# Renato Ghezzi

484 STEFANIA MONTEMEZZO

strong control over the navigation routes, a steady flow of work for the Arsenal, and good fiscal entries. Moreover, the efforts to keep the system functioning pushed the Venetian government into maintaining good political relationships with

The Foscari case allowed us to underline this aspect by showing the integration of the Flemish and Venetian economies. The institutional intervention of the Venetian State since the 14th century favored the interests of its merchants by establishing commercial treaties and implementing the State lines so that they targeted the Flemish territories. The agreements made with the Flemish power led not only to the presence of Venetians in Bruges, but also increased the integration of the two economic systems, making the Venetian merchants increasingly reliant on local intermediaries, correspondents, and bankers. Bruges, thanks to the regular connections offered by the Republic, remained the most important hub until the end of the 15th century for Oriental products and financial operations. On the contrary, this kind of integration was not apparent in the English context, where all the partners were Venetians or Italians. England proved to be, despite this lack of integra-

The personal and financial commitment made by Giovanni Foscari, as with all the other *patroni*, demonstrates the importance, real or perceived, of the public navy for the noble class, which was at the time the main force in the long-distance Venetian trade. However, the nobles did not shy away from using the private navy for their trade. With the Michiel case, it was possible to see that the use of public galleys was quite regular, even though the private navy had a fundamental role in the development of maritime trade, particularly in difficult times. Galleys were used, whenever possible, to stock up on Oriental products that were later slowly sold to foreign merchants (mainly Germans and the Flemish) at high prices. Even when the investment in public galleys was low due to the difficulties arising from war and the scarcity of Oriental merchandise, the traders tended to invest with regularity, probably trying to keep the system going while waiting for better times. On the side, merchants were able to create new commodity chains thanks to the reliability of the private navy, which allowed them to reach ports that both were or were not

The weight that the public and private navy had on the trading societies in Venice appears to be, for the second half of the 15th century, outbalanced in favor of the latter. Even more so when considering the kind of historiographical attention that the galley system has obtained, with respect to the private sector. For this reason, in my opinion, further research on private companies and the use and functioning of private vessels for trading is needed to better understand the influence that the private navy had on the development of the Venetian business

25 As an example, see the article by Renard Gluzman and Gerassimos Pagratis in this volume.

foreign powers in order to protect their traders and interests.

tion with locals, a growing market for Venetians.

included in the public lines' destinations.

and economy in the Renaissance.25

*North Italian Ports and the Levant in the 16th and 17th Centuries* 

# 1. INTRODUCTION

Following the gradual establishment of the Atlantic routes and the definitive assertions of Holland and England, the Mediterranean lost its central position and the international trade system changed profoundly.1 In their analyses of these changes, which first became evident towards the end of the 1500s and were consolidated in the following century, the attention of historians has concentrated at length on the inversion of the spice routes and the massive introduction of English and Dutch manufactured goods in the Ottoman countries, held to be clear proof of Venice's progressive decline. In reality, as important as they may be, these are only a few aspects of the evolution of the traffic between the Levant and the Italian peninsula. Anatolia, Syria and Egypt were not only important intermediaries in the commerce with Persia, the Indies, Sudan and Ethiopia, but they also produced many manufactured goods and raw materials essential for Western industries, enough to spark a heated rivalry among the Italian merchants to have an privileged position in the Ottoman *scale*. 2

Due to the lack of congruent and consistent serial data, import businesses from the Eastern Mediterranean are still, however, little known today. Just as, in the absence of comparative analyses of the business activities of the main Italian ports, it is not possible to fully evaluate the effects of the Italian maritime crisis and the progressive advance of the Nordic ships over the Mediterranean routes. In the attempt to help partially bridge these gaps, the chapter aims to offer a diachronic assessment of the role of trade with the Levant in the activities in the ports of Genoa, Livorno, and Venice in the 16th and 17th centuries.

<sup>1</sup> U. TUCCI, *Traffici e navi nel Mediterraneo in età moderna*, in *La penisola italiana e il mare. Costruzioni navali, trasporti e commerci tra XV e XX secolo*, ed. T. FANFANI, Naples 1993, pp. 57-70. 2 The *Scale* were business centers for the Ottoman Empire frequented by Western buyers. They

all met at the unloading points, in most cases the ports used by the caravan and maritime trades. For example, Tripoli in the 16th and Smyrna in the 17th century, and the maritime trade for Constantinople between the Black Sea and the Mediterranean. At times they were established in two centers, such as Cairo and Alexandria, both stable over the centuries. In alternative there was Aleppo with its external Syrian ports. They were all, finally, places of exchange for complementary goods and the demands of various economies, otherwise they would have held no purpose. M. FONTENAY, *Le commerce des Occidentaux dans les échelles du Levant au XVIIe siècle*, in *Relazioni economiche tra Europa e mondo islamico secc. XIII-XVIII*, ed. S. CAVACIOCCHI, I-II, Florence 2007, II, p. 502.

FUP Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing (DOI 10.36253/fup\_best\_practice)

Renato Ghezzi*, Italian Ports and the Levant in the 16th and 17th Centuries,* pp. 485-505, © 2019 Author(s), CC BY 4.0 International, DOI 10.36253/978-88-6453-857-0.25

NORTH ITALIAN PORTS AND THE LEVANT IN THE 16TH AND 17TH CENTURIES 487

Finally, some very useful information comes from the reports by foreign residents about the state of business activities in the main markets of the Ottoman empire.8 The series related to the import businesses of Livorno were reconstructed

predominant medical theories of the time, the plague was caused by invisible contaminating atoms that could be transmitted not only by living beings but also by many objects, merchandise, or other materials.10 The captains who reached Livorno from the Levant, from Northern Africa, or from other suspect countries, therefore had to provide detailed notes on the port of departure, the crew's state of health and that of eventual passengers, on the route followed and the merchandise transported, after first having declared basic generalities and the name and tonnage of their ships. By consulting these documents, it was possible to individuate the different types of ship which passed through the port of Livorno in the 17th century and to classify them based on tonnage, nationality, and by their port of origin. Examining their loads therefore made it possible to make some quantitative

The sequences of *iactus navium* span, without any significant interruptions,11 the period comprised between 1537 and 1666. They show a growth trend in Genoa's businesses, culminating in the years 1551-1555. There was then a diminuition, which lasted until 1586, followed by a sharp rise which peaked in 1592, when the levels reached the highest of the century. Up until the 30s the Genoese fleet assured close to three quarters of the port trade.12 Participation by the other nations grew progressively, and in the 60s it became predominant.13 Ragusa's merchant ship fleets were the business leaders of Genoa's port industry until the 90s, when they were joined by the Nordic, English and, above all, Dutch ships, which had an important role in the growth of the 90s, constituting approximately 25% of the

Between the geographical areas which fed the most consistent flow of trade, the Italian ports stood out, especially those in Sicily. The merchant ships arriving from the island's ports made up 42% of the total tonnage of the sailing ships

8 F. C. LANE, *La marine marchande et le trafic maritime de Venise a travers les siècles*, in *Les sources de* 

 *siècle*, ed. M. MOLLAT, Paris 1962, pp. 7-32. 9 ARCHIVIO DI STATO DI FIRENZE (ASFI), *Ufficiali di Sanità*, 136-225. 10 C. M. CIPOLLA, *Il burocrate e il marinaio,* Bologna 1992, p. 45. 11 The only data missing, for the entire period, refer to 1540, 1542, 1547, 1549, 1555, 1561, 1595,

and 1598. E. GRENDI, *Traffico portuale,* cit., tavola I, p. 637 e E. GRENDI, *I nordici,* cit.*,* pp. 65-66. 12 Excluding smaller boats, that were used for cabotage, in the early decades of the 16th century the total tonnage of Genoa's merchant fleets was roughly 15,000 tons, similar to that of the Venetian fleet. L. PICCINNO, *Genoa: a city with a port or a port city?*, in *The Routledge Handbook of Maritime Trade around Europe 1300-1600*, W. BLOCKMANS, M. KROM, J. WUBS-MROZEWICZ eds., London 2017, pp.

9 According to

thanks primarily to the examination of the *Registri della sanità*.

estimates on the volume of imports from the ports of the Levant.

3. GENOA'S PORT ACTIVITY

port's incoming trade.14

*l'histoire maritime en Europe du Moyen Age au XVIIIe*

159-176, 165. 13 C. COSTANTINI*, La Repubblica di Genova*, Turin 1986, pp. 167-169. 14 E. GRENDI*, I nordici*, cit., pp. 23-65.

# 2. THE SOURCES

The development of long-haul trading in Genoa's port in the 16th and 17th century was recognized by Edoardo Grendi, through analysis of the proceeds derived from the *jactus navium,* a tax weighted on the owners of ships with a carrying capacity of over 1,500 *cantari* (71 tons), which amounted proportionately to the dimensions of the hulls.3 Registrations of payments were collected in the *cartulari* and *manuali* of the *Padri del Comune*, the magistratess charged with collecting the taxes, in which there are records of the ships that reached Genoa, their tonnages,4 the ship-owner's name, the nationality and the taxes they were subject to.5 From 1528 to 1591 the ship's port of origin was always indicated, in the following years this information was no longer reported: it appeared again only after 1658.

The useful sources for a quantitative reconstruction of the port's activity in Venice are more fragmented. The notarial acts6 and the documents of an administrative nature are very important. In particular, the business summary reports of the mercantile sector and the commodities entering and leaving the port, which cover, however, only short periods of time. There are also the chronicles and correspondence of the merchants, in some cases very precise, which can provide important indications of the main maritime trade networks and their evolution.7

<sup>3</sup> The *jactus navium* was a tax on waste dumped into the sea by the ships, whose proceeds were used to free the port of waste materials accumulated on the sea floor, hindering its practicability. The smaller ships, with a carrying load of less than 71 tons, were exempt from paying this tax. Instead they had to pay an anchoring tax, the so called *schifato.* E. GRENDI, *Traffico portuale, naviglio mercantile e consolati genovesi nel Cinquecento*, in "Rivista Storica Italiana", LXXX, 1968, n. III, pp. 593-638, 596-607. On the evolution of the trade of Genoa's port in the 11th-14th century see R. S. LOPEZ, *Market expansion: the case of Genoa*, in R. S. LOPEZ, *Su e giù per la storia di Genova*, Genoa 1975, pp. 43-62; G. PISTARINO, *Genova medievale tra Oriente e Occidente*, in "Rivista Storica Italiana", LXXXI, 1969, pp. 45-73; G. PISTARINO, *La storiografia marittima su Genova medievale*, in *Tendenze e orientamenti nella storiografia marittima contemporanea: gli Stati italiani e la Repubblica di Ragusa (secoli XIV-XIX)*, ed. A. DI VITTORIO, Naples 1986, pp. 3-28.

<sup>4</sup> Intersecting the data originating from the *Padri del Comune* registries with other sources (particularly the *Registri della Sanità* and notarial acts), Edoardo Grendi found a consistent underestimation of the ship loads in the 17th century, with which a systematic reduction of taxes was allowed. To calculate the merchant ships tonnage arriving in Genoa he increased this by 20%. In this way, the average load of the ships engaged in business along the long-haul routes reaching Genoa proved equal to 153 tons, a lower value than that I noted for the ships arriving in Livorno in the 1600s (185 tons). E. GRENDI, *I nordici e il traffico del porto di Genova: 1590-1666*, in "Rivista Storica Italiana", LXXXIII, 1971, n. I, pp. 23-71, 38-57; R GHEZZI, *Livorno e il mondo islamico nel XVII secolo. Naviglio e commercio di importazione*, Bari 2007, pp. 19-41.

<sup>5</sup> The *Padri del Comune* were the main magistrates of Genoa. In 1588 they were divided into independent bodies: the *Conservatori del Patrimonio*, which superintended the arts, managed road networks, aqueducts, and urban cleanliness; the *Conservatori del Porto e del Molo*, which took care of the port's infrastructure and issued anchorage permits. G. FELLONI, *Organizzazione portuale, navigazione e traffici a Genova: un sondaggio tra le fonti per l'età moderna*, in *Studi in memoria di Giorgio Costamagna*, ed. D. PUNCUH, Genoa 2003, pp. 337-364.

<sup>6</sup> R. GHEZZI, *Le fonti notarili e il commercio marittimo tra Tirreno e Adriatico nel XVII secolo*, in "Studi Urbinati", 33-34, 2004, pp. 465-478. 7 U. TUCCI, *Lettres d'un marchand vénitien, Andrea Berengo (1553-1556)*, Paris 1957.

Finally, some very useful information comes from the reports by foreign residents about the state of business activities in the main markets of the Ottoman empire.8

The series related to the import businesses of Livorno were reconstructed thanks primarily to the examination of the *Registri della sanità*. 9 According to predominant medical theories of the time, the plague was caused by invisible contaminating atoms that could be transmitted not only by living beings but also by many objects, merchandise, or other materials.10 The captains who reached Livorno from the Levant, from Northern Africa, or from other suspect countries, therefore had to provide detailed notes on the port of departure, the crew's state of health and that of eventual passengers, on the route followed and the merchandise transported, after first having declared basic generalities and the name and tonnage of their ships. By consulting these documents, it was possible to individuate the different types of ship which passed through the port of Livorno in the 17th century and to classify them based on tonnage, nationality, and by their port of origin. Examining their loads therefore made it possible to make some quantitative estimates on the volume of imports from the ports of the Levant.

# 3. GENOA'S PORT ACTIVITY

486 RENATO GHEZZI

The development of long-haul trading in Genoa's port in the 16th and 17th century was recognized by Edoardo Grendi, through analysis of the proceeds derived from the *jactus navium,* a tax weighted on the owners of ships with a carrying capacity of over 1,500 *cantari* (71 tons), which amounted proportionately to the dimensions of the hulls.3 Registrations of payments were collected in the *cartulari* and *manuali* of the *Padri del Comune*, the magistratess charged with collecting the taxes, in which there are records of the ships that reached Genoa, their tonnages,4 the ship-owner's name, the nationality and the taxes they were subject to.5 From 1528 to 1591 the ship's port of origin was always indicated, in the following years

The useful sources for a quantitative reconstruction of the port's activity in Venice are more fragmented. The notarial acts6 and the documents of an administrative nature are very important. In particular, the business summary reports of the mercantile sector and the commodities entering and leaving the port, which cover, however, only short periods of time. There are also the chronicles and correspondence of the merchants, in some cases very precise, which can provide important indications of the main maritime trade networks and their evolution.7

3 The *jactus navium* was a tax on waste dumped into the sea by the ships, whose proceeds were used to free the port of waste materials accumulated on the sea floor, hindering its practicability. The smaller ships, with a carrying load of less than 71 tons, were exempt from paying this tax. Instead they had to pay an anchoring tax, the so called *schifato.* E. GRENDI, *Traffico portuale, naviglio mercantile e consolati genovesi nel Cinquecento*, in "Rivista Storica Italiana", LXXX, 1968, n. III, pp. 593-638, 596-607. On the evolution of the trade of Genoa's port in the 11th-14th century see R. S. LOPEZ, *Market expansion: the case of Genoa*, in R. S. LOPEZ, *Su e giù per la storia di Genova*, Genoa 1975, pp. 43-62; G. PISTARINO, *Genova medievale tra Oriente e Occidente*, in "Rivista Storica Italiana", LXXXI, 1969, pp. 45-73; G. PISTARINO, *La storiografia marittima su Genova medievale*, in *Tendenze e orientamenti nella storiografia marittima contemporanea: gli Stati italiani e la Repubblica di Ragusa (secoli XIV-XIX)*, ed. A. DI VITTORIO, Naples

4 Intersecting the data originating from the *Padri del Comune* registries with other sources (particularly the *Registri della Sanità* and notarial acts), Edoardo Grendi found a consistent underestimation of the ship loads in the 17th century, with which a systematic reduction of taxes was allowed. To calculate the merchant ships tonnage arriving in Genoa he increased this by 20%. In this way, the average load of the ships engaged in business along the long-haul routes reaching Genoa proved equal to 153 tons, a lower value than that I noted for the ships arriving in Livorno in the 1600s (185 tons). E. GRENDI, *I nordici e il traffico del porto di Genova: 1590-1666*, in "Rivista Storica Italiana", LXXXIII, 1971, n. I, pp. 23-71, 38-57; R GHEZZI, *Livorno e il mondo islamico nel XVII secolo. Naviglio e* 

5 The *Padri del Comune* were the main magistrates of Genoa. In 1588 they were divided into independent bodies: the *Conservatori del Patrimonio*, which superintended the arts, managed road networks, aqueducts, and urban cleanliness; the *Conservatori del Porto e del Molo*, which took care of the port's infrastructure and issued anchorage permits. G. FELLONI, *Organizzazione portuale, navigazione e traffici a Genova: un sondaggio tra le fonti per l'età moderna*, in *Studi in memoria di Giorgio Costamagna*, ed. D.

6 R. GHEZZI, *Le fonti notarili e il commercio marittimo tra Tirreno e Adriatico nel XVII secolo*, in "Studi

Urbinati", 33-34, 2004, pp. 465-478. 7 U. TUCCI, *Lettres d'un marchand vénitien, Andrea Berengo (1553-1556)*, Paris 1957.

this information was no longer reported: it appeared again only after 1658.

2. THE SOURCES

1986, pp. 3-28.

*commercio di importazione*, Bari 2007, pp. 19-41.

PUNCUH, Genoa 2003, pp. 337-364.

The sequences of *iactus navium* span, without any significant interruptions,11 the period comprised between 1537 and 1666. They show a growth trend in Genoa's businesses, culminating in the years 1551-1555. There was then a diminuition, which lasted until 1586, followed by a sharp rise which peaked in 1592, when the levels reached the highest of the century. Up until the 30s the Genoese fleet assured close to three quarters of the port trade.12 Participation by the other nations grew progressively, and in the 60s it became predominant.13 Ragusa's merchant ship fleets were the business leaders of Genoa's port industry until the 90s, when they were joined by the Nordic, English and, above all, Dutch ships, which had an important role in the growth of the 90s, constituting approximately 25% of the port's incoming trade.14

Between the geographical areas which fed the most consistent flow of trade, the Italian ports stood out, especially those in Sicily. The merchant ships arriving from the island's ports made up 42% of the total tonnage of the sailing ships

<sup>8</sup> F. C. LANE, *La marine marchande et le trafic maritime de Venise a travers les siècles*, in *Les sources de l'histoire maritime en Europe du Moyen Age au XVIIIe siècle*, ed. M. MOLLAT, Paris 1962, pp. 7-32. 9 ARCHIVIO DI STATO DI FIRENZE (ASFI), *Ufficiali di Sanità*, 136-225. 10 C. M. CIPOLLA, *Il burocrate e il marinaio,* Bologna 1992, p. 45. 11 The only data missing, for the entire period, refer to 1540, 1542, 1547, 1549, 1555, 1561, 1595,

and 1598. E. GRENDI, *Traffico portuale,* cit., tavola I, p. 637 e E. GRENDI, *I nordici,* cit.*,* pp. 65-66. 12 Excluding smaller boats, that were used for cabotage, in the early decades of the 16th century

the total tonnage of Genoa's merchant fleets was roughly 15,000 tons, similar to that of the Venetian fleet. L. PICCINNO, *Genoa: a city with a port or a port city?*, in *The Routledge Handbook of Maritime Trade around Europe 1300-1600*, W. BLOCKMANS, M. KROM, J. WUBS-MROZEWICZ eds., London 2017, pp. 159-176, 165. 13 C. COSTANTINI*, La Repubblica di Genova*, Turin 1986, pp. 167-169. 14 E. GRENDI*, I nordici*, cit., pp. 23-65.

NORTH ITALIAN PORTS AND THE LEVANT IN THE 16TH AND 17TH CENTURIES 489

not pass more than 80% of the level prior to the plague.20

market for the supply of merchandise from the Levant.22

infrastructure, and new connections inland.

1951, pp. 44-53. 24 ASFI, *Auditore delle Riformagioni*, 118, cc. 70-99.

end of the 1600s.

4. LIVORNO: BETWEEN THE MEDITERRANEAN AND THE ATLANTIC

The early decades of the 1600s marked the beginning of a new ascending phase, culminating in 1620. The following years saw a decrease in the incoming port business, remaining at a low until 1628, when a new growth trend started, which had a secular peak in the biennium 1630-1632. In contrast, the 40s saw a drop which became a huge collapse during the plague of 1656-1657.19 Beyond the circumstantial aspects, the mid-century saw an inversion of this trend, but the revival of businesses was indeed slow and uncertain. In 1660 the total of the ship loads arriving in the port was still inferior by a third compared to that which was recorded in the period between 1651-1655. In the period between 1661-1665 it did

In comparison to the preceding century, the leading trade managers of Genoa did not record significant changes. The import of grain reached a peak in 1629 and in 1631, when they represented 40% of the incoming loads to the port, which then settled at 20-25% in the following twenty years.21 The routes for Sicily and the Iberian Peninsula continued to be those most used and supplied the grain, wool, and silk trades. Trade with the Italian peninsula increased the role of ports in Puglia, where primarily grain and oil were loaded, and, above all, the arrival of ships from the port of Livorno increased, and which became, for Genoa, the main

As Fernand Braudel and Ruggero Romano showed, the roots of Livorno's achievement of the 17th century have distant origins.23 In fact, they go back to the reign of Cosimo, the first grand duke of Tuscany (1537- 1574), who introduced the political system to create a new economic center between Pisa and Livorno for the state. To initiate this project, two proclamations were released in 1547 and 1548, which favored the area's general population and especially the inclusion of new artisans from Pisa and Livorno, entrepreneurs, and vendors. Contemporarily, an impressive construction plan was sent out, necessary to improve the defense structure of Livorno, to render it more accommodating, to create new business

To eliminate "…the disorder which results from the diversity of laws and orders…",24 on March 16, 1566 a tax act was finally issued for a complete restructuring of customs regulations. In it, again there can already be seen a few elements characteristic of the free port regime which would be established by the

19 E. GRENDI, *I nordici*, cit., pp. 48-57. 20 C. COSTANTINI, *La Repubblica di Genova*, Turin 1986, p. 309. 21 L. PICCINNO, *Economia marittima e operatività portuale. Genova sec. XVII-XIX*, Atti della Società

ligure di storia patria, Nuova Serie, vol. XL, fascicolo 1, Genoa 2000, p. 59. 22 E GRENDI, *La repubblica aristocratica dei Genovesi*, Bologna 1987, pp. 324-327. 23 F. BRAUDEL, R. ROMANO, *Navires et marchandises à l'entrée du port de Livourne (1547-1611)*, Paris

registered as arriving in Genoa from 1537 to 1591.15 Furthermore, there were important arrivals from Castile ports (38% of the total tonnage for incoming ships from 1537 to 1591). In contrast, the connections with the Levant were weak. From 1537 to 1588, 240 merchant ships arrived from the Eastern Mediterranean, and their tonnage contributed to only 5% of the total port activity.16

Graph 1. **Tonnage of merchant ships arriving in Genoa, 1537-1591** 

Source: E. GRENDI, *Traffico portuale*, cit., pp. 593-638.

The high levels of trade in the years 1550, 1551, 1552, and 1558 are essentially explained by the poor grain harvests in Sicily. The business of cereals was the activity which mainly characterized the port of Genoa. Sicily was the main supply source,17 and when its contributions diminished, the Republic organized a complex provision plan with the Ottoman storage sites and in 1558, a special pass was given to Mahomet Cilibi of Mytilene so that he could transport grain to Liguria.18 When the crisis ended, relations with the Levant went back to their normal, modest levels.

constituted for roughly 20% of the port's total trade. E. GRENDI, *Traffico, naviglio*, cit., pp. 591-638. 18 *Ibid*., p. 604 e 624.

<sup>15</sup> The tonnage being referred to here is equivalent to 2,000 pounds in weight or 28 cubic feet (913 leters) in capacity (*tonneau de Bordeaux*). M. MORINEAU, *Jauges et méthodes de jauge anciennes et modernes*, Paris 1966. 16 E. GRENDI, *Traffico portuale,* cit., p. 637, tavola I. 17 On average, Genoa imported 6,500 *mine* of grain from Sicily every year, which in volume

registered as arriving in Genoa from 1537 to 1591.15 Furthermore, there were important arrivals from Castile ports (38% of the total tonnage for incoming ships from 1537 to 1591). In contrast, the connections with the Levant were weak. From 1537 to 1588, 240 merchant ships arrived from the Eastern Mediterranean, and

Graph 1. **Tonnage of merchant ships arriving in Genoa, 1537-1591** 

The high levels of trade in the years 1550, 1551, 1552, and 1558 are essentially explained by the poor grain harvests in Sicily. The business of cereals was the activity which mainly characterized the port of Genoa. Sicily was the main supply source,17 and when its contributions diminished, the Republic organized a complex provision plan with the Ottoman storage sites and in 1558, a special pass was given to Mahomet Cilibi of Mytilene so that he could transport grain to Liguria.18 When the crisis ended, relations with the Levant went back to their normal, modest levels.

15 The tonnage being referred to here is equivalent to 2,000 pounds in weight or 28 cubic feet (913 leters) in capacity (*tonneau de Bordeaux*). M. MORINEAU, *Jauges et méthodes de jauge anciennes et modernes*, Paris 1966. 16 E. GRENDI, *Traffico portuale,* cit., p. 637, tavola I. 17 On average, Genoa imported 6,500 *mine* of grain from Sicily every year, which in volume

constituted for roughly 20% of the port's total trade. E. GRENDI, *Traffico, naviglio*, cit., pp. 591-638. 18 *Ibid*., p. 604 e 624.

their tonnage contributed to only 5% of the total port activity.16

Source: E. GRENDI, *Traffico portuale*, cit., pp. 593-638.

The early decades of the 1600s marked the beginning of a new ascending phase, culminating in 1620. The following years saw a decrease in the incoming port business, remaining at a low until 1628, when a new growth trend started, which had a secular peak in the biennium 1630-1632. In contrast, the 40s saw a drop which became a huge collapse during the plague of 1656-1657.19 Beyond the circumstantial aspects, the mid-century saw an inversion of this trend, but the revival of businesses was indeed slow and uncertain. In 1660 the total of the ship loads arriving in the port was still inferior by a third compared to that which was recorded in the period between 1651-1655. In the period between 1661-1665 it did not pass more than 80% of the level prior to the plague.20

In comparison to the preceding century, the leading trade managers of Genoa did not record significant changes. The import of grain reached a peak in 1629 and in 1631, when they represented 40% of the incoming loads to the port, which then settled at 20-25% in the following twenty years.21 The routes for Sicily and the Iberian Peninsula continued to be those most used and supplied the grain, wool, and silk trades. Trade with the Italian peninsula increased the role of ports in Puglia, where primarily grain and oil were loaded, and, above all, the arrival of ships from the port of Livorno increased, and which became, for Genoa, the main market for the supply of merchandise from the Levant.22

# 4. LIVORNO: BETWEEN THE MEDITERRANEAN AND THE ATLANTIC

As Fernand Braudel and Ruggero Romano showed, the roots of Livorno's achievement of the 17th century have distant origins.23 In fact, they go back to the reign of Cosimo, the first grand duke of Tuscany (1537- 1574), who introduced the political system to create a new economic center between Pisa and Livorno for the state. To initiate this project, two proclamations were released in 1547 and 1548, which favored the area's general population and especially the inclusion of new artisans from Pisa and Livorno, entrepreneurs, and vendors. Contemporarily, an impressive construction plan was sent out, necessary to improve the defense structure of Livorno, to render it more accommodating, to create new business infrastructure, and new connections inland.

To eliminate "…the disorder which results from the diversity of laws and orders…",24 on March 16, 1566 a tax act was finally issued for a complete restructuring of customs regulations. In it, again there can already be seen a few elements characteristic of the free port regime which would be established by the end of the 1600s.

<sup>19</sup> E. GRENDI, *I nordici*, cit., pp. 48-57. 20 C. COSTANTINI, *La Repubblica di Genova*, Turin 1986, p. 309. 21 L. PICCINNO, *Economia marittima e operatività portuale. Genova sec. XVII-XIX*, Atti della Società

ligure di storia patria, Nuova Serie, vol. XL, fascicolo 1, Genoa 2000, p. 59. 22 E GRENDI, *La repubblica aristocratica dei Genovesi*, Bologna 1987, pp. 324-327. 23 F. BRAUDEL, R. ROMANO, *Navires et marchandises à l'entrée du port de Livourne (1547-1611)*, Paris 1951, pp. 44-53. 24 ASFI, *Auditore delle Riformagioni*, 118, cc. 70-99.

NORTH ITALIAN PORTS AND THE LEVANT IN THE 16TH AND 17TH CENTURIES 491

Graph 2. **Tonnage of merchant ships arriving at Genoa and Livorno, 1612-1666** 

Sources: ASFI, *Ufficiali di Sanità*, 136-225; R. GHEZZI, *Livorno e il mondo islamico*, cit., pp. 19-111; E.

Genoa were 1,833, with a total carrying capacity of 233,859 tons.

activities of the two ports are quite evident.27

Until 1650, the frequency of arrivals at Livorno was still noticeably inferior to that of the port of Genoa. From 1658 onwards, the comparison was reversed, and Livorno claimed primacy between the two ports. From 1658 to 1666 the documents related to the incoming merchant ships to Livorno were 2,359, with a total loading capacity equal to 429,962 tons. Those associated to the ships reaching

If we observe the ships' points of origin, the differences between the business

GRENDI, *I Nordici*, cit., pp. 65-66.

27 Graph 3.

The city's modernization works continued under the guidance of Francesco I, Cosimo's successor until, following the changes in international equilibrium after Lepanto, and with the temporary interruption of the Atlantic route of pepper arriving in Antwerp from Lisbon, the prospect of the opportunity to make the new Tuscan port a central point for stocking and distributing the spices arriving from the East and West arose, to the detriment of Venice. In 1575, negotiations commenced with the sultan, to obtain confirmation of the business privileges which had been given to Florentine traders the century before. A year later, a diplomatic mission was sent to King Sebastian of Portugal to obtain the monopoly of the pepper trade.

This plan did not end well. Negotiations with Mohammed II were halted, relations with Spain worsened, the difficulties of Venetian businesses in the Levant were rapidly overcome, so much so that by the end of the century the Republic of San Marco returned to having control of the spice market and a predominance in the Mediterranean.

However, by the time of the death of Francesco I, the port had been expanded by the construction of a pier, large new warehouses for stocking goods, and new grain wells had been built. The city's walls had been completed and the ground- work for a city center began to take effect. Consequently, Livorno found itself in the best condition to take advantage of the opportunity offered by the international situation in the early 90s of the 16th century's. At the time, the Italian peninsula and many other Mediterranean countries suffered the consequences of the series of poor harvests which caused severe famines in 1590-1591, 1596, and again in 1600- 1601. With great timing, on September 3rd 1590, Ferdinand I gave orders to stock up on grain in Poland, in Gdansk, in Hamburg, Holland, France, and England.

At the end of the 1500s, Livorno maintained interests not only with North West Europe. It had fairly close ties to the Ottoman Levant, especially Alexandria in Egypt, though as Braudel and Roman wrote, "…en définitive, Livourne ellemême est mal rattachéè à la Mer Orientale. Pendant duze ans, en effect, de toute le Méditerranée à l'est de la Sicilie, elle n'aura reçu que quarante navires. Est-ce crainte de représailles à la suite de excès de la course toscane dans le Levant? Ou conséquence de la faillite des negotiations turco-toscanes de 1577? En tout cas, la géographie et la conjoncture aidant, c'est vers l'Ocean et ses valeurs montantes que Livourne se tourne."25

In the 17th century, the arrivals of sailing ships engaged in long haul trade started from relatively low levels, very similar to those found by Braudel and Romano at the end of the 1500s. They then began to become more frequent: from 1612 to 1666 they increased at an annual average rate of 8%.26

<sup>25</sup> F. BRAUDEL, R. ROMANO, *Navires et marchandises,* cit., p. 44.

<sup>26</sup> R. GHEZZI, *Livorno e il mondo islamico*, cit., pp. 115-196.

of the pepper trade.

the Mediterranean.

Livourne se tourne."25

The city's modernization works continued under the guidance of Francesco I, Cosimo's successor until, following the changes in international equilibrium after Lepanto, and with the temporary interruption of the Atlantic route of pepper arriving in Antwerp from Lisbon, the prospect of the opportunity to make the new Tuscan port a central point for stocking and distributing the spices arriving from the East and West arose, to the detriment of Venice. In 1575, negotiations commenced with the sultan, to obtain confirmation of the business privileges which had been given to Florentine traders the century before. A year later, a diplomatic mission was sent to King Sebastian of Portugal to obtain the monopoly

This plan did not end well. Negotiations with Mohammed II were halted, relations with Spain worsened, the difficulties of Venetian businesses in the Levant were rapidly overcome, so much so that by the end of the century the Republic of San Marco returned to having control of the spice market and a predominance in

However, by the time of the death of Francesco I, the port had been expanded by the construction of a pier, large new warehouses for stocking goods, and new grain wells had been built. The city's walls had been completed and the ground- work for a city center began to take effect. Consequently, Livorno found itself in the best condition to take advantage of the opportunity offered by the international situation in the early 90s of the 16th century's. At the time, the Italian peninsula and many other Mediterranean countries suffered the consequences of the series of poor harvests which caused severe famines in 1590-1591, 1596, and again in 1600- 1601. With great timing, on September 3rd 1590, Ferdinand I gave orders to stock up on grain in Poland, in Gdansk, in Hamburg, Holland, France, and England.

At the end of the 1500s, Livorno maintained interests not only with North West Europe. It had fairly close ties to the Ottoman Levant, especially Alexandria in Egypt, though as Braudel and Roman wrote, "…en définitive, Livourne ellemême est mal rattachéè à la Mer Orientale. Pendant duze ans, en effect, de toute le Méditerranée à l'est de la Sicilie, elle n'aura reçu que quarante navires. Est-ce crainte de représailles à la suite de excès de la course toscane dans le Levant? Ou conséquence de la faillite des negotiations turco-toscanes de 1577? En tout cas, la géographie et la conjoncture aidant, c'est vers l'Ocean et ses valeurs montantes que

In the 17th century, the arrivals of sailing ships engaged in long haul trade started from relatively low levels, very similar to those found by Braudel and Romano at the end of the 1500s. They then began to become more frequent: from

1612 to 1666 they increased at an annual average rate of 8%.26

25 F. BRAUDEL, R. ROMANO, *Navires et marchandises,* cit., p. 44. 26 R. GHEZZI, *Livorno e il mondo islamico*, cit., pp. 115-196.

Graph 2. **Tonnage of merchant ships arriving at Genoa and Livorno, 1612-1666** 

Sources: ASFI, *Ufficiali di Sanità*, 136-225; R. GHEZZI, *Livorno e il mondo islamico*, cit., pp. 19-111; E. GRENDI, *I Nordici*, cit., pp. 65-66.

Until 1650, the frequency of arrivals at Livorno was still noticeably inferior to that of the port of Genoa. From 1658 onwards, the comparison was reversed, and Livorno claimed primacy between the two ports. From 1658 to 1666 the documents related to the incoming merchant ships to Livorno were 2,359, with a total loading capacity equal to 429,962 tons. Those associated to the ships reaching Genoa were 1,833, with a total carrying capacity of 233,859 tons.

If we observe the ships' points of origin, the differences between the business activities of the two ports are quite evident.27

<sup>27</sup> Graph 3.

NORTH ITALIAN PORTS AND THE LEVANT IN THE 16TH AND 17TH CENTURIES 493

Graph 5. **Merchant ships arriving at Livorno from the Levant, 1573-1666** 

advanced.28

28 Graph 5.

period 1612-1666.

1573

1577

1581

appears decidedly inferior.

1585

1589

1593

merchant ships were in a net minority.29

these deals30 were, in the majority, English and Dutch.

1597

*islamico*, cit., pp. 115-196; ASFI, *Ufficiali di Sanità*, 209-225.

1601

1605

1609

1613

1617

1621

1625

Sources: F. BRAUDEL, R. ROMANO, *Navires et marchandises,* cit., pp. 43-44; R. GHEZZI, *Livorno e il mondo* 

1629

It is significant that of the total of 7,729 ships registered by the officials of Livorno in the period 1612-1666, 4,531, or rather 59% of them, originated from the Ottoman Empire or from its vassal states. More precisely, 3,476 (the net majority) left from the ports of the Levant, while the role of North Africa in the trade system

The transport of merchandise from the Levant to Livorno was carried out by Atlantic type (ships or vessels) or Mediterranean boats. In both cases, the Tuscan

Among the Mediterranean ships reported by the sources, French predominance was clear (80% of the cases). The Atlantic ships, which played a leading role in

29 The Livorno shopkeepers were not, however, completely passive, rather they were direct participants in the expenditures for the construction of numerous ships. It can therefore be affirmed that Tuscany had its very own merchant fleet with a foreign flag. 30 Overall, the Atlantic ships constituted 69% of those which arrived from the Levant in the

1633

1637

1641

1645

1649

1653

1657

1661

1665

1653

1657

1661

1665

As has been seen, while Genoa's businesses of the 1600s were definitely oriented towards the other Italian ports and the Iberian Peninsula, the *scale* of the Levant had an important role in the port business of Livorno. Thus, business between Livorno and the Eastern Mediterranean increased as the 17th century

### Graph 3. **Tonnage of merchant ships arriving at Genoa and Livorno, 1658-1666**

Sources: ASFI, *Ufficiali di Sanità*, 209-225; R. GHEZZI, *Livorno e il mondo islamico*, cit., pp. 115-196; E. GRENDI, *I Nordici*, cit., p. 70.

Graph 4. **Tonnage of merchant ships arriving from the Levant, 1658-1666** 

Sources: ASFI, *Ufficiali di Sanità*, 209-225; R. GHEZZI, *Livorno e il mondo islamico*, cit., pp. 115-196; E GRENDI, *I Nordici*, cit., p. 70.

Graph 3. **Tonnage of merchant ships arriving at Genoa and Livorno, 1658-1666** 

Sources: ASFI, *Ufficiali di Sanità*, 209-225; R. GHEZZI, *Livorno e il mondo islamico*, cit., pp. 115-196; E.

Graph 4. **Tonnage of merchant ships arriving from the Levant, 1658-1666** 

Sources: ASFI, *Ufficiali di Sanità*, 209-225; R. GHEZZI, *Livorno e il mondo islamico*, cit., pp. 115-196; E

GRENDI, *I Nordici*, cit., p. 70.

5000

GRENDI, *I Nordici*, cit., p. 70.

10000

15000

20000

25000

As has been seen, while Genoa's businesses of the 1600s were definitely oriented towards the other Italian ports and the Iberian Peninsula, the *scale* of the Levant had an important role in the port business of Livorno. Thus, business between Livorno and the Eastern Mediterranean increased as the 17th century advanced.28

Graph 5. **Merchant ships arriving at Livorno from the Levant, 1573-1666** 

Sources: F. BRAUDEL, R. ROMANO, *Navires et marchandises,* cit., pp. 43-44; R. GHEZZI, *Livorno e il mondo islamico*, cit., pp. 115-196; ASFI, *Ufficiali di Sanità*, 209-225.

It is significant that of the total of 7,729 ships registered by the officials of Livorno in the period 1612-1666, 4,531, or rather 59% of them, originated from the Ottoman Empire or from its vassal states. More precisely, 3,476 (the net majority) left from the ports of the Levant, while the role of North Africa in the trade system appears decidedly inferior.

The transport of merchandise from the Levant to Livorno was carried out by Atlantic type (ships or vessels) or Mediterranean boats. In both cases, the Tuscan merchant ships were in a net minority.29

Among the Mediterranean ships reported by the sources, French predominance was clear (80% of the cases). The Atlantic ships, which played a leading role in these deals30 were, in the majority, English and Dutch.

<sup>28</sup> Graph 5.

<sup>29</sup> The Livorno shopkeepers were not, however, completely passive, rather they were direct participants in the expenditures for the construction of numerous ships. It can therefore be affirmed that Tuscany had its very own merchant fleet with a foreign flag. 30 Overall, the Atlantic ships constituted 69% of those which arrived from the Levant in the

period 1612-1666.

NORTH ITALIAN PORTS AND THE LEVANT IN THE 16TH AND 17TH CENTURIES 495

on the state finances, as well as causing the loss of strategic bases in Modone and Corone in Morea and the advancement of the Ottomans in Syria and Egypt, which marked a standstill in the economic growth for the Serenissima. Venice was able to overcome this situation however, by showing a great capacity to adapt in the face of an international trade system that was rapidly changing. Between 1540 and 1570 the Venetian merchant fleet doubled and in the last three decades of the century the port's business, also thanks to the contribution of foreign ships, reached its highest levels for the entire century.37 The scarce quantitative data about the commercial activities of the port demonstrate this expansive tendency. Between 1582 and 1602 the customs revenues from business grew constantly, in particular the duty of 6%, which was applied to goods imported from the Levant, increased about three-fold. In the period 1586-1595, merchandise arrived at an average of 1,110 tons from the Dalmatian ports every year. From 1592 to 1595 imports from those areas at a yearly average of 1,700 tons.38 The annual imports of oil from Candia and Puglia passed from 3,400 tons in the period from 1580 to 1585 to reach 5,000 tons in the years 1593-1598. Arrivals of cotton from Cyprus and Syria were, on average, around 1,700 tons annually, returning to the levels recorded at the end of the 15th century.39 Imports of raw silk from Syria were around 100 tons yearly between 1590 and 1595, and then around 150 tons in the following five years.40 There is no existing continuous line to describe the development of the spice trade. There are no complete series of records that allow us to describe the evolution of the spice trade; various testimonials show, concordantly, that these trades returned to flourish. In this period, the Atlantic route became more difficult to sail for the Portuguese ships which became, after the union between Portugal and Spain, the targets for privateer attacks by the English and Dutch fleets. As a result the ancient caravan routes, which from Mesopotamia led all the way to the market-place of Aleppo, where the Venetian merchants held a preeminent role, enjoyed a revival in a historical period when their major rivals, the French, were penalized by religious wars and by the

Contingent events played a role in determining the prosperity of Venetian trade at the end of the 1500s, but at the root of Venice's supremacy in the Eastern Mediterranean was its close ties with the German market. The great textile industries of Ulm and Augsburg were big buyers of Ottoman cotton. Persian silk was greatly sought after by the manufacturers of Cologne, Frankfurt, and Nuremberg. An ulterior element of strength was constituted by the ability of Venetian merchants to export numerous products that were much in demand in the Ottoman markets. Some products were re-exports, such as German knives and

37 F.C. LANE, *Venetian Shipping During the Commercial Revolution*, in "The American Historical

Review", 38, 1933, n. 2, pp. 219-239. 38 D. SELLA, *Commerci e industrie a Venice nel secolo XVII*, Venice 1961, p. 2. 39 IDEM, *Dal Rinascimento al Barocco. Economia e finanza*, in *Storia di Venice*, Treccani e-book on

demand. 40 Only a small part of the raw silk imported from the Levant was destined for Venetian manufacturers, the greater part was re-exported. IDEM, *Commerci e industrie*, cit., p. 2 e p. 112. 41 F.C. LANE, *The Mediterranean Spice Trade: Further Evidence of its Revival in the Sixteenth Century*, in

"The American Historical Review", 45, 1940, n. 3, pp. 581-590.

Franco-Spanish conflict.41

To deal with the competition and to control freight costs, the English gradually abandoned the armed merchant ships and entrusted their business in the Mediterranean area to smaller units with reduced crews, escorted, however, by war ships.31 The first protected convoy arrived in Livorno on the 15th April 1651, after that date, arrivals followed regularly until 1666.

The convoys generally came from London or from the Southern English ports. At times, the English ships crossed the English Channel and the Atlantic Ocean by themselves or in small groups. Immediately after having passed Gibraltar, they made a stopover in a Spanish port to meet with other merchant and military ships which escorted them as far as Livorno.

On the extreme opposite side of the Mediterranean, the ports of departure for the English ships were Constantinople and, above all, Smyrna; only in a few cases, and in extreme circumstances, did the escorted convoys sail from Alexandretta and Saint John of Acre.32

The first Dutch war ships following the cargo ships arrived in Livorno as early as 1629. Also in this case, however, the practice of making a convoy of the merchant ships headed towards Livorno only became general practice after the first half of the century.33 From 1612 to 1650 the *ufficiali di Sanità* registered the arrival of only one protected convoy; in the following period (1651-1666) 36 such arrivals were registered. Almost all, save rare exceptions, originated from two cities only: Amsterdam (20 arrivals) to the West, and Smyrna (14 arrivals) to the East.34

The insertion of Livorno on these routes35, and the reinforcement of ties with Anatolia constitute two of the most important new elements in the trade network that formed around the port of Livorno in the 17th century. Thanks to this new geography of commerce, the scale of imports from the Levant began to grow again, reaching its peak around the 50s, then stabilizing with decidedly higher averages compared to those of the first half of the century.

# 5. THE LEADERSHIP OF VENICE

At the end of the 1400s, the prosperity of the port of Venice was founded on its supremacy in maritime trade with the Levant, and especially in that of the spice trade, originating from the Indian Ocean, through Syria and Egypt: the Venetian merchants controlled over 70% of European imports.36 In the next century, the wars against the Ottoman Empire (1499-1503 and 1536-1540), had serious effects

<sup>31</sup> G. PAGANO DE DIVITIIS, *Mercanti inglesi nell'Italia del Seicento,* Venice 1990, pp. 59-72 e EADEM, *Il porto di Livorno tra Inghilterra e Oriente*, in "Nuovi Studi Livornesi", I, 1993, pp. 43-87. 32 R. GHEZZI, *Livorno e il mondo islamico*, cit., pp. 41-65. 33 From 1612 to 1650 only 3 Dutch war ships to arrived in Livorno accompanying merchant

ships. In the second half of the century 119 arrived. 34 R. GHEZZI, *Livorno e l'Atlantico. I commerci olandesi nel Mediterraneo del Seicento*, Bari 2011, pp. 99-105. 35 P. MALANIMA, *I commerci del mondo nel 1674 visti da Amsterdam e da Livorno*, in *Ricerche di Storia* 

*Moderna IV in onore di Mario Mirri*, ed. G. BIAGIOLI, Pisa 1995, pp. 153-150, 165-166. 36 F. C. LANE, *La marine marchande*, cit., pp. 7-32; M. O'CONNEL, *Venice: City of merchants or city for* 

*merchandise?*, in *The Routledge Handbook of Maritime Trade*, cit., pp. 103-120; D. ABULAFIA, *Il grande mare. Storia del Mediterraneo*, Milan 2013, pp. 436-441.

To deal with the competition and to control freight costs, the English gradually abandoned the armed merchant ships and entrusted their business in the Mediterranean area to smaller units with reduced crews, escorted, however, by war ships.31 The first protected convoy arrived in Livorno on the 15th April 1651, after

The convoys generally came from London or from the Southern English ports. At times, the English ships crossed the English Channel and the Atlantic Ocean by themselves or in small groups. Immediately after having passed Gibraltar, they made a stopover in a Spanish port to meet with other merchant and military ships

On the extreme opposite side of the Mediterranean, the ports of departure for the English ships were Constantinople and, above all, Smyrna; only in a few cases, and in extreme circumstances, did the escorted convoys sail from Alexandretta and

The first Dutch war ships following the cargo ships arrived in Livorno as early as 1629. Also in this case, however, the practice of making a convoy of the merchant ships headed towards Livorno only became general practice after the first half of the century.33 From 1612 to 1650 the *ufficiali di Sanità* registered the arrival of only one protected convoy; in the following period (1651-1666) 36 such arrivals were registered. Almost all, save rare exceptions, originated from two cities only:

The insertion of Livorno on these routes35, and the reinforcement of ties with Anatolia constitute two of the most important new elements in the trade network that formed around the port of Livorno in the 17th century. Thanks to this new geography of commerce, the scale of imports from the Levant began to grow again, reaching its peak around the 50s, then stabilizing with decidedly higher averages

At the end of the 1400s, the prosperity of the port of Venice was founded on its supremacy in maritime trade with the Levant, and especially in that of the spice trade, originating from the Indian Ocean, through Syria and Egypt: the Venetian merchants controlled over 70% of European imports.36 In the next century, the wars against the Ottoman Empire (1499-1503 and 1536-1540), had serious effects

31 G. PAGANO DE DIVITIIS, *Mercanti inglesi nell'Italia del Seicento,* Venice 1990, pp. 59-72 e EADEM,

*Il porto di Livorno tra Inghilterra e Oriente*, in "Nuovi Studi Livornesi", I, 1993, pp. 43-87. 32 R. GHEZZI, *Livorno e il mondo islamico*, cit., pp. 41-65. 33 From 1612 to 1650 only 3 Dutch war ships to arrived in Livorno accompanying merchant

ships. In the second half of the century 119 arrived. 34 R. GHEZZI, *Livorno e l'Atlantico. I commerci olandesi nel Mediterraneo del Seicento*, Bari 2011, pp. 99-105. 35 P. MALANIMA, *I commerci del mondo nel 1674 visti da Amsterdam e da Livorno*, in *Ricerche di Storia* 

*Moderna IV in onore di Mario Mirri*, ed. G. BIAGIOLI, Pisa 1995, pp. 153-150, 165-166. 36 F. C. LANE, *La marine marchande*, cit., pp. 7-32; M. O'CONNEL, *Venice: City of merchants or city for merchandise?*, in *The Routledge Handbook of Maritime Trade*, cit., pp. 103-120; D. ABULAFIA, *Il grande mare.* 

Amsterdam (20 arrivals) to the West, and Smyrna (14 arrivals) to the East.34

that date, arrivals followed regularly until 1666.

compared to those of the first half of the century.

5. THE LEADERSHIP OF VENICE

*Storia del Mediterraneo*, Milan 2013, pp. 436-441.

which escorted them as far as Livorno.

Saint John of Acre.32

on the state finances, as well as causing the loss of strategic bases in Modone and Corone in Morea and the advancement of the Ottomans in Syria and Egypt, which marked a standstill in the economic growth for the Serenissima. Venice was able to overcome this situation however, by showing a great capacity to adapt in the face of an international trade system that was rapidly changing. Between 1540 and 1570 the Venetian merchant fleet doubled and in the last three decades of the century the port's business, also thanks to the contribution of foreign ships, reached its highest levels for the entire century.37 The scarce quantitative data about the commercial activities of the port demonstrate this expansive tendency. Between 1582 and 1602 the customs revenues from business grew constantly, in particular the duty of 6%, which was applied to goods imported from the Levant, increased about three-fold. In the period 1586-1595, merchandise arrived at an average of 1,110 tons from the Dalmatian ports every year. From 1592 to 1595 imports from those areas at a yearly average of 1,700 tons.38 The annual imports of oil from Candia and Puglia passed from 3,400 tons in the period from 1580 to 1585 to reach 5,000 tons in the years 1593-1598. Arrivals of cotton from Cyprus and Syria were, on average, around 1,700 tons annually, returning to the levels recorded at the end of the 15th century.39 Imports of raw silk from Syria were around 100 tons yearly between 1590 and 1595, and then around 150 tons in the following five years.40 There is no existing continuous line to describe the development of the spice trade. There are no complete series of records that allow us to describe the evolution of the spice trade; various testimonials show, concordantly, that these trades returned to flourish. In this period, the Atlantic route became more difficult to sail for the Portuguese ships which became, after the union between Portugal and Spain, the targets for privateer attacks by the English and Dutch fleets. As a result the ancient caravan routes, which from Mesopotamia led all the way to the market-place of Aleppo, where the Venetian merchants held a preeminent role, enjoyed a revival in a historical period when their major rivals, the French, were penalized by religious wars and by the Franco-Spanish conflict.41

Contingent events played a role in determining the prosperity of Venetian trade at the end of the 1500s, but at the root of Venice's supremacy in the Eastern Mediterranean was its close ties with the German market. The great textile industries of Ulm and Augsburg were big buyers of Ottoman cotton. Persian silk was greatly sought after by the manufacturers of Cologne, Frankfurt, and Nuremberg. An ulterior element of strength was constituted by the ability of Venetian merchants to export numerous products that were much in demand in the Ottoman markets. Some products were re-exports, such as German knives and

<sup>37</sup> F.C. LANE, *Venetian Shipping During the Commercial Revolution*, in "The American Historical Review", 38, 1933, n. 2, pp. 219-239. 38 D. SELLA, *Commerci e industrie a Venice nel secolo XVII*, Venice 1961, p. 2. 39 IDEM, *Dal Rinascimento al Barocco. Economia e finanza*, in *Storia di Venice*, Treccani e-book on

demand. 40 Only a small part of the raw silk imported from the Levant was destined for Venetian

manufacturers, the greater part was re-exported. IDEM, *Commerci e industrie*, cit., p. 2 e p. 112. 41 F.C. LANE, *The Mediterranean Spice Trade: Further Evidence of its Revival in the Sixteenth Century*, in

<sup>&</sup>quot;The American Historical Review", 45, 1940, n. 3, pp. 581-590.

NORTH ITALIAN PORTS AND THE LEVANT IN THE 16TH AND 17TH CENTURIES 497

Graph 6. **Silk imports from Syria, 1591-1680** 

Venice Livorno

1591 1593 1612 1625 1636 1666 1680

At the end of the 16th century, Aleppo was the largest trade market of the Levant.46 Its fortunes were tied to its trade with Persia, from where the silk headed

The connections with the Orient were assured by the caravans that passed through the plains as far as Mosul, then followed the route of the Tigris and

During the lengthy conflicts between the Turks and the Persians (1589-1628) these trails became ever less secure: the recurrent passage of the troops heading to Persia from Aleppo caused increasing alarm to the merchants, while Baghdad, a hub of fundamental importance in trade with Central Asia and the Far East, was unsettled by the frequent armed encounters, passing into the hands of one army or the other, alternately.49 The continuation of the conflict and the consequent climate of tension had strong repercussions on the Syrian ports, and the trade in Persian silk was further damaged by the increase of import taxes imposed by the Ottoman Empire. When the conflict finally ended, and Baghdad was definitively conquered by the Turks, trade with Persia took place with greater tranquillity once again.

In the meantime, however, the caravan routes had moved further North, over the roads leading to Smyrna. Furthermore, as a result of the agreements signed by Persia with Holland and England, silk also began to be sent towards the Indian

46 F. BRAUDEL, *Civiltà e imperi del Mediterraneo nell'età di Filippo II*, I-II, Turin 1986, I, pp. 608-609 e

P. MASSON, *Histoire du commerce français dans le Levant au XVII siecle*, Paris 1896, p. 371. 47 P. MASSON, *Histoire du commerce français*, cit., p. 378. 48 Another route existed, which crossed the desert and led directly to Baghdad. This trail could only be taken once a year, after the rainy season, when the wells were full. R. PARIS, *Histoire du commerce* 

*de Marseille*, V, *De 1660 à 1789. Le Levant*, Paris 1957, p. 419. 49 P. MASSON, *Histoire du commerce français*, cit., pp. 372-273.

Sources: F. BRAUDEL, R. ROMANO, *Navires et marchandises,* cit., p. 43-44; D. SELLA, *Commerci e industrie*,

cit., pp. 110-113; R. GHEZZI, *Livorno e il mondo islamico*, cit., pp. 231-281.

to Venice and Livorno came.47

Euphrates Rivers to Baghdad.48

linens or English Kersey wool yarns, but the highest percentage of products which arrived in the Levant were made in Venice. Among these were finest wool cloths, silk fabrics, mirrors, glass, sugar and soap.42

The favorable situation was soon interrupted at the beginning of the following century. In the decade following 1602, according to data processed and deriving from anchorage tax revenues, the volume of traffic recorded in the port of Venice diminished by 40%. The drop accentuated around 1620, simultaneously with the economic crisis that affected all of Europe and, above all, the German market, which was damaged by the Thirty Years War (1618-1648).43 In this period, Venice certainly suffered the effects of losing its primacy in the spice trade. This was a direct consequence of the definitive stabilization of the trade routes that circumnavigated Africa and The Cape of Good Hope by the English and the Dutch. The greater competition from the French, English and Dutch merchants brought about, furthermore, a reduction of trading spaces within the Mediterranean and especially in the Levant.44

The decline in arrivals of silk from Aleppo was drastic: in 1597 imports had reached 174 tons, in 1605 they fell to 52 tons, in 1613 to 37 tons, to then remain stagnant at these levels until the 17th century.

These trades, however, cannot be considered fully representative of the evolution of the businesses of the *Serenissima* in the Levant. If we move from the Adriatic to Livorno, we again find an analogous decline.45

<sup>42</sup> The market of Aleppo alone took in over 6,000 pieces of fine wool cloths and 70,000 pieces of

Venetian silk. D. SELLA, *Commerci e industrie*, cit., p. 13. 43 F. C. LANE, *Storia di Venice* , Turin 1978, pp. 465-487. 44 O. L. BARKAN, *Le déclin de Venise dans ses rapports avec la décadence économique de l'Empire Ottoman*, in *Aspetti e cause della decadenza economica Venicena nel secolo XVII*, Conference proceedings June 27 – July 2 1957, Venice 1961, pp. 275-279. 45 Graphic 6.

linens or English Kersey wool yarns, but the highest percentage of products which arrived in the Levant were made in Venice. Among these were finest wool cloths,

The favorable situation was soon interrupted at the beginning of the following century. In the decade following 1602, according to data processed and deriving from anchorage tax revenues, the volume of traffic recorded in the port of Venice diminished by 40%. The drop accentuated around 1620, simultaneously with the economic crisis that affected all of Europe and, above all, the German market, which was damaged by the Thirty Years War (1618-1648).43 In this period, Venice certainly suffered the effects of losing its primacy in the spice trade. This was a direct consequence of the definitive stabilization of the trade routes that circumnavigated Africa and The Cape of Good Hope by the English and the Dutch. The greater competition from the French, English and Dutch merchants brought about, furthermore, a reduction of trading spaces within the Mediterranean

The decline in arrivals of silk from Aleppo was drastic: in 1597 imports had reached 174 tons, in 1605 they fell to 52 tons, in 1613 to 37 tons, to then remain

These trades, however, cannot be considered fully representative of the evolution of the businesses of the *Serenissima* in the Levant. If we move from the

42 The market of Aleppo alone took in over 6,000 pieces of fine wool cloths and 70,000 pieces of

Venetian silk. D. SELLA, *Commerci e industrie*, cit., p. 13. 43 F. C. LANE, *Storia di Venice* , Turin 1978, pp. 465-487. 44 O. L. BARKAN, *Le déclin de Venise dans ses rapports avec la décadence économique de l'Empire Ottoman*, in *Aspetti e cause della decadenza economica Venicena nel secolo XVII*, Conference proceedings June 27 – July 2

silk fabrics, mirrors, glass, sugar and soap.42

stagnant at these levels until the 17th century.

Adriatic to Livorno, we again find an analogous decline.45

and especially in the Levant.44

1957, Venice 1961, pp. 275-279. 45 Graphic 6.

Graph 6. **Silk imports from Syria, 1591-1680** 

Sources: F. BRAUDEL, R. ROMANO, *Navires et marchandises,* cit., p. 43-44; D. SELLA, *Commerci e industrie*, cit., pp. 110-113; R. GHEZZI, *Livorno e il mondo islamico*, cit., pp. 231-281.

At the end of the 16th century, Aleppo was the largest trade market of the Levant.46 Its fortunes were tied to its trade with Persia, from where the silk headed to Venice and Livorno came.47

The connections with the Orient were assured by the caravans that passed through the plains as far as Mosul, then followed the route of the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers to Baghdad.48

During the lengthy conflicts between the Turks and the Persians (1589-1628) these trails became ever less secure: the recurrent passage of the troops heading to Persia from Aleppo caused increasing alarm to the merchants, while Baghdad, a hub of fundamental importance in trade with Central Asia and the Far East, was unsettled by the frequent armed encounters, passing into the hands of one army or the other, alternately.49 The continuation of the conflict and the consequent climate of tension had strong repercussions on the Syrian ports, and the trade in Persian silk was further damaged by the increase of import taxes imposed by the Ottoman Empire. When the conflict finally ended, and Baghdad was definitively conquered by the Turks, trade with Persia took place with greater tranquillity once again.

In the meantime, however, the caravan routes had moved further North, over the roads leading to Smyrna. Furthermore, as a result of the agreements signed by Persia with Holland and England, silk also began to be sent towards the Indian

<sup>46</sup> F. BRAUDEL, *Civiltà e imperi del Mediterraneo nell'età di Filippo II*, I-II, Turin 1986, I, pp. 608-609 e P. MASSON, *Histoire du commerce français dans le Levant au XVII siecle*, Paris 1896, p. 371. 47 P. MASSON, *Histoire du commerce français*, cit., p. 378. 48 Another route existed, which crossed the desert and led directly to Baghdad. This trail could

only be taken once a year, after the rainy season, when the wells were full. R. PARIS, *Histoire du commerce de Marseille*, V, *De 1660 à 1789. Le Levant*, Paris 1957, p. 419. 49 P. MASSON, *Histoire du commerce français*, cit., pp. 372-273.

NORTH ITALIAN PORTS AND THE LEVANT IN THE 16TH AND 17TH CENTURIES 499

Graph 8. **Merchant ships arriving in Venice, Genova and Livorno, 1660-1666** 

Sources: E. GRENDI, *Traffico portuale,* cit., pp. 593-638; ASFI, *Ufficiali di Sanità*, 210-220; ASVE, *Senato* 

Limited to the period between 1658 and 1661, sources also provide some quantitative data concerning the merchandise which was effectively unloaded in Venice.52 In the mid-1600s, Venice imported close to 22,500 tons of merchandise from the Levant (Dalmatia, Balkan regions, Greek islands, Anatolia, Syria, and

This data is only apparently surprising. In reality, it reflects the different roles played by the two ports in Mediterranean trading. Livorno essentially proved to be an international port for storage and exchange. The Northern merchant ships, which guaranteed most of its connections with Anatolia, Syria and Egypt, used Livorno as a midway stopover on longer voyages headed towards the Atlantic,

Venice was not only a great emporium, that is, a place of intermediation in exchanges. In the 17th century it was still an active industrial center, capable of providing for its own trade network. In this exchange system, the regions of the Levant certainly had an important role, mainly because they were able to furnish

*mar*, 575, Scrittura dei 5 savi alla mercanzia, giugno 1670.

where they carried the larger part of their cargoes.

Egypt), Livorno only 4,800 tons.

52 Table 7.

Ocean, in exchange for drugs and spices.50 Consequently, in the 17th century, trade between Aleppo and the West slowed down.

Most representative of Venice's port activity in the 17th century is a document from the *libri di costituti*, kept by the *Ufficio dei provveditori alla sanità*. It indicates the number and the origin of the ships arriving in the port of Venice between 1st March 1660 and February 28th, 1667.51 The levels of incoming traffic to the Adriatic port are similar to those recorded, during the same period, for Genoa and Livorno: from the Eastern Mediterranean 291 merchant ships, principally originating from Constantinople and Smyrna (31% of the total) arrived in Venice. Traffic from the Levant accounted for 18% of the incoming port trade, a lower volume compared to that recorded in Livorno, where in the same time-span 461 merchant ships originating from the Levant (28% of the total) were recorded.

Graph 7. **Merchant ships arriving in Genoa, Venice and Livorno, 1660-1666** 

Sources: E. GRENDI, *Traffico portuale,* cit., pp. 593-638; ASFI, *Ufficiali di Sanità*, 210-220; ASVE, *Senato mar*, 575, Scrittura dei 5 savi alla mercanzia, 11 giugno 1670.

<sup>50</sup> P. MASSON, *Histoire du commerce français*, cit., p. 373. 51 ARCHIVIO DI STATO DI VENEZIA (ASVE), *Senato mar*, 575.

Ocean, in exchange for drugs and spices.50 Consequently, in the 17th century, trade

Graph 7. **Merchant ships arriving in Genoa, Venice and Livorno, 1660-1666** 

Sources: E. GRENDI, *Traffico portuale,* cit., pp. 593-638; ASFI, *Ufficiali di Sanità*, 210-220; ASVE, *Senato* 

*mar*, 575, Scrittura dei 5 savi alla mercanzia, 11 giugno 1670.

50 P. MASSON, *Histoire du commerce français*, cit., p. 373. 51 ARCHIVIO DI STATO DI VENEZIA (ASVE), *Senato mar*, 575.

Most representative of Venice's port activity in the 17th century is a document from the *libri di costituti*, kept by the *Ufficio dei provveditori alla sanità*. It indicates the number and the origin of the ships arriving in the port of Venice between 1st March 1660 and February 28th, 1667.51 The levels of incoming traffic to the Adriatic port are similar to those recorded, during the same period, for Genoa and Livorno: from the Eastern Mediterranean 291 merchant ships, principally originating from Constantinople and Smyrna (31% of the total) arrived in Venice. Traffic from the Levant accounted for 18% of the incoming port trade, a lower volume compared to that recorded in Livorno, where in the same time-span 461 merchant ships

between Aleppo and the West slowed down.

originating from the Levant (28% of the total) were recorded.

Graph 8. **Merchant ships arriving in Venice, Genova and Livorno, 1660-1666** 

Sources: E. GRENDI, *Traffico portuale,* cit., pp. 593-638; ASFI, *Ufficiali di Sanità*, 210-220; ASVE, *Senato mar*, 575, Scrittura dei 5 savi alla mercanzia, giugno 1670.

Limited to the period between 1658 and 1661, sources also provide some quantitative data concerning the merchandise which was effectively unloaded in Venice.52 In the mid-1600s, Venice imported close to 22,500 tons of merchandise from the Levant (Dalmatia, Balkan regions, Greek islands, Anatolia, Syria, and Egypt), Livorno only 4,800 tons.

This data is only apparently surprising. In reality, it reflects the different roles played by the two ports in Mediterranean trading. Livorno essentially proved to be an international port for storage and exchange. The Northern merchant ships, which guaranteed most of its connections with Anatolia, Syria and Egypt, used Livorno as a midway stopover on longer voyages headed towards the Atlantic, where they carried the larger part of their cargoes.

Venice was not only a great emporium, that is, a place of intermediation in exchanges. In the 17th century it was still an active industrial center, capable of providing for its own trade network. In this exchange system, the regions of the Levant certainly had an important role, mainly because they were able to furnish

<sup>52</sup> Table 7.

NORTH ITALIAN PORTS AND THE LEVANT IN THE 16TH AND 17TH CENTURIES 501

important to indicate that the decline of business with the Indies did not signify a break in trades crossing the Red Sea at all. From the port of Moka in Yemen products from Arabia, such as medicinal drugs, perfumes, and most of all rubber, used in the preparation of fabric dyes, continued to reach Cairo and therefore the

Tab. 1. **Tonnage of merchant ships arriving in Genova, 1537-1591** 

58 Extracted from a plant that only grew along the Nile shores, it was used in the textile industry

1537 23,777 667 1568 28,733 0 1538 24,301 572 1569 30,210 1,286 1539 28,781 858 1570 25,016 0 1541 27,828 1,239 1571 25,111 762 1543 35,928 667 1572 20,156 572 1544 30,639 1,048 1573 18,679 429 1545 22,348 0 1574 36,786 381 1546 24,683 1,763 1575 27,065 191 1548 37,929 2,382 1576 24,778 0 1550 21,871 8,910 1577 19,203 476 1551 22,681 10,197 1578 30,353 667 1552 32,307 13,008 1579 32,116 286 1553 42,075 1,239 1580 6,671 286 1554 37,119 3,002 1581 25,826 429 1556 33,927 3,526 1582 26,017 0 1557 23,253 3,145 1583 21,585 0 1558 26,446 8,100 1584 24,683 0 1559 37,262 2,764 1585 26,779 0 1560 25,683 667 1586 14,819 0 1562 19,346 95 1587 22,443 0 1563 27,637 858 1588 32,545 953 1564 30,639 572 1589 24,301 0 1565 19,727 0 1590 30,925 0 1566 21,585 572 1591 32,307 0

Years Total arrivals Arrivals from

the Levant

the Levant

58 and ashes from Alexandria, used in the production of glass. Finally, it is

*zafferanone*,

Mediterranean.

APPENDICES

Years Total arrivals Arrivals from

1567 27,065 0

Source: E. GRENDI, *Traffico portuale*, cit., pp. 593-638.

to produce a range of colors such as bright red and pale pink.

many of the raw materials necessary to the manufacturers in Venice and on the Venetian mainland.

# 6. CONCLUSIONS

Throughout the 17th century international trade underwent progressive changes following the expansion of the Atlantic trade network, and the definitive assertion of the fleets of the United Provinces and England. In particular, the intensification of the routes circumnavigating Africa, rounding the Cape of Good Hope, allowed the Dutch and English to establish and consolidate direct contacts with the merchants of the Far East. This marked the inevitable decline of the role of intermediaries, held for centuries by the merchants of Venice and Genoa. The arrival of spices of Atlantic origin did not mean, however, the decline of the trade in the Mediterranean. According to the estimates of Ludwig Beutin, in 1634 the total amount of tonnage of the ships of the United Provinces engaged in the Mediterranean represented approximately one twelfth of the total volume of their entire merchant fleet and it was double that of the fleets involved in business with the East Indies.53 Between 1663-1669, 48% of London's exports and re-exports were headed towards the Mediterranean. The quota destined for North America, the West and East Indies, was just 9%.54

As has been seen, the Atlantic ships had an important role in the port business of Genoa, though it was Livorno that gained greater advantages from their growing presence along the routes leading to Constantinople and Smyrna. Thanks to its port structures and its customs regulations, but also thanks to its geographical position, Livorno was able to consolidate its position in the network of great trade traffic between the Atlantic, the Italian peninsula and the Levant.

Nevertheless, in the mid-1600s, it was again Venice that attracted greater imports from the Ottoman countries. In the period 1658-1661, despite the negative effects of the long war of Candia (1644-1669), imports from the Levant constituted 60% of incoming goods passing through the port's customs.

Domenico Sella has underlined the importance of Venetian imports of raw Egyptian sugar in the first half of the 1600s,55 a *Nota dei colli e mercanzie capitate da Levante l'anno 1680* lists numerous other goods arriving from the *scale*. 56 Among these were, above all, leather;57 *bufalini* from Egypt, *vaccini* from Constantinople, *cordovani* and *vacchette* from Smyrna; wax, cotton and *galla* from Syria; wool, linen,

<sup>53</sup> L. BEUTIN, *La decadence économique de Venise considerée du point de vue Nord-European*, in *Aspetti e cause*, cit., pp. 87-108, 92.

<sup>54</sup> C. WILSON, *England's Apprenticeship, 1603-1763*, London 1965, p. 162. 55 D. SELLA, *Commerci e industrie*, cit., pp. 53-56. 56 ASVE, *Senato mar*, 575, Scrittura dei 5 savi alla mercanzia, 11 giugno, 1670. 57 The importance of leather in the *ancien régime* society was widely documented. J.H. PARRY, *Le vie dei trasporti e dei commerci*, in *Storia Economica di Cambridge*, IV, Turin 1975, pp. 178-252; D. SELLA, *Industrial raw materials in the import trade of northern and central Italy during the XVIIth century*, in "The Journal of European Economic History", 33, 2004, n.1, pp. 59-70.

*zafferanone*, 58 and ashes from Alexandria, used in the production of glass. Finally, it is important to indicate that the decline of business with the Indies did not signify a break in trades crossing the Red Sea at all. From the port of Moka in Yemen products from Arabia, such as medicinal drugs, perfumes, and most of all rubber, used in the preparation of fabric dyes, continued to reach Cairo and therefore the Mediterranean.

APPENDICES

500 RENATO GHEZZI

many of the raw materials necessary to the manufacturers in Venice and on the

Throughout the 17th century international trade underwent progressive changes following the expansion of the Atlantic trade network, and the definitive assertion of the fleets of the United Provinces and England. In particular, the intensification of the routes circumnavigating Africa, rounding the Cape of Good Hope, allowed the Dutch and English to establish and consolidate direct contacts with the merchants of the Far East. This marked the inevitable decline of the role of intermediaries, held for centuries by the merchants of Venice and Genoa. The arrival of spices of Atlantic origin did not mean, however, the decline of the trade in the Mediterranean. According to the estimates of Ludwig Beutin, in 1634 the total amount of tonnage of the ships of the United Provinces engaged in the Mediterranean represented approximately one twelfth of the total volume of their entire merchant fleet and it was double that of the fleets involved in business with the East Indies.53 Between 1663-1669, 48% of London's exports and re-exports were headed towards the Mediterranean. The quota destined for North America,

As has been seen, the Atlantic ships had an important role in the port business of Genoa, though it was Livorno that gained greater advantages from their growing presence along the routes leading to Constantinople and Smyrna. Thanks to its port structures and its customs regulations, but also thanks to its geographical position, Livorno was able to consolidate its position in the network of great trade traffic

Nevertheless, in the mid-1600s, it was again Venice that attracted greater imports from the Ottoman countries. In the period 1658-1661, despite the negative effects of the long war of Candia (1644-1669), imports from the Levant constituted

Domenico Sella has underlined the importance of Venetian imports of raw Egyptian sugar in the first half of the 1600s,55 a *Nota dei colli e mercanzie capitate da* 

53 L. BEUTIN, *La decadence économique de Venise considerée du point de vue Nord-European*, in *Aspetti e* 

54 C. WILSON, *England's Apprenticeship, 1603-1763*, London 1965, p. 162. 55 D. SELLA, *Commerci e industrie*, cit., pp. 53-56. 56 ASVE, *Senato mar*, 575, Scrittura dei 5 savi alla mercanzia, 11 giugno, 1670. 57 The importance of leather in the *ancien régime* society was widely documented. J.H. PARRY, *Le vie* 

*dei trasporti e dei commerci*, in *Storia Economica di Cambridge*, IV, Turin 1975, pp. 178-252; D. SELLA, *Industrial raw materials in the import trade of northern and central Italy during the XVIIth century*, in "The Journal

these were, above all, leather;57 *bufalini* from Egypt, *vaccini* from Constantinople, *cordovani* and *vacchette* from Smyrna; wax, cotton and *galla* from Syria; wool, linen,

56 Among

Venetian mainland.

6. CONCLUSIONS

*cause*, cit., pp. 87-108, 92.

the West and East Indies, was just 9%.54

between the Atlantic, the Italian peninsula and the Levant.

60% of incoming goods passing through the port's customs.

of European Economic History", 33, 2004, n.1, pp. 59-70.

*Levante l'anno 1680* lists numerous other goods arriving from the *scale*.


Tab. 1. **Tonnage of merchant ships arriving in Genova, 1537-1591** 

Source: E. GRENDI, *Traffico portuale*, cit., pp. 593-638.

<sup>58</sup> Extracted from a plant that only grew along the Nile shores, it was used in the textile industry to produce a range of colors such as bright red and pale pink.

NORTH ITALIAN PORTS AND THE LEVANT IN THE 16TH AND 17TH CENTURIES 503

Tab. 3. **Tonnage of merchant ships arriving at Genoa and Livorno from the Levant, 1658-1666** 

Years tons % of total arrivals tons % of total arrivals 1658 672 4.17 20,307 29.99 1659 1,270 6.26 14,332 38.91 1660 766 3.09 15,435 29.35 1661 1,239 3.85 17,955 44.91 1662 325 1.06 19,320 32.63 1663 630 2.53 19,708 37.26 1664 1,008 2.70 19,316 39.07 1665 1,533 5.31 12,415 25.77 1666 0 0 6,296 27.13 Total 7,443 3.18 145,084 33.74

Sources: ASFI, *Ufficiali di Sanità*, 209-225; R. GHEZZI, *Livorno e il mondo islamico*, cit., pp. 115-196; E

GRENDI, *I Nordici*, cit., p. 70.

Genoa Livorno


Tab. 2. **Tonnage of merchant ships arriving at Genoa and Livorno, 1612-1666** 

Sources: ASFI, *Ufficiali di Sanità*, 136-225; R. GHEZZI, *Livorno e il mondo islamico*, cit., pp. 19-111; E. GRENDI, *I Nordici*, cit., pp. 65-66.

Tab. 2. **Tonnage of merchant ships arriving at Genoa and Livorno, 1612-1666** 

Years Genoa Livorno Years Genoa Livorno 1612 42,894 31,570 1640 45,841 13,203 1613 41,166 32,418 1641 41,394 17,298 1614 46,499 20,448 1642 52,746 23,913 1615 39,118 23,283 1643 58,688 18,243 1616 30,920 21,393 1644 36,552 41,238 1617 39,564 24,543 1645 37,576 26,118 1618 59,421 26,748 1646 36,053 32,103 1619 79,682 47,223 1647 29,058 46,908 1620 90,896 53,523 1648 47,412 56,988 1621 60,782 33,048 1649 31,419 35,568 1622 47,728 35,883 1650 21,130 22,338 1623 44,100 20,448 1651 26,640 16,353 1624 43,797 30,528 1652 33,528 22,023 1625 31,298 31,158 1653 30,274 24,228 1626 41,857 37,458 1654 42,568 35,568 1627 31,785 42,498 1655 53,999 48,483 1628 38,199 42,813 1656 41,391 33,993 1629 59,327 39,348 1657 9,283 64,548 1630 71,412 42,813 1658 16,107 67,698 1631 49,526 38,403 1659 20,281 36,828 1632 69,770 23,598 1660 24,788 52,578 1633 74,571 8,163 1661 32,145 39,978 1634 62,933 9,738 1662 30,595 59,193 1635 60,077 12,258 1663 24,895 52,893 1636 55,497 13,833 1664 37,306 49,428 1637 46,943 13,518 1665 28,837 48,163 1638 50,486 10,683 1666 18,905 23,203

Sources: ASFI, *Ufficiali di Sanità*, 136-225; R. GHEZZI, *Livorno e il mondo islamico*, cit., pp. 19-111; E.

1639 50,103 18,243

GRENDI, *I Nordici*, cit., pp. 65-66.


### Tab. 3. **Tonnage of merchant ships arriving at Genoa and Livorno from the Levant, 1658-1666**

Sources: ASFI, *Ufficiali di Sanità*, 209-225; R. GHEZZI, *Livorno e il mondo islamico*, cit., pp. 115-196; E GRENDI, *I Nordici*, cit., p. 70.

NORTH ITALIAN PORTS AND THE LEVANT IN THE 16TH AND 17TH CENTURIES 505

Tab. 5. **Silk imports from Syria, 1591-1680 (tons)** 

Sources: F. BRAUDEL, R. ROMANO, *Navires et marchandises,* cit., p. 43-44; D. SELLA, *Commerci e industrie*,

Tab. 6. **Merchant ships arriving in Genoa, Venice and Livorno, 1660-1666** 

Arrivals from the Levant

Total arrivals Arrivals from the Levant

Years Genoa Venice Livorno

Total arrivals

1660 197 4 230 45 211 54 1661 236 5 149 40 267 57 1662 228 3 232 47 229 68 1663 188 3 240 43 195 74 1664 251 4 198 46 296 72 1665 207 7 157 32 252 79 1666 151 0 144 38 173 57 Total 1,458 26 1,350 291 1,623 461

Sources: E. GRENDI, *Traffico portuale*, cit., pp. 593-638; ASFI, *Ufficiali di Sanità*, 210-220; ASVE, *Senato* 

Tab. 7. **Imports from the Levant, 1658-1661 (tons)** 

Sources: ASFI, *Ufficiali di Sanità*, 210-220; R. GHEZZI, *Livorno e il mondo islamico*, cit., pp. 115-196; ASVE,

Years Goods shipped to Venice Goods shipped to Livorno 1658 5,564.51 1,799.82 1659 6,061.65 1,405.83 1660 5,341.84 603.41 1661 5,557.67 1,011.35 Total 22,525.67 4,820.41

cit., pp. 110-113; R. GHEZZI, *Livorno e il mondo islamico*, cit., pp. 231-281.

Arrivals from the Levant

*mar*, 575, Scrittura dei 5 savi alla mercanzia, giugno 1670.

*Senato mar*, 575, Scrittura dei 5 savi alla mercanzia, 11 giugno, 1670.

 Total arrivals

Years Venice Livorno 1591 1,622.00 450.00 1593 1,692.00 1,093.00 1612 327.60 6.06 1625 80.00 39.27 1636 300.00 60.61 1666 57.00 51.10 1680 57.00 0.00


Tab. 4. **Merchant ships arriving at Livorno from the Levant, 1573-1666** 

Source: F. BRAUDEL, R. ROMANO, *Navires et marchandises*, cit., pp. 43-44; R. GHEZZI, *Livorno e il mondo islamico*, cit., pp. 115-196; ASFI, *Ufficiali di Sanità*, 209-225.

Tab. 4. **Merchant ships arriving at Livorno from the Levant, 1573-1666** 

1609 1646 45

*islamico*, cit., pp. 115-196; ASFI, *Ufficiali di Sanità*, 209-225.

Source: F. BRAUDEL, R. ROMANO, *Navires et marchandises*, cit., pp. 43-44; R. GHEZZI, *Livorno e il mondo* 



Sources: F. BRAUDEL, R. ROMANO, *Navires et marchandises,* cit., p. 43-44; D. SELLA, *Commerci e industrie*, cit., pp. 110-113; R. GHEZZI, *Livorno e il mondo islamico*, cit., pp. 231-281.



Sources: E. GRENDI, *Traffico portuale*, cit., pp. 593-638; ASFI, *Ufficiali di Sanità*, 210-220; ASVE, *Senato mar*, 575, Scrittura dei 5 savi alla mercanzia, giugno 1670.


### Tab. 7. **Imports from the Levant, 1658-1661 (tons)**

Sources: ASFI, *Ufficiali di Sanità*, 210-220; R. GHEZZI, *Livorno e il mondo islamico*, cit., pp. 115-196; ASVE, *Senato mar*, 575, Scrittura dei 5 savi alla mercanzia, 11 giugno, 1670.