pitch and a fall which is gentler on account of the vowel's long duration is considered circumfiexed. Lo hears the expected accent in all cases, also in those with lowest pitch.

Summary
The great majority of expected acute barytones, whether in initial or midposition have an acute FoP and are jointly perceived as acuted. This holds for krdva/e, kónji, pdse(jo)% and lépi. All have a jum p up, positive pitch movement on the tonic and posttonic in initial position; positive or negative pitch movement on the tonic and negative pitch movement on the posttonic in midposition. The fall on the posttonic is smaller than the preceding jum p up in the great majority of cases. The only expected acute word with indeterminate or not typical acute FoPs (3 out of 4) is zdrdve in mid-position. The 3 lower pitched utterances (760,759,749) are still jointly perceived as acuted (or less distinctly acuted), and the fourth is not. In final position the 1 expected acute example on a R nucleus has an acute FoP and is jointly perceived as acuted, while all the utterances on a F nucleus (trdvi, déielji) have an IP and this is reflected also in the differing perceptions.
W ith expected circumflexes the situation is less stable and more confused. Initial position favours the acute accent and the FoPs of stâréek are thus rather acute-like than circumflex-like, and the perceptions of the 2 interpreters differ. With éâka in mid-position the FbPs are indeterminate and are interpreted accordingly. 747 pomlâdi on a R nucleus has the characteristics of both accents and so the 2 interpreters differ. On a F nucleus the pomlâdi utterances have an IP and are interpreted as circumfiexed by the expected accent orientated Lo, while Sn's judgement seems to be influenced by the overall pitch of the accented vowel in the 2 extreme instances, and in the rest the criteria are not clear.
The situation is even more confused with oxytones. The perceptions are consistently unanimous and the two accents are kept apart only in initial position with iák and zvečēr, the former with a rising contour and the latter mostly with a rising-falling. The two accents moreover occur with the acute 011 the intrinsically low / a / and with the circumflex on the intrinsically high / i/. So that they are kept apart by contour and pitch. In mid-position the two oxytones occur on the same vowel / a / (junák, dan)i there is no pitch difference between the two groups and the FbCs are not so clearly in favour of one or the other accent. Again, Lo is expected accent orientated, a criterium which is outside the range of experimental phonetics, and Sn is in doubt how to interpret the utterances in both groups. W ith 751 vdá, 751 vé> and 752 končā, all on a R nucleus, the R contour (under the influence of sentence intonation) and overall pitch make joint identification of the expected accent possible. -On a F nucleus all contours are falling. Lo in vdá is pitch orientated, while in the končā series he is expected accent orientated. Sn is phonetically orientated and considers most of these utterances non-accented. (Table 12 Ju, Ka, Pi, pp. 179-181)

Barytones
In initial position the barytone expected acute (kráva/e with all 3 speakers in all its utterances has an acute FoP which is always perceived as acuted. The expected barytone circumflex (jiarćeA), on the other hand, in this position has an IP or a circumflex FoP with Ju and Ka, and an acute FoP with Pi. As none of these FoPs are typical and clear the two interpreters have problems with their interpretations of these utterances, and they more often than not disagree in their perception.
In mid-position the expected acutes pdse(jo) and lépi with all 3 speakers have acute FbPs and are interpreted accordingly. The same holds for J u 's zdráve. Ka's pronunciation of this word is either typically acuted or circumflexed, and is jointly interpreted as such. Pi also vacillates on zdráve, his FbPs are not always clear, although the interpretations are always unanimous (p. 148). The only expected barytone circumflex čāka is problematic with all 3 speakers. Its FoPs aie not clear and the perceptions differ.
In final position the influence of the sentence intonation is at its strongest. So no acute FoP can exist on a F nucleus under normal stress. The stronger the influence of the nucleus, the earlier the fall starts on the word and the steeper it is. The resulting FoP is thus either falling throughout -an IP or rising-falling with the rise-fall on the tonic or spread over two syllables -a circumflex. The interpretation of the latter pattern can be either phonetic, i.e. perceiving the contour as it occurs -circumflexed; or phonological, i.e. interpreting it as the acute accent on a F nucleus -acuted. Both judges Lo and Sn interpret J u 's acute on a F nucleus (trávi) phonologically. With Ka and Pi the same word on a F nucleus is falling throughout, and here the higher pitched versions are perceived as circumflexed and the lower as acuted. While in trávi 4 out of 15 cases started with a R, their number falls to 2 (found only in J u 's utterances) out of 12 cases with the expected circumflex in this position (pomlâdi), the rest are falling throughout (IPs). The utterances of all 3 speakers have mostly differing interpretations. We cannot speak of word accent proper any more.
Expected acutes seem to be more resistant to sentence intonation than expected circumflexes. Is this so because the acute is the marked accent? Ignoring pomlâdi on a F nucleus we have no proper circumflexes either with siārček or with čāka. Or is this word conditioned, i.e. that no good examples have been chosen to represent the circumflex accent, that stārček and čāka belong to that group of words where accent type is not so deeply rooted any more? Why has šolar in the same position as stārček (although we unfortunately have fewer examples of it) always a circumflex FoP and is always jointly perceived as circumflexed?
The fact that also the acute zdráve (almost a minimal pair with krdva/e) in the same position as lépi, but different from it, with all 3 speakers is not so firmly acuted, lends some support to the hypothesis that with some words accent type is more deeply rooted than with others. It also shows that with Ju accent type is most deeply rooted (as already seen in the single words), with Ka less, though he realizes both accents unambiguously, and with Pi least: his FoPs are easily indeterminate even in non-nuclear position. In this sentence series Pi does not speak at an "allegro" rate, so this reason must be dropped here. Our corpus does not contain enough examples of barytones in sentences to solve this question.

Oxytones
FoCs with oxytones show less system than FoPs with barytones. The expected acute oxytones (iák) in initial position are very short with Ju and Ka, too short for an intrinsically long vowel to be properly accented. Although J u 's tonics are falling (F too short to be perceived) they are perceived as acuted probably on account of their low pitch. Ka's contours in the same words are mostly concave, but are too short for the contour to be perceived, and his pitch does not differ from that of circumflexed barytones in this position. So the perceptions of the 2 interpreters either differ, or Lo and Sn are unanimous that certain utterances are non-accented. Pi is the only speaker th at h is proper acute FoCs in this word: his utterances are long and R, while their pitch cannot really be compared with any other word as there is no other oxytone with the vowel / a / in initial position.
Ju's expected circumflex oxytone (zvečēr) in initial position in all its versions (whether R or L) is jointly interpreted as circumflex probably on account of its pitch. In Ka's versions of the same word Lo perceives the circumflex accent throughout, while Sn only in the one utterance with a RF contour and highest pitch. Pi's utterances with a RF contour are jointly interpreted as circumflexed.
The pitch contours of J u 's expected acute oxytone jundk in mid-position are concave (although there is very little pitch movement and they are shallow) and so they are perceived as acuted by both judges. Ka's utterances of the same word are R or L and there is hardly any unanimity between the 2 interpreters. Lo is expected accent orientated and Sn can hear anything from acuted to circumflexed or non-accented. Where P i's utterances have a concave contour the two interpreters are unanimous, while they disagree in the interpretation of a L or F contour. J u 's expected circumflex oxytone dán in mid-position is jointly perceived as non-accented in postemphatic position or when not stressed enough. Ka's versions of this word are not stressed enough to have a definite accent, and the same seems to hold for Sn's non-accented interpretation of P i's utterances of this word, while Lo follows the expected accent.
On a F nucleus a contour which is F throughout its course (regardless of expected accent) is predominant with all 3 speakers (v<M, konćd). A RF is an exception. The predominant perception obviously is the circumflex. W ith Ju all the perceptions of expected acutes and circumflexes are joint and circumfiexed. W ith Ka and Pi the 2 lower falls in the expected acute series are ambiguous (Sn 0, Lo ‫׳‬ or ‫,)*״*‬ the third and highest is perceived as circumfiexed. W ith the expected circumflexes of končd Lo is expected accent orientated and Sn with Ka has zero and circumflex interpretations (why exactly is difficult to say as the frequencies are too low to be measured), while with Pi the lower pitched falls are non-accented, and the higher circumfiexed.
The study of accent on single words has shown that on oxytones only Ju can keep the two accents apart systematically and in a clearly recognizable way. Here another factor which did not exist in the single words, the influence of sentence intonation, comes into play as well. W hat emerges is that as a result F0C in many cases has lost its role, although not in all cases. While FbP in barytones (except in nuclear position) still retains its importance, albeit with some modifications, on oxytones, under the impact of sentence intonation, where everything has to happen on one syllable, it seems to a great extent lost. W hat may remain in these cases to help perceive accent type is pitch, or in some cases length; expected accent in ambiguous accent conditions may play a more im portant role than with barytones. Consequently we are to expect less unanimity between the 2 interpreters, and more zero or less distinct classifications than with barytones.
Where they exist, the RFs are with 1 exception (Pi 768 dán) always jointly perceived as circumflexed. The FRs, which are typical of some speakers on barytone acute tonics, however, are not always perceived as acuted, although numerically (statistically), there is a marked tendency for a joint acute perception. Thus e.g. in Ka 751 and 761 iák the concave contour is too short and it moreover starts and ends on the same frequency to be perceived as concave.
The acute perceptions in so far as they are found on iák (Ju, Ka, F or L FoCs) seem to be pitch conditioned, while the Pi series has the right length and contour for the acute accent. Junák has a few FRs which combined with a lower pitch are jointly perceived as acuted, while the versions with other contours have differing interpretations. Dán is mostly considered unaccented by both Lo and Sn.
The R nucleus supports the acute accent, as it is evident from Ju, Ka 751 vé and Ka 752 končā; while 751 vdá, in spite of its expected accent and a position favouring the acute is jointly perceived as circumflexed with Ju and Ka because it has a RF contour. The reason for the joint acute, respectively circumflex interpretation of Pi's 751 véy and 752 končā is not contour but pitch.
On a F nucleus falling contours prevail with circumflex perceptions. There is most agreement between the 2 interpreters on J u 's utterances that they are circumflex, less on Ka's and least on Pi's. For the reasons for this, in as much as they could be detected, see the corresponding passages in the detailed commentary to each speaker.        The parameters involved in emphatic and contrastive stress are the same as those involved in stress in general: duration, frequency (= pitch and contour), and amplitude (= intensity, loudness). In Slovene emphatic utterances all parameters are generally involved changed as to neutral speech. 6.1.1 Speaker Ju (Table 13 Ju , p. 192) In an emphatic word, sentence intonation influence is strongly weakened if not eliminated. Emphatically pronounced words, barytones and oxytones, in all three positions -with the exception of oxytones on a F nucleus -were interpreted by both judges as having the expected accent, the accent prescribed by SSKJ. The FbP with barytones was the expected one having all the features typical of that accent type, in most circumfiexed cases a definite circumflex FoP with Ju emerges only under emphatic stress. In barytones word accent clearly prevails upon sentence intonation, regardless of position.
Accent in oxytones even when under emphatic stress is not so free of sentence intonation influence. In initial and mid-position the expected accent is always jointly perceived, while on a F nucleus it is not (765 vdd). On the contour of initial 763 tdk see pp. 135 and 188.
The most persistent indicator of emphatic stress is duration. The emphatic utterance generally has the longest tonic. The tonics of emphatic utterances are lengthened (in 1 case shortened) and amount from 98 to 156%, 123% on the average, of the normally stressed.one. The posttonic does not seem to be affected. The expression "longer" in Table 13 means that the vowel of the tonic has second place as to duration in the group (compared with "longest" which has first place). Duration is generally combined with higher frequency and greater pitch contrasts on the tonic, with bigger jumps (either up or down depending on accent type), and in some cases with greater pitch movement (again either up or down) on the posttonic. Especially in initial position emphasis is marked by higher pitch, in mid-position it is not so very common, and in final position it does not occur at all with Ju. In final position the greater influence of sentence intonation shows on barytones in that there is no higher pitch on the tonic, while the jump up in the acute example is still above average. The posttonic is not rising as it often is on a normal acute accent with Ju, neither is it properly falling as it should be on a falling nucleus. The circumflex barytone (762 pomlâdi) on a falling nucleus at first sight does not show any emphatic features compared with e.g. 749. Compared with its preceding utterance (761) however, it is longer, higher in pitch and has more pitch movement on its tonic. Emphasis generally manifests itself in absolute terms (i.e. longest, highest frequencies etc.), but not necessarily. Like most phenomena in phonetics it is relative, longer, higher etc. than the corresponding adjacent elements. As I compared every emphatic word with all the same words in the same position "normal" generally means average, although the same feature could be defined as longer, higher etc. if compared with the preceding utterance only.
The impression of emphasis is not gained by means of increased pitch only, but also by a fall in pitch. Oxytone ták (763) in position 1, and the tonics of barytone påse (765) and lépi (757) in position 2, all acuted, have an extra large fall. With barytone circumflexes the greater jump down contributes to the effeet of emphasis (759,760). Under emphasis all features may be "exaggerated", "bigger than in ordinary life".
Emphatic ták (763, position 1) is the longest, starts highest, and has the greatest fall in the group. Zvečēr (766, position 1) is the longest and is the only one that has a typically circumflex contour (RF) in the group. The duration relationship between the emphatic tonic and the averaged normally stressed tonic is the same in both cases, 76 and 77% respectively. Emphatic junák (764, position 2) again is the longest, the pitch of the tonic is not increased, there is little variation within it although there are 4 small pitch changes on it as a consequence of its relatively great length, it is wobbling. The duration of the averaged normally stressed vowel again amounts to 78% of the emphatic one. Emphatic 767 dán (position 2) is an interesting example. Compared with its immediate predecessor (766) it is a little higher in pitch and has a slightly greater pitch movement. Compared with the other members of the group, neither duration, nor frequency or pitch movement indicate that it is emphasized although it is perceived as emphatic. So far we have ignored the amplitude display of the sonagrams as we considered it less reliable on account of the different intrinsic intensities th at the different vowels have and on account of the influence that the manner of articulation of the neighbouring consonants has on the accented vowel. Here, however, intensity seems to play an independent role: the amplitude display clearly shows an independent peak above the vowel, emphatic stress seems to be realized here primarily by a heightened intensity curve. 765 vdá in final position has duration as its outstanding feature, frequency and tone contour do not have above average values. The 4 pitch changes of average size are a consequence of duration. 768 končā again stands out in the group on account of its duration. A поп-emphatic utterance (754) has the same frequencies, contour and fall.
Tatjana Srebot-Rejec -9783954792146 Downloaded from PubFactory at 01/10/2019 04:04:59AM via free access Just as duration seems to be the outstanding feature of stress compared with non-stress, so duration plays a crucial role with emphatic stress although frequency changes are a usual and important correlate of emphasis.
We can study only 1 example of contrastive stress as the others occur only once, and so cannot be compared with normally stressed utterances. W hat makes that example (746 ibrave) contrastively stressed is the lengthened posttonic, an extra large rise on the tonic which continues on the lengthened posttonic where it is especially prominent.
W ith Ju the type of accent in emphatically stressed words is not only preserved, but strengthened and made more prominent. Its characteristics are more marked than under normal stress. The less stressed a word is, the weaker the tendency to a rise, which is the fundamental feature of both types of accent in Slovene. Tone is thus intimately connected with degree of stress -another sign that Slovene is a pitch accented language (cf. p. 16). (Table 13 Ka, p. 193) The tonics of emphatic utterances are consistently lengthened from 120-184%, 140% on the average. The lengthening generally affects the posttonic as well. Lengthening is thus an indispensable feature of emphasis with Ka. It is always accompanied by greater pitch movement if not by a higher pitch.

Speaker Ka
Ka's circumflex orientation which was not seen in normally stressed words under the influence of sentence intonation here comes to the fore again: none of the acute realizations has all the characteristics of the acute accent, while all the circumflexes are typically circumfiexed. Under normal stress K a's acute tonics in barytones can have negative or positive pitch movement on the tonic (Ju -negative). Under emphatic stress if they do not all start and rise highest, they all end higher, all have definitely positive pitch movement, whether they are acuted or circumfiexed. While the jumps up are normal on emphatic acutes, the jumps down in circumflexes are greater under emphatic stress than under normal stress. In short, the general tendency of Ka's utterances -a R tonic and a F posttonic -is strengthened under emphasis. Thus 755 kráva is considered less distinctly acuted by Lo because its tonic has above average positive pitch movement, too large a R for a typical acute. 756 pése has much too large a R on the tonic, and so Lo perceives it as circumfiexed in spite of its perceptible jump up which should not appear in a circumflex in mid-position. 760 čāka as already observed in the single word series with Ka again exemplifies the fact that accent in certain words may not be firmly rooted with him; that though most of his transitions are from acute to circumflex, there are some from circumflex to acute. All his normally stressed versions of čāka have negative pitch movement on the tonic. This however has positive. While Sn still perceives it as definitely acuted Lo therefore perceives it as less distinctly acuted. 757 lépt, although jointly interpreted as acuted, I determined as IP because the steep fall, which is much greater than the jump up, is untypical of the acute accent. 761 zdráve, on the other hand, has not only a rising tonic and a falling posttonic, but also a jum p down, which makes it typically circumflex and thus jointly perceived as such by both interpreters.
In end position on a F nucleus, Ka's tendency for the circumflex accent and sentence intonation go hand in hand, and as a result we have typical circumflex FoPs, whether expected or not (758 trdvi, 762 pomlâdi).
The acutes survive with Ka in initial position, which favours the acute accent, though not as typical acutes, while there are none in final position on a F nucleus.
There is most ambiguity in mid-position where the influence of sentence intonation favouring one or the other accent is missing. Here the fact that Ka is circumflex orientated on the whole, and that accent on the other hand is not so firmly rooted with him as with Ju, again emerges.
The fact that Ka does not distinguish between the 2 accents on oxytones emerges in the emphatically stressed words as well. The expected circumflexes are all perceived as circumflexed. The expected acute oxytones are realized as definitely circumflexed (763 iák, 765 vdá) with a RF contour, whether in initial or final position; only in the neutral mid-position is the pattern only R (764 junák), which Sn on account of its low starting frequency perceives as acuted and Lo concentrating on the high end of the tonic as circumflexed.
Little can be said about Ka's utterances under contrastive stress. They either cannot be compared as they are the only version of a particular word, or they do not really sound contrastively stressed. 747 pomlâdi sounds contrastively stressed and is typically circumflexed and jointly perceived as such though it is on a R nucleus. As it is an only example it cannot be compared. (Table 13 Pi Of the 6 instances in mid-position (756 pásé, 760 čāka, 764 junáky 767 dán, 757 lépi, 761 zdráve) all have the expected FoP (or FbC), and thus the expected interpretation, except 761 zdráve where the emphatic version is the only one in the group with a typically circumflex pattern (large R on tonic, large jum p down, steep F on posttonic), and hence also is perceived as such. We could say that under emphatic stress the dichotomy stress on tonic and tonal peak on posttonic is lost here: both coincide on the tonic -and the result is the unmarked accent, the circumflex.

Speaker Pi
In final position the extra stress caused by emphasis results in a R on the tonic followed by a F (also on the tonic) which is brought about by a F nucleus -and the result is a typically circumflex FbP (л 1), regardless of expected accent (758 trávi, 762 pomlâdt). Fbr the same reasons the oxytone 765 vdá has the same RF contour while 768 končā has a F tone contour just as all the поп-emphatic utterances in this group, but different from the rest, it has a RF intensity contour -emphasis shows in a higher general pitch, greatest F and a RF intensity contour. Lo and Sn interpret it as circumflexed -one reason for it could be the extra short duration.
Initial     I В on a F nucleus Of the 6 utterances on a F nucleus only 1 (537) has a jump up ( ‫׳‬ FbP) and the others all have a jump down ‫״(‬ FoP), the latter however is circumflex, type 4 (*4), which with its concave contour on the accented syllable is acutelike (cf. p. 72). In spite of a concave tonic the fall (brought about by the F nucleus) in most cases starts at the end of the tonic, and we thus get 2 changes of direction on the tonic (FRF) which yields an S-contour ( ). This circumflex FoP thus is not typically circumflex. All the perceptions in this group are unanimous, 5 of them acuted, i.e. phonological (phonetically backed by a concave contour on the accented syllable) -an acute accent on a F nucleusand 1 (549) is jointly perceived as circumfiexed. It contains the only tonic with a circumflex-like contour (RF), has the shortest vowel, and a big jump down, while the R posttonic is something quite exceptional on a circumflex. That is why it was classified as having an indeterminate pattern. в .2.1.2 Expected circumflexes, normally stressed II in a neutral sentence intonation position Where there is a zero jum p or a jump up (538, 554) the 2 interpreters jointly perceive such an utterance as acuted, ignoring in 538 the high pitched tonic and the steeply F posttonic. In the remaining 4 utterances the interpretations differ or are less distinct. The tonic in all these cases has a higher pitch than in the corresponding expected acutes, the jump is always a definite jum p down, followed by a F pitch movement on the posttonic. In spite of these circumflex features interpretations vary on account of the concave-like pitch contour of the tonic (cf. p. 72).
The durations of the expected acute and circumflex tonics cannot be compared because they are in different sentence intonation positions which influence their duration. The expected circumflex series moreover is problematic as to perceived accent anyhow. The perceived acutes on a R nucleus are definitely longest. A comparison of vowel duration between the perceived acutes on a R (I A) and on a F (I B) nucleus could show the extent of sentence intonation influence in the 2 series. Only the first 4 pairs can be compared and have the following differences in duration 0.8, 2.3, 2.6 and 0 csecs. The difference depending on the type of nucleus can thus be relatively large (cf. pp. 138, 144, 149 and 226). The postaccented vowel / 0 / is the same in all words. On a R nucleus and contrastively stressed its averaged duration is 11.4 csecs., on a F 6.7 csecs., and in neutral position 6.4 csecs. We have here the same phenomenon already observed in the chapter on emphatic words, namely that Ju tends to lengthen the posttonic of the first word of a contrastively stressed pair. But whereas in 746 kráve (p. 189) the lengthened posttonic is very steeply R compared with the normally stressed words in the same position, one has the impression (there are no normally stressed words to compare these utterances with) that besides the duration of the posttonic the jum p up is above average (for a low R) and thus is the second indicator of contrastive stress on a R nucleus, while the pitch movement on the posttonic is increased only in some cases (there where the jum p up is relatively smaller, 537, 549). If we compare the durations of the posttonics in the R group with those in the other two, the difference certainly is striking and is brought about by 2 factors: (1) a R nucleus, and (2)  Although the acute is the expected accent, and although the words are on a R nucleus (which favours the R accent) all the FoPs are circumflex and all perceptions (with 1 exception) are joint circumflexes. Contrastive stress brings out Ka's circumflex orientation: when a word is more than normally stressed ‫ן‬ stress and tonal peak with Ka in this series tend to coincide, regardless of expected accent, and as a result we get the circumflex accent. Why Lo hears 549 múló as acuted is not clear to me (cf. also Table 4 Ka, sonagram 626, p. 91). The FoPs are typically circumfiexed, the accented syllables have a convex pitch contour (except 539), mostly positive pitch movement, a large jum p down and steeply falling posttonics.
I В on a F nucleus Though a F nucleus favours the circumflex accent in this group of expected acutes on a F nucleus only 2 utterances have a circumflex FbP and the remainder are F throughout and thus have an IP. In a contrastive pair clearly the first member only is strongly stressed, while the second is not. Most words are not stressed enough to have an initial R and so the F sentence intonation prevails. Only those words that have a convex (R F) accented pitch contour are jointly perceived as clearly circumfiexed (539,551,553). About the rest Lo is in doubt, while Sn perceives them as definitely circumfiexed. 537 krávo is the only joint acute and differs from the rest on account of its concave tonic. The interpretation of the two judges is phonological here, an acute accent on a F nucleus.

Expected circumflexes, normally stressed
II in a neutral sentence intonation position In this group expected accent and Ka's circumflex orientation coincide, while sentence intonation is at its weakest. So the FbPs are circumflex, and in 2 cases (540, 546) IP, i.e. falling throughout, although the fall at the beginning of the tonic or on the tonic is gradual, not steep. Again, these utterances are not stressed enough to have a R.
In all 3 groups (I A, I В, II) the FbPs are mostly circumflex, a few are IP, and not one is acute. The perceptions are almost throughout joint circumflexes. Ka's circumflex orientation which is stronger than sentence intonation comes to the fore.
Concerning the vowel duration of accented vowels the 2 accents cannot play any role with Ka as he is circumflex throughout. The different nuclear positions influence vowel durations less systematically than with the other two speakers. The accent with Ka in all 3 groups (I A, I B, and II) is circumflex, so all the posttonics regardless of sentence position are F, most steeply F on a F nucleus (I B). The longest averaged posttonic is in neutral sentence intonation position, 8.8 csecs., followed by 7.9 csecs, on a R nucleus and 6.2 on a F nucleus. Compared with Ju the differences are small. 6  Pi in this series of expected minimal pairs is completely under the in‫-‬ fluence of sentence intonation, word accent is swamped by sentence intonation. Regardless of expected accent Pi uses the R intonation on a R nucleus and the F intonation on a F nucleus. In the two А-groups the FbPs are acute throughout and interpreted as such by both Lo and Sn, and in the two В-groups circumflexed or IP when F throughout, perceived as circumflexed.
The contrastive meaning of the pairs of words in a sentence makes him say the two words very distinctly which with Pi whose inherent word accent is more weakly rooted than J u 's and Ka's (cf. pp. 77 and 152), seems to strengthen the influence of the sentence intonation. We saw in Table 13 Pi (p. 194) that even under emphatic stress in kráva/stārček and trdvi/pomlâdi, regardless of expected accent, sentence intonation overrules word accent, with the acute in initial and the circumflex in final position (cf. p. 191 The only remainder of the 2 accents is the persistent difference in vowel duration. All the expected acutes have a longer vowel than the expected circumflexes in the same position. The duration difference varies from 0.4 to 2.2 csecs. W ithin the expected acuted series those on a R nucleus are longer than those on a F, while within the expected circumflexed series this tendency is weaker. This persistent vowel duration difference is surprising in a speaker who is the least systematic of the three as far as vowel duration is concerned (cf. p. 32).
In posttonics, however, Pi again upsets the expected pattern -his posttonics after a R nucleus are shorter, 6.5 csecs, on the average (6.6 and 6.4), and on a F nucleus 10 csecs, on the average (10.4 and 10.1). Unlike the other two speakers, he does not make any pause whatsoever after the first clause, while there is a pause at the end of the sentence, and hence the unexpected difference.

.2.4
The basic characteristics of each speaker emerge in this series again. J u 's basically acute orientation: the expected acutes, whether on a R or F nucleus, are perceived as acuted in spite of a jum p down on account of a F nucleus because the greater part of the tonic is not affected by the F. The perception is thus phonological not phonetic. The expected circumflexes have certain features of the circumflex accent and others of the acute, and so the interpretations of the 2 judges often differ.
Ka's utterances are circumflex regardless of sentence intonation. The unmarked accent dominates.
Pi's utterances are unaccented with sentence intonation dominating them completely: acutes on a R nucleus, and circumflexes on a F. Word accent with Pi is less firmly rooted than with the other two speakers.             SSKJ) In this series there are 3 pairs of barytones with the same sequence of sounds where expected word accent should be the only difference between them; and 2 pairs of oxytones, each with an expected short circumflex* and with an expected long one, the only difference between the two should thus be vowel duration. The text of the sentences is in the appendix (p. 263).
6.3.1 Speaker Ju (Table 15 Ju, p. 208) Only 1 pair of barytones follows the expected course in every respect: 736 lita has an acute FoP and is perceived as acuted by both interpreters; 741 lēta has a circumflex FoP, and is perceived as circumflexed by both interpreters. 737 pisma is perceived according to the expected accent although it has an IP: instead of a jum p up it has a small jump down. This relatively small jum p down may be attributed to the influence of a falling sentence intonation which -as has already been noticed (p. 72) -may be felt when we have more than a single word embedded in a frame, which in our case forms a sentence. As noticed elsewhere (p. 71) it is not so uncommon for a small jump down to be perceived as acuted. All the other features in this case are acute-like: a slightly falling tonic which is lower in pitch than the corresponding expected circumflex one and the pitch movement of the posttonic is neutral as it is level and not falling. The corresponding expected circumflex utterance 742 ptsma is not problematic: it is circumflex throughout, FoP and both interpretations.
Of the third expected minimal pair the expected acute 738 kési is acute throughout, FoP and perception; while the expected circumflex 743 kôsi has an acute-like tonic contour and a jump up the overall pitch of the tonic, however, is higher and its duration shorter than that of the corresponding acute, and the negative pitch movement on the posttonic is as large as the preceding jum p up. Sn paying most attention to the contour of the tonic considers it acute, and Lo to the pitch of the tonic and posttonic, perceives it as circumflexed.
The duration difference between the expected short circumflex 745 slàb and the expected long circumflex 740 slap is 0.8 csecs, and should be below the perception level. 745 has a level accented vowel and Sn perceived it as unaccented 011 account of this, and 740 has a concave contour, which would indicate an acute, but is too short for an acute, so Sn cannot decide what she hears, while Lo is expected accent orientated and hears circumflexes in both cases.
All the acute barytones have longer accented vowels than the circumflexes.

206
*Although there are no oxytones with a short acute in Slovene the expression "short cir> cumflex" is commonly used by Slovene linguists as a phonetic term. In the second oxytone pair Ju makes a pause after the expected short circumflex 739 làz pronouncing it on a R nucleus and so the vowel under the influence of the sentence intonation is much longer than in the expected long circumflex 744 lâs. Sn interprets the long R accented vowel as acuted in 739, and Lo is expected accent orientated. 744 they both hear as circumfiexed. (Table 15 Ka, p. 209) Ka in the 3 expected minimal pair barytones does not follow the expected pattern. The accented syllables have hardly any pitch movement and are practically level, most of the jumps are proper jumps down, and the contour of the postaccented syllables is either falling or level, never rising. There is only 1 acute FoP (743 kçsi) and that on an expected circumflex. Two of the 3 expected circumflexes 742 pisma and 741 lēta are jointly perceived as circumflex, and the third expected circumflex with an acute FbP (743 kôsi) is perceived as acuted or undecided (acuted/non-accented) while none of the expected acutes has an acute FbP and none of the perceptions in the expected acute series are unanimous. The acute FbP on an expected circumflex again shows th at although Ka is circumflex orientated on the whole he may have an acute FbP in an unexpected position (cf. p. 65).

Speaker Ka
Vowel durations do not show any system. Of the 2 oxytone minimal pairs Ka pronounced only 1 and that with the expected difference in length 0.7 csecs., which, however, is too short to be perceived. Both 739 làz and 744 lâs have a R contour. Lo perceived both as circumfiexed, and Sn the more steeply R realisation (or rather the more quickly R) 739 làz as acuted, the less steeply as circumfiexed (cf. Snłs theoretical views on both accents, p. 14). (Table 15 Pi, p. 210) W ith Pi, compared with Ka, it is just the other way round: the expected acute barytones are jointly perceived as acutes (FbPs acute or indeterminate), while the expected circumflex barytones have differing perceptions, circumflex, non-accented or acute (FoPs *3 or IP). In the expected acute -circumflex pairs the expected circumflexes are in all 3 cases higher in pitch than the expected acutes. T hat may be the reason why Lo interprets all 3 barytone pairs as to expected accent, while Sn perceives the two expected circumflexes with a level tonic (742,743) as non-accented. There are no systematic duration differences between the two accents.

Speaker Pi
Pi in the two oxytones does not make the expected vowel duration differences: in the pair 745 slab -740 slap the two vowels are of the same length, and in the pair 739 làz -744 lâs, the expected shorter vowel is longer than the expected longer one. 740 with a FL contour is perceived as not accented by Sn, and the others with R or RF contours are jointly perceived as circumfiexed.   In the present chapter we intend to deal with those aspects of word duration and length th a t have not been dealt with yet or enlarge upon others about which something more should be said. 7.1.1 TVaditional grammar teaches th at from the prosodic point of view vowels in SS fall into 3 groups: (1) long stressed vowels, (2) short stressed vowels, (3) short unstressed vowels (Toporišič 1984, 65). Since a stressed vowel, according to this theory, can be either short or long in the same position (i.e. in the last syllable of a word), length is phonologically relevant. Since a short vowel in the same position (i.e. in the last syllable) can be either stressed or unstressed, stress is phonologically relevant. There are thus 2 phonological prosodic features in SS: stress and length. In the nonsense series the 3 speakers were asked to pronounce the nonsense word group structured CV'CVC once with the second vowel long, and once with the second vowel short. Ju pronounced according to instructions and made a perceptible difference in vowel duration between the 2 groups. Ka too made a difference between the two though not large enough to be linguistically relevant, while Pi did not (could not?) follow the instructions. (Fbr details  see Tables 2 Ju, 2 Ka, 2 Pi, pp. 23, 26, 29; and pp. 31-32). (We certainly do not want to imply th a t Pi cannot make the difference between a longer and a shorter vowel as a m atter of principle. In the acc./instr. series (Tables 14  Pi, pp. 204-205) Pi was the only one to make the expected length difference systematically though not always long enough to be linguistically relevant, i.e. perceived (p. 199). Though Ju was able to make a perceptible difference between a long and a short vowel, and Ka a difference, though not perceptible, in artificial words, no speaker, not even Ju, made this difference systematically and always in actual Slovene words.
E. Stankiewicz (1979, 130-131), although he did not carry out any actual measurements to prove it, knew of this type of SS and called it the colloquial form of the literary language. Not being a native speaker of Slovene he must have been told about it, perhaps by J. Rigler. Rigler was well aware of the fact that length was not distinctive in educated Slovene as spoken in Ljubljana and said that the length distinction was "held up artificially" (personal communication Nov. 24, 1983).
In SS as spoken by educated people in Ljubljana a vowel is longer when it is stressed, and shorter when it is unstressed. Length thus ceases to be an independent feature and becomes a supportive feature of stress. Length is a consequence of stress. Vowels in SS thus fall into 2 groups: stressed and unstressed; when stressed they are longer than when unstressed. All other conditions being equal, a stressed vowel is longer than an unstressed vowel. The longer a stressed vowel is the bigger is the duration difference between it and its unstressed counterpart (GP 7, p. 22). This difference thus varies as we have seen in the nonsense words where this problem has been studied in ideal conditions. 7.1.3 W hat makes stressed vowels (and unstressed vowels, though to a smaller extent) differ in length is their intrinsic duration. Thus a second factor comes into play: How long a vowel actually is does not depend on stress alone, but also on its intrinsic duration (pp. 24, 27, 30). Our measurements have shown that in most words the stressed vowel is the longest. Stress is thus the strongest influence on duration.
But there are cases where it is quite common and to be expected that an unstressed vowel is longer than the stressed one. This can happen when an intrinsically short vowel is stressed and an intrinsically long vowel in the same word is unstressed. If the 2 vowels in question belong to the two extreme ends of the scale of intrinsic duration, i.e. the stressed vowel is intrinsically very short, and the unstressed intrinsically very long, it may well happen that intrinsic duration prevails over stress, and the stressed vowel may as a result be shorter than the unstressed one. This may happen even more easily if other factors by themselves not nearly as influential as stress and intrinsic duration, happen to strengthen the 2 vowels in their trends towards extra long/short vowel duration. Instances of such words are discussed in greater detail in section 7.5 (Table 19 Ju, Ka, Pi, pp. 223-226). Other factors (besides stress and intrinsic duration) coinfluencing vowel duration are so numerous that we may miss some in our enumeration. Some have been investigated in this paper, while others not, as they would make this thesis too bulky although we are well aware of them. c) The influence of a preceding consonant on a vowel: its manner of articulation, its duration, its voicedness. This influence is weaker than (a) and (b) but it exists in Slovene just as in other languages.
4) The length of the word (isochronic conditioning). The duration of stressed / І / , e.g. in words of different length in Table 18 Ju, Ka, Pi, p. 222. 5) Sentence position of the word with the vowel under study: initial, medial or final; when final, the type of nucleus on which the word occurs; or does the word form a tone group of its own (See e.g. pp. 138, 144, 149; 226). 6) The influence of word accent (e.g. in Ju ‫״‬s oxytones pp. 31-32, Fig. 16b Ju, p. I l l ; in expected minimal pairs Table 15 Ju, p. 208). 7) The influence of tone-contour (e.g. in oxytones, pp. 61, 68, 73). 8) Type of stress -normal, emphatic, contrastive (pp. 187-194). 9) Dialectal background of the speaker (e.g. Sn's problems with J u 's vowel durations, p. 64). 10) Idiosyncratic characteristics of a speaker (e.g. the different relationships of the 3 speakers between stressed and prestressed vowels in the nonsense series, pp. 31-32).
Since vowel duration is not phonologically relevant in the type of Slovene studied in this investigation, since it is not an independent variable but depends on all kinds of factors, vowel duration is highly unstable. There is much more homogeneity as to vowel duration between the 3 English informants (material not used in this paper) although they come from different parts of England than between the 3 Slovene informants, all 3 living in Ljubljana and using SS as spoken in Ljubljana. 7.1.6 Another consequence of the fact that length is not phonologically relevant is that we have no short and long accented syllables, but just accented. There is no short and long circumflex accent on oxytones, but just a circumflex accent. The so called "short circumflex" was only a phonetic term anyhow as its counterpart, a "short acute" on oxytones does not exist. More important is the fact th at in this way we do away with such an anomaly as a "short acute" on barytones which has been introduced into SSKJ explicitly for /a/ on ac* count of its extra short duration. /3/ is short, agreed, but it is shorter than the other vowels only on account of its short intrinsic duration which is a phonetic quality. It can, however, change its duration, i.e. become longer when stressed, be affected by an open syllable position etc. just as other vowels, though its duration range is smaller and consequently its changes are smaller (GP 7,p. 22 7.1.7 So fax the following aspects of vowel duration have been dealt with: intrinsic duration, duration depending on position (i.e. syllable structure), durations of prestressed and poststressed vowels and the duration relationship be* tween stressed and prestressed vowels in the nonsense series (pp. 19-32). In the single word series we studied vowel duration in connection with accent type and tone contour (pp. 61, 68, 73, 76-77,104). The duration changes due to emphatic (and contrastive) stress were dealt with on pp. 187-194 and the duration differences in expected accentual minimal pairs on pp. 199, 204-205, 206-210.
The present chapter contains sections on: 7.2 vowel duration in Slovene oxytones, 7.3 on the duration of the vowel /3/, 7.4 duration relationship between stressed and prestressed vowels in 7.4 actual Slovene words, 7.5 some words from the single word series in which unstressed vowels 7.5 are longer than stressed, 7.6 a short passage on the influence of nucleus type on vowel duration.

VOWEL DURATION IN SLOVENE OXYTONES
According to traditional grammar the only position in which vowel length is unpredictable and has thus a phonological status is in oxytones, where /i, и, e, о / and / а / can be either long or short. This is supposed to hold for SS and with few exceptions for practically all dialects (ToporiSić 1984, 52).
To see whether this rule applies to our 3 speakers there are in my corpus some expected minimal pairs or similarly structured words with expected length differences.
As the length of a vowel in Slovene depends on its quality (= intrinsic length), on its adjacent sounds (especially the following sound), on the structure of the syllable, on the length of the word and of the tone-group (in a short word it is longer) and on its position in the sentence (initial, Anal, on a R, F nucleus) I tried to eliminate all these factors and compared vowels of the same quality, in the same or similar surroundings (as there are not so many minimal pairs) and in the same position in words and sentences of similar length. In most cases the comparison is thus carried out paradigmatically, and where it is not, this is explicitly mentioned, as these examples then carry less weight.
We can safely ignore word accent here (acute -longer, circumflex -shorter) as there is no word accent distinction on short oxytones. Phonetically they are considered circumflexes. Accent distinction can occur only on long oxytones, of which the great majority in closed syllables are circumfiexed anyhow, and only a minority (mostly for morphological reasons) are supposed to be acuted.
There are very few verbs in my corpus and most nouns are in the nominative singular. On je moj brit* P* ieprav je tak.   A cursory comparison of vowel duration in general in nonsense words and single words shows that J u 's and Ka's vowels tend to be shorter in the single word series, and P i's rather longer. In spite of this we can see that /a/ in the table contains shorter durations than any other vowel in Slovene. (Cf. also the vowel durations in Tables 14 I Ju, 14 I Ka, 14 II Ka, 14 Pi A, 14 Pi B, pp. 200 and 202-205). Vowels of under 4.5 csecs, duration (whether stressed or unstressed) do not exist in the nonsense series, but are fairly common with /а/, and that even with Pi whose vowels in this series seem to be longer. Ju 's /a/s are longest, as usual, while Ka's and Pi's are shorter and move within approximately the same duration range. J u 's 629 pS$, though in a closed syllable, is fairly long, but still below the averaged duration of short / i / in the corresponding position in the nonsense series. Sn (from Upper Carniola) considered it unnaturally long. In some of the other closed syllables it is even longer (632 wmJn;, 634 smirt). As any other vowel in an open syllable also /3/ can be lengthened in this position as in 631 in J u 's and Ka's s 9 m 3 n j which is considered a short acute according to SSKJ. T hat the open/closed syllable distinction seems to work even in unstressed position can be seen in J u 's and Ka's 632 sdminj with a longer prestressed /a/ in the open syllable than in 631 simdnj^ a poststressed /a/ in a closed syllable. If we consider m a r-in 634 sm irdi an open syllable (ending in the most vowellike consonant; or is it voiced / d / as compared with voiceless / t / that lengthens the preceding /a/), this would explain its great duration in J u 's pronunciation, exceeding even the preceding stressed /э/ in a closed syllable in Ka's rendering. /a/ does not behave differently from other Slovene vowels, it simply happens to have the shortest inherent duration.

7.3.2
This fact solves the problems Slovene grammarians have had with the length of ļaļ in the last 50 years: Breznik (1934, 37-38) considered ļaļ always short though it could appear in an acuted barytone (e.g. stèza) which otherwise was always long. On account of /3/ he postulated a short accented barytone. Bezlaj (1939, 83, 97) saw that ļaļ in a short acute barytone could be longer or just as long as acuted barytones containing /Г/ and /и /. Examples from his study of 2 utterances of the same word spoken by R: pika 9 3/4 and 8 3/4 csecs., dūša 1 1 1 /4 and 9 3/4 csecs., stàza 10 1/2 and 10 csecs. So he did away with the short acute barytone /3/. Solar in his review (1939, 130-131) of Bezlaj's kymographic study was definitely against /a/ in this or any other position being considered long and argued that then also stressed /э/ in pis (speaker R 11 1/2 and 11 csecs., p. 71) should be considered long. Solar had noticed the extra shortness of stressed / í / and said that according to this line of reasoning long / f / would have to be abolished which he considered nonsense. Rigler in SSKJ (1970, p. XXIV) followed Breznik (and Solar) and took over from him the unsystematic short barytone acute (e.g. stbza). Toporišič (personal communication about 1974) was of the opinion that there were experimental phonetic indications th at /а/, just as all other vowels, could be long as well. In his writings however, up to the latest (1984, 1985) /a/ is a short vowel (only the combination stressed / э -f г/ is considered long, e.g. smart). Majdič (1983) says th at to insist on short /3/ on a barytone (e.g. Ьэгэд) is anachronistic since in central Slovenia in the general spoken language for decades long /a/ has been used in this position. Obviously Majdič  We have only 8 word groups here to see how the relationship between stressed and prestressed syllables functions in actual Slovene words as this problem has been dealt with in the nonsense words chapter. In order to have all the words said with the same intonation pattern (low R) the speakers were asked to repeat the first word of the group at the end of the sequence. The first word is thus said twice: once with a R, and once with a F. This last utterance with a F nucleus is ignored here though it is found in the table as it   219 Tatjana Srebot-Rejec -9783954792146 Downloaded from PubFactory at 01/10/2019 04:04:59AM via free access may be useful when we study the influence intonation has on vowel duration. Since a syntagmatic comparison of vowel duration in a word cannot be exact as a rule because the syllables of a word are usually differently structured, a paradigmatic comparison is made between stressed and prestressed syllables on a syllable of the same structure, once stressed and twice unstressed. Vowel duration is compared in 3 words with the same root morpheme to which new syllables are added thus causing the stress to move further away from the root. We are not only interested in the duration relationship between stressed and prestressed syllables, but also in the relationship between the vowels of the 2 prestressed syllables preceding the stressed vowel which we did not study in the nonsense words as we had no words with such a structure.

Speaker Ju
Ju spoke these words at approximately the same speed as the nonsense words. The average value of his stressed / i / in the longest words 9.7 csecs, happens to be the same as in the averaged duration of stressed / i / in open syllables in the nonsense series (Table 2 Ju, p. 23). The fact that in the series of Slovene words this averaged stressed / i / always appears in 4-syllabic words, while in the nonsense words in shorter words, could mean that the words we are studying at the moment are said with a little longer stressed vowels than in the nonsense series. The shortening effect of word length however, may be counteracted by the lengthening effect of a R and by the fact that each of the Slovene words forms its own tone group, while the nonsense words were said within a sentence. The same averaged durations of J u 's prestressed vowels that immediately precede the stressed in both series, 7.5 and 7.6 csecs, respectively, are not surprising because unstressed syllables vary less in duration than stressed.
The figures about the actual Slovene words are less reliable as they refer to 1 example only, but when these are averaged, they fit in with the nonsense series. In the nonsense series an unstressed vowel amounted from 50 to 70% of the stressed one, 50% of the intrinsically longest, and 70% of the intrinsically shortest; in the series under study here the corresponding figures are 55-78%, 55% referring to the relationship between 2 intrinsically long vowels, and 78% to the relationship between a relatively short realization of an intrinsically long stressed vowel (sonagram 273) and the corresponding prestressed intrinsically long vowel. Therefore the duration difference between the 2 vowels is small, i.e. the percentage of the unstressed compared with the stressed large. On the average a prestressed vowel amounts to 65% of the stressed in a disyllabic word; the longer the stressed vowel, the greater the difference between the stressed and the corresponding unstressed tends to be (cf. GP 7, p. 22).
The observation made by Bezlaj (p. 3) that if 2 unstressed vowels precede a stressed, the second, the one adjacent to the stressed vowel, tends to be longer is confirmed by Ju, Ka and Pi. The difference between the two if we compare both with the stressed one is 13% with Ju, 16% with Ka and 12% with Pi, and is thus fairly steady. We can thus safely regard this a general characteristic of SS This can also be observed syntagmatically where the 2 prestressed vowels are 0: the same quality (e.g. in 274 kozorôg). Another fact which can be observed ii how vowels, especially stressed vowels, tend to be shorter the longer a word is Compare in 271 the duration of the stressed / i/ in tisk with the stressed / i / ir tiskovina. As the former is monosyllabic and the latter 4-syllabic the difference in duration shows up clearly with all 3 speakers. Vowel duration, however, tendi to be much more strongly affected by ‫-!-‬stress than by word length.

Speaker Ka
Ka's stressed vowels (we should bear in mind that we have only 8 cases tend to be longer than the corresponding averaged values in the nonsense series while the difference between the corresponding prestressed vowels is negligible The words in this sequence with an enumeration intonation, where each wore forms its tone group, are said with a R intonation, while the nonsense word! have a neutral sentence intonation as they are in the middle of a sentence. In the nonsense series an unstressed vowel amounted from 62 to 87% of th< stressed, 62 when referring to a(n inherently) long stressed vowel and 87 to a(1 inherently) short one. As some of the stressed vowels in the group that we ar! studying now are especially long the difference between it and its correspondinj unstressed counterpart is relatively large and hence the low percentage. As ‫נ‬ consequence the percentage can vary from 43 to 81%. W ith Ka there is littl! duration fluctuation in the prestressed *rowels regardless of quality (= inheren duration) and they have a fairly steady length in both series. This, however does not hold for their stressed counterparts; though the fluctuation of stresse! vowels in the nonsense series is somewhat toned down in the averaged figures it is striking in the actual Slovene words as the figures refer to single words: th< extreme case in the averaged series is prestressed syllable 62% of the stressed and in the Slovene words 43%.

Speaker Pi.
While in the nonsense series Pi spoke at an "allegro" speed and his stress ed vowels were as long as J u 's unstressed, he uses the longest vowels of the speakers in this series. Because Pi has changed his rate we cannot compare thi series of Slovene words with his nonsense series.
It is interesting, however, th at although his vowels are longest, the re lationship between stressed and prestressed vowels in 2-syllabic and 4-syllabi words is the same as with Ju (Ju 65%, Pi 66; Ju 52%, Pi 54%). Ka's relationship between stressed and prestressed vowels in 2-syllabic words is similar (60%] his percentage-rate in 4-syllabic words, however, is lower (44%) on account с some extra long stressed vowels in this series and the small duration fluctuatio: within the prestressed vowels. Typical words with longer unstressed vowels than stressed pronounced a by all 3 speakers are 562 sita, 563 sitasi, 583 režtm668 ‫י‬ molîtev, 642 m eji 7.5.1 By far the most common vowel in stressed position is / i / which ‫נ0‬ account of its short intrinsic duration in spite of the lengthening effect of stres can be outdone in length by an unstressed vowel of greatest intrinsic duratioi such as / a / or /о /. This trend towards a short stressed vowel is supported b; the following features: in 562, 563, 650 and 668 / i / is followed by a voiceles plosive; in 583 and 650 / i / is in a closed syllable. Word accent seems to play ; minor role, if any at all. W ith acute orientated Ju we find more acutes in thi group, and with circumflex orientated Ka and with Pi more circumflexes. 64! m eji na nos has a shorter stressed vowel with all 3 speakers as it is intimately connected with the following 2 words. So this / i / phonetically is not final.
The trend towards a long unstressed vowel is supported by the followinj features: in 562, 622, 630 and 668 it is in final position and the last is, moreover a diphthong; in 583, 589 642, 650 and 668 the prestressed vowel stands in a! open syllable and is followed by a voiced consonant. The prestressed / e / in 58; is longer also in compensation for the short preceding /г /. This also applies though to a lesser extent, to 668.
Pi has some unexpected examples: in 565 we have / i / in both syllables and yet the stressed one is shorter. T hat the shortening effect of a voiceles plosive and the lengthening effect of a voiced nasal in the unstressed syllabi should overrule stress lengthening is surprising. This also applies to P i's 62! concerning / и /. P i's stressed vowels can be the shortest of the 3 speakers, whil! his unstressed m ust have a certain minimal length to retain their identity, i.e not to be neutralised into /a/. Hence the overlapping.
In spite of the fact that the stressed vowel in this series is shorter thai the unstressed there exists no doubt whatsoever which vowel is stressed: it i: always the expected stressed vowel that is perceived as stressed. Stress is th! result of length and pitch (and intensity, p. 56). If one fails the other is stil there to exert its role. 7.5.2 When studying the components that make up the stress effect on! should thus also study the frequencies of the vowels under stress not only thei duration. (Table 20 Ju, Ka, Pi, p. 226).
One can clearly see from Table 20 that the prestressed vowel is generali; slightly F (though the vowel often is too short for the F to be perceived) an< is lower in pitch than the following stressed vowel which has a R somewher in its course. P i's prestressed vowels are not as much lower than the followin! stressed ones as with Ju and Ka. J u 's 650 gajič is an interesting case as i has quite symmetrical frequencies falling as much in the prestressed vowel as rising in the stressed. The stressed vowel, however, does not differ from the prestressed only in the direction of the contour, but it is also considerably longer (7.9-13.2 csecs.), the overall pitch of both vowels, however, is the same. The greater length and the R contour make the stressed vowel to be perceived as stressed. Even more interesting is Pi's 650 gajīč. Here the prestressed syllable is both of higher pitch and of longer duration. Still, the 2nd syllable is perceived as stressed and not the 1st. In the end one comes to the conclusion that the primary distinction between prestressed -stressed is the movement of the contour, F on the prestressed vowel and R on the stressed, though, of course, the usual distinctions of a stressed vowel are greater length, higher pitch and a R somewhere in the course of its contour. Prestressed syllables, even when longer, do not have a R intonation, but a falling one, the lowest frequency point is at the end of the prestressed or at the beginning of the stressed syllable. The stressed syllable in ordinary circumstances is higher (= rising) in pitch than the prestressed if it is an oxytone. On a circumflex barytone stress and tonal peak coincide, we have thus the same situation as on an oxytone (whether this is acute or circumflex). The perception which syllable is stressed could become problematic (at least in theory) only in such an example as Ju 563 sitasi. It is a typical acute and the tonal peak is not on the stressed but on the poststressed syllable. The stressed syllable here has neither the duration indicator, nor the pitch indicator (nor the intensity indicator) that it is stressed. Still, it is définitely perceived as stressed. One theory to explain this would be th at the native speaker perceives length in terms of the intrinsic length of a vowel, not in terms of duration (= absolute length). This would mean th at the intrinsically short / i / with its 6.0 csecs, compared with the intrinsically long / a / with its 7.2 csecs, is still perceived as longer. But what about such an example then as Ju 562 sita where the duration difference between the 2 vowels is much greater (6.8 -16.2 csecs.) and the intrinsic vowel duration theory cannot explain it away. Such an example would indicate that stress on an acute barytone in spite of its delayed tonal peak and duration is perceived on the penultimate syllable. It would mean that the perception of a native speaker of Slovene is conditioned that way.  A comparison of vowel duration on a (low) falling and a (low) rising nucleus in the few examples given here confirms the expected duration difference: a vowel rising in pitch tends to be definitely longer than a falling one. The averaged duration increase in this series with two speakers (Ju and Pi) amounts to +14 and to +18% respectively, and with the third (Pi) to +31% of the duration of the vowel in the same word said with a falling intonation. A larger corpus would yield more reliable data. It would also be of interest to find out if there exists, and to what extent, an interrelationship between vowel duration and degree of pitch change.
The krāva -zdráve -trávi examples (Ju, Ka, Pi, pp.с 138, 144, 149) of vowel duration in different sentence positions confirm the above findings They show that vowels in nucleus position generally are longer th at those in initial or medial position, the latter are the shortest with all 3 speakers. They also confirm th at a R nucleus has longer vowels than a F one. Stress in SS entails a rise. The fundamental contour of word accent is a rise. It appears in its purest form in a neutral sentence intonation position. The stronger a word is stressed the steeper the rise in the accent domain tends to be. The rise ends in the tonal peak. This is followed by a fall: Fig. 64. The basic contour of word accent in SS.

8.2
This fall belongs to the accent domain if it is on the postaccented syllable, but is really outside its domain on the syllable following the postaccented syllable. In a finally stressed word (an oxytone) the domain of accent is the accented syllable, while in a non-finally accented word (a barytone) the accented and postaccented syllable form its domain. The difference between the circumflex accent (Accent 1) and the acute accent (Accent 2) is in the different timing of the tonal peak. A circumflex barytone has its tonal peak on the accented syllable and an acute barytone on the postaccented syllable. W ith accent 1 stress and tonal peak coincide, both are on the accented syllable; with accent 2 they do not, the tonal peak is not on the stressed (accented) syllable, but on the poststressed (postaccented) - (Fig. 65). 8.3 This basic difference carries with it a number of consequences: the circumflex has a quicker and a steeper rise and the acute has a slower and thus a gentler rise. The accented vowel of a circumfiexed barytone with its tonal peak on the accented syllable is of higher pitch than the accented vowel of an acuted barytone where the tonal peak is on the postaccented syllable. The relationship between accented and postaccented vowels is: accented vowel of higher pitchpostaccented vowel of lower pitch with the circumflex accent; accented vowel of lower pitch -postaccented vowel of higher pitch with the acute accent (cf. Valjavec 1897, 118; Vodušek 27; Toporišič 1968, 322 ff.).

8.4
The rise or fall can continue without any hindrance or interruption between two vowels (syllables) only if a sonorant consonant occurs between them. A voiceless consonant, especially a plosive, cuts short the contour, though "it is still there" during the articulation of the consonant and reappears at the beginning of the postaccented vowel either at higher frequencies (= jum p up) with the acute accent or at lower frequencies (= jump down) with the circumflex accent. The longer the accented vowel with the acute accent, the less it is "in a hurry" to rise: if it is long enough it "may even have time" to fall a little before it starts to rise (a concave shape), and the fall on the accented syllable may be greater than the rise on that syllable, the overall pitch movement on the accented syllable may be negative, followed by a relatively large jum p up and a rising postaccented vowel, sometimes also a falling one. The fall on a postaccented acuted barytone tends not to exceed the preceding jum p up. A fundamental frequency pattern (FoP) with a concave accented syllable followed by a jum p up and a rising (or slightly falling) postaccented vowel is typically acute and was always interpreted as such by both judges Lo and Sn.
Tatjana Srebot-Rejec -9783954792146 Downloaded from PubFactory at 01/10/2019 04:04:59AM via free access 8. 5 An accented syllable having the circumflex accent may reach the tonal peak at the very end of the syllable or earlier; if earlier the contour of the tonic is convex. The fall starts immediately after the tonal peak, i.e. at the end of the accented vowel or a little earlier and "continues" during the articulation of the consonant, even if it is voiceless, and reappears at the beginning of the postaccented vowel at lower frequencies as a jump down. The fall continues on the postaccented vowel. An accented barytone with a relatively steeply and continuously rising tonic, a tonal peak on it and a large jump down which continues on the posttonic is a typical circumflex accent and was generally recognised as such by both Lo and Sn. A circumflex accent may start at a higher frequency than an acute, but not necessarily. The averaged pitch range within which Ju (the speaker who is most systematic) moves in his single word barytones, regardless of accent, is between about 100-108 Hz at the lower end, and 124-129 Hz at the upper end (p. 77). The delayed rise on an acuted barytone helps to keep the speaker's tonal peak within his normal voice range. 231 8.6 As each of the two accents has recurring patterns on barytones these have been formalized and are found on p. XXI. The jum p up/jum p down is considered the distinctive feature of the two accents. According to its allotonic variants the acute is divided into 3 classes, each with 3 subgroups, and the circumflex into 4 classes. The averaged figures of most of the FbPs of the 3 speakers from the single word series are on pp. 76-77 and Not all the FoPs, however, have all the characteristics th at were mentioned as typical of accent 1 or accent 2. FoP 4 ‫״‬ although forming the 4th class of a circumflex FoP on account of its jump down is not really a typical circumflex any more (cf. p. 72). Its accented vowel has the contour of a typical acute FoP, while the jump down is typically circumflex. If the jum p down is great enough, a barytone with this pattern is jointly perceived as circumflex, otherwise not; another supportive feature for a circumflex perception in such a case is positive pitch movement of the tonic. 8.9 The possible combinations of features typical of accent 1 with those typical of accent 2 are infinite. FoPs th at were properly falling throughout were classified as indeterminate (IP). Fundamental frequency is only falling in a word that is not stressed enough or has a falling nucleus intonation. If an accented word does not have all the above mentioned features typical of one accent, it is interpreted according to the features that the listener perceives as more prominent and more important, or according to the sum of features that point towards a certain accent type. Thus in certain such ambiguous utterances one interpreter may pay more attention to pitch and the other to contour. And if the former points in one direction and the latter in another, the two interpretations may differ. Borderline cases are discussed in great detail in chapters 4 and 5.
8.10 Referring to what Rigler said about preferring to study word accent live rather than recorded because imprecise realizations cannot be solved by experimental methods either (p. 7), I agree, but with the important proviso that what an apparatus can do, and aural perception cannot, is to show exactly what these borderline cases look like in phonetic terms, when they tend to occur and how the human mind works when trying to solve them. 8.11 Another psychologically strong influence on the perception of a less specific pattern may be expected accent. In such a case expected accent may well be decisive. As both judges have gone through the whole lexicon of Slovene and know expected accent well it can exert a strong influence in an ambiguous situation (e.g. Pi barytones on p. 71). When, however, the FoP is typical, its influence is eliminated (cf. typical acute FoPs in Ka's expected circumflex utterances and their identifications -Summary Table 6 Ka, p. 100).
8. 12 We have said that accent type depends on the timing of the tonal peak in an accented word. This peak tends to appear earlier with Ka and later with Ju. Ka thus has more circumflexes and Ju more acutes. This shows up even in the type of circumflexes of the two speakers. W ith Ka, type Ä1 predominâtes on account of its earlier peak on the tonic, and with Ju, when we have the circumflex accent, type A2 with its peak at the very end of the tonic is more common than type * 1 (Table 10 Ju, Ka, Pi, p. 104). 64% of Ju 's oxytones are only R, and 64% of Ka's RF (p. 78).

8.13
In the single word series where all the words appear in the middle of a tone group in an intonationally neutral position the fundamental frequency contours of these words appear, as already mentioned in recurring patterns. The higher or lower pitch of the accented syllable is thus only a consequence of this contour (see Fig. 65, p. 230). In words appearing in a sentence, word accent is influenced by sentence intonation, and the contour patterns typical Tatjana Srebot-Rejec -9783954792146 Downloaded from PubFactory at 01/10/2019 04:04:59AM via free access of the acute and circumflex accent may be blurred. W hat may remain in sud cases may be the higher or lower overall pitch of the accented syllable. Toporiši (1968) and Neweklowsky (1973) made their acoustic studies of word accent h Slovene in such a situation and thus had to pay more attention to pitch thai to contour. Rigler, as a lexicographer, made his auditive studies of word ac cent in a neutral sentence intonation position. This explains his remark to m (Dec. 13, 1984) th at Toporišič had paid "too much attention to pitch and to! little to contour and to other factors coinfluencing the ultim ate perception с accent type" . Every word has its inherent word accent pattern in the mind 0 its speaker which is independent of context, every word in actual use, however appears in context and is influenced by sentence intonation.
8.14 When Lo and Sn were asked whether they defined accent type ii a sentence according to its actual shape (phonetically) or as e.g. the acut‫׳‬ accent on a falling nucleus, or the circumflex accent in initial position (phonolo gically), they both stated firmly that they defined accent according to its actua shape (phonetically). In the examples of word accent in sentences, however, n< constant principles as to how this was done could be detected. But the inter pretations, certainly, were not always phonetic: sometimes one way, sometime another, sometimes not accented, and differing considerably between the tw< interpreters. When sentence intonation set in at the beginning of an accen domain one had the impression that the interpretation was a m atter of chano rather than choice.
8.15 Another factor influencing word accent in sentences is how deepl; rooted word accent is with a speaker. Pi has smaller jumps, less specific FbP and his word accent is much more easily overpowered by, for example, sen tence intonation than with Ju. So the influence of a falling nucleus on J u ' acute barytone trdvi sets in only on the posttonic, not on the tonic. The toni remains typically acuted, but on account of a falling nucleus is followed by ! jump down. The joint perception is acuted in all its utterances though the vita cue, the jum p up, is missing. This interpretation, clearly, is that of an acut‫׳‬ on a falling nucleus -phonological not phonetic. W ith Pi, on the other hand in the same word in the same position the sentence intonation influence set in right at the beginning of the accented syllable and the utterances are thu falling throughout: the perceptions are mostly differing between the two judge and also differing as to accent type, acuted, less distinctly acuted, circumflexed or non-accented (Table 11 Ju, p. 161; Table 11 Pi, p. 177; pp. 138-139, 149 151).
8.16 The influence of sentence intonation is strongest on the nucleus (I or F), less strong initially (R), and weakest in the middle of a tone group (cf Toporišič 1968, 325;Neweklowsky 1973, 112, 158

8.17
Commentary on Table 22 Ju, Ka, Pi. Ka's FoPs are clearest. Considering Lo's and Sn's separate interpretations (averaged 1 + 2 in the tables) there is 90% agreement between FoP and interpretation. Although Ka is circumflex orientated his acutes are typical, they are only fewer in number. His jum ps in both accents are greatest.
This agreement falls to 79% with Ju. It is especially low with Sn's perception of J u 's circumflexes (see p. 59). An interesting feature is the only case Tatjana Srebot-Rejec -9783954792146 Downloaded from PubFactory at 01/10/2019 04:04:59AM via free access w ith the 3 speakers where the percentage of perceived circumflex FbPs is higher than th a t of the acute, Lo 90% versus 83%. P i's FbPs are least specific, agreement between the FbPs and interpretation is lowest and it falls to 59%. P i's acutes have the features characterizing the acute accent, his circumflexes, however, are less clear. Their jumps down are not large enough, and the frequencies of the tonics do not differ from the acuted. It is easier for a native speaker of Slovene to perceive a jum p up than a jum p down of the same size. Acutes are obviously easier to perceive than circumflexes. W ith 1 exception the percentage of agreement between the FoP and interpretation is always higher with acute than with circumflex FoPs.

8.18
The difference between the acute and circumflex accent is easier to realize on a barytone than on an oxytone because of its longer accent domain: 2 syllables on a barytone, and 1 syllable on an oxytone. The interplay of duration (influencing contour), pitch, pitch movement, tonal peak (and intensity, see pp. 56-57) is easier to follow and perceive when it is distributed over a longer period of time than when all these features are telescoped into a single syllable which in actual speech more often than not is overlaid by sentence intonation as well. Besides, the most im portant indicator of accent type, the jum p, is missing on an oxytone. 8.19 W hen the 4 phoneticians Logar, Rigler, Snedic and Żagar were asked whether they found accent easier to define on barytones or oxytones, three unhesitatingly said on barytones, and only one, Snedic, on oxytones. This may be due to the latter's Upper Camiolan origin where the two accents may still be very much alive on oxytones, or to her extremely acute sense of hearing, extra sensitive to pitch and contour. I certainly agree with the 3 above mentioned phoneticians th at the syntagmatic parameter (tonic -posttonic) is more easily decoded by a native speaker of Slovene than the paradigmatic one with oxytones.
8.20 Of the 3 speakers only 1, Ju, can pronounce a typical acute oxytone, and that in neutral sentence intonation position. The contour of an oxytone in this position can be R, F, RF, FR, or L. As to duration a L contour tends to be shortest, followed by a F contour, R contour, and the 2 contours with a change of direction within them, FR and RF, are longest. If a vowel with a L contour is too short for its contour to be perceived and has a high enough pitch it can be perceived as circumflexed.
A vowel in neutral sentence intonation position should not be falling if accented. An accented oxytone should have a rise at some point of its contour. It should be thus R, RF or FR. A RF is typically circumflex, a FR is less common in an oxytone and is generally perceived as acuted. A R contour is common: it can be either circumflexed or acuted, depending on its duration, the steepness of its R and on its pitch. A circumflex oxytone is shorter, and on account 235 Tatjana Srebot-Rejec -9783954792146 Downloaded from PubFactory at 01/10/2019 04:04:59AM via free access of that its R is steeper, and it tends to end at a higher pitch than an acute, and can also begin at a higher pitch though not necessarily (see Ju 's graphs of averaged acuted and circumfiexed R oxytones Figs. 16a Ju and 16b Ju p. 111). On account of its shorter duration and steeper R the circumflex oxytone has to be pronounced with more energy than an acute oxytone. In connection with this one is reminded of Svend Smith, who speaking of a Danish dialect expressed the opinion th at there is a difference in the innervation of the 2 accents: in the circumflex it is short and intense, in the acute long and relatively weak (Smith 1948, pp. 33-39). A circumflex oxytone can thus be either only R or RF, the former of shorter duration, and the latter longer. The duration difference between a R acute and a R circumflex oxytone is much more important than with barytones, where the jump up or down is decisive. Since the acute on oxytones is rare on root morphemes, thus has a small functional load, and basically has the same contour as a circumfiexed oxytone, it is only natural that it seems to be dying out in the type of Slovene studied here -a phenomenon of which 0 . Broch was already aware when he said that it was often difficult to tell the two accents apart on an oxytone (1911, 325).

8.21
We consider the acute accent as the marked accent for the following reasons: 1) While with a nou-finally accented circumflex, stress and tonal peak coincide on the accented syllable as in stress accent languages (e.g. English), they do not with the acute accent as we have delayed tonal peak on the postaccented syllable. 2) When an expected acute accent is replaced by a circumflex this goes unnoticed, while an expected circumflex replaced by an acute accent is immediately noticed (Rigler 1968, 196). The acute accent sounds more specific (= marked) to a native listener. 3) It is easier to identify an acute FoP than a circumflex regardless of speaker and listener. A jum p up is easier to perceive than a jum p down of the same size. 4) The circumflex accent is by far more common on oxytones. 5) The most common accent in recently acquired loanwords is the circumflex (Rigler 1968, 198). 6) The dialects of Styria which are non-tonematic are said to have a stress pattern which reminds one of the central Slovene circumflex and have no acute so th at word accent has no phonological role (Snedic, personal communication).
The loss of the acute accent seems to be a sign of loss of tonemicity. In such a case the circumflex accent prevails. Listening to our 3 speakers Ju sounds most tonematic to a native speaker. This is so because Ju is acute orientated and uses most acutes. Ju pronounces all the expected acutes in the single word series, whether barytones or oxytones, acuted. In the very limited vocabulary in our corpus in the single word series (from 130 to 140 words, depending 0 1 1 the speaker) Ju pronounces all the expected acutes as typically acuted; Pi about 3/4 of the barytones, while of the few expected acuted oxytones most are considered acuted on account of expected accent; Ka however, pronounces typical acutes in only 39% of expected acute barytones, and does not really use the acute accent in oxytones.

8.22
When classifying the accent of single words Rigler was well aware that not all people speaking tonematic SS in Ljubljana would have exactly the same accent distribution. Words that his informants would pronounce with different accents he marked as " . Generally speaking we can say that Rigler's classification of the vocabulary of SS holds for speakers of SS in Ljubljana though not for all of them and not with all words as Rigler was well aware (1968,195,197) when trying to identify the distribution of the 2 accents; hence the many ,,allowed" variants in SSKJ. Word accent distinction is more firmly rooted with barytones than with oxytones where it seems to be disappearing. Rigler does not mention this phenomenon in SS though he speaks about the "threatened" acute oxytone in certain dialects or in certain positions in certain dialects (1980, 219).

8.23
Considering the whole accent domain of a barytone with the jump as its distinctive feature one can speak about the circumflex as a falling accent and about the acute as a rising accent in spite of the positive pitch movement of the tonic with the circumflex and the usually negative pitch movement with the acute. On oxytones however, with the one speaker Ju who still distinguishes the 2 accents properly a circumflex can be either only rising or rising-falling and an acute rising.