# Máximo García Fernández

318 PETER STABEL

Stabel, Peter. 1995. *De kleine stad in Vlaanderen: bevolkingsdynamiek en economische functies van de kleine en secundaire stedelijke centra in het Gentse kwartier (14de-16de eeuw).* 

Stabel, Peter. 2011. "Militaire organisatie, bewapening en wapenbezit in het laatmiddeleeuwse Brugge." *Revue belge de Philologie et d'Histoire* 89: 1049-74. Stabel, Peter. 2015. "Working alone? Single women and economic activity in the cities of the county of Flanders (early 13th-early 15th century)." In *Single life and the city 1200-1900,* ed. Julie De Groot et al., 27-49. London: Palgrave McMillan. Stabel, Peter. *Forthcoming*. *A capital of fashion. Guilds and economic change in late medieval* 

Sturtewagen, Isis. 2016. *All together respectably dressed. Fashion and clothing in Bruges during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.* Antwerp: unpublished PhD University of

Thoen, Erik, and Isabelle Devos. 1999. "Pest in de Zuidelijke Nederlanden tijdens de middeleeuwen en de moderne tijden: Een status quaestionis over de ziekte in haar sociaal-economische context." In *De pest in de Nederlanden: medisch historische beschouwingen 650 jaar na de Zwarte Dood,* 19-43. Brussels: Academia Regia Belgica

Tits-Dieuaide, Marie-Jeanne. 1975. "Les tables des pauvres dans les anciennes principautés belges au moyen âge." *Tijdschrift voor Geschiedenis* 88: 562-83. Van Buren, Anne H., and Roger S. Wieck. 2011. *Illuminating fashion. Dress in the art of medieval France and the Netherlands, 1325-1515.* New York: The Morgan Library. Van Rompaey, Jan. 1967. *Het grafelijk baljuwsambt in Vlaanderen tijdens de Boergondische* 

Veblen, Thorstein. 1899. *Theory of the leisure class. An economic study in the evolution of* 

Welch, Evelyn, and Michelle O'Malley. 2010. *The material Renaissance*, Manchester:

Welch, Evelyn. 2005. *Shopping in the Renaissance. Consumer cultures in Italy 1400-1600*.

Brussels: Royal Academy.

Antwerp.

*Bruges.* Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Medicinae (Dissertationes. Series Historica).

*periode.* Brussels: Royal Academy.

*institutions.* New York: Macmillan.

New Haven: Yale University Press.

Manchester University Press.

# *Keeping up appearances in early modern Castile*

Social emulation drove demand and influenced consumer behaviour at all levels, leading to the *power and tyranny of fashion* and the development of all economic sectors involved in the cultural projection of clothing . Clothing was not replaced at the same rate as it is today, but some social sectors still witnessed rapid and widespread changes in clothing habits. After the *birth of fashion* during the 15th and 16th centuries (Belfanti 2008), the 18th century experienced a *revolution of consumption* (McKendrick 1982). It is thus important to research the material culture that changed male and female bodies with different garments and accessories (Roche 1997), which had by then become a civilisational and *sensorial* issue for public consumption. Within this methodological framework, it is also necessary to compare these developments within Castile and western Europe more broadly (Torras 1999), assessing the significance of innovations and the variety of items available as a reflection of market strategies, establishing the characteristic attitudes of each social group and defining individual aspirations (balancing the wish for social promotion and prices) underlying intercultural contact (García M. 2016).

In the present study, a wide variety of notarial records (guardianship accounts, dowries and post–mortem inventories) and of literary, moral and legal sources (dated to the Renaissance, Baroque and Enlightenment periods, and including numerous memoranda, tailors' patterns and reformist fashion magazines) are examined from an economic, social and cultural perspective in order to study fabrics, colours and accessories used as social markers and design strategies from the perspective of gender, age and identity expressed through clothing. These are key variables in tracing changes in the collective and individual demands of Mediterranean families during the Ancien Régime from the Middle Ages (Furió 2018) to the modern period (Pérez 2013) in rural (Malanima 1990), provincial (Ramos 2010) and/or courtesan environments (Figeac 2007).

 Principal investigator of research projects, funded by the Spanish Ministry (HAR2017-84226- C6-4-P): *Families, material culture, social appearances and civilization: identities and their representation in inland Spain, 1500–1850*; "Excelencia", 2018–21; and (PID2020–113012GB–I00): *Intergenerational conflicts and civilization processes in the Ancien Regime: the vision of young people in territories of the Iberian Peninsula (16th–19th Centuries) (Fam&Civ)*; 2021–25.

FUP Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing (DOI 10.36253/fup\_best\_practice)

Máximo García Fernández, *Keeping up appearances in early modern Castile*, pp. 319-340, © 2022 Author(s), CC BY 4.0 International, DOI 10.36253/978-88-5518-565-3.18

gan the change in my dress, I quitted laced clothes and white stockings». Two factors contributed to him adopting the *Armenian* attire. Firstly, «On Christmas Eve… the door of a garret, in which all our linen was hung up after being washed, was broken open. Everything was stolen, amongst other things, forty-two of my shirts, of very fine linen, and which were the best part of my stock». Secondly, he had prostate issues and difficulty urinating while wearing stockings and pantaloons. In his *Discourse on the Arts and Sciences*, he complained about the corruption of habits, forcing himself to practice the plainness that he preached and giving up his bourgeois clothes for a limited and austere wardrobe. These principles of *rusticity*, how-

Thus, the aspiration to personal ostentation converged, and clashed, with critical attitudes towards the collective desire for clothing that outlined, at all levels, social inequality. This clash accelerated the underlying conflict that marked the progress of modernity, when the desire for comfort became widespread and even universal. The increase in the public capital of appearances is sharply illustrated by the differences between the domestic comforts and the external appearance of Francisco Javier Carrión Ribas, a diplomat who died in Madrid in 1779,2 and those of father don Alonso de Carrión y Losada, who died in 1678. The living room of the latter, despite the fact that he was the perpetual mayor of Zamora, was barely furnished, with eight chairs *baqueta de moscovia*, and his alcove was decorated only by four pieces of cloth. Another room contained two desks, two sideboards covered with cloth and a portable pantry. The bedroom was furnished with a four–poster bed and an old bench; inside, there were chests, trunks, a carpet, a heater and a stove. Upstairs, there was a chest with two cassocks, short capes, two new hats and his capes. Two interior rooms contained rope beds and mattresses, a headboard and a duvet, and a chest containing eleven bed sheets and fifteen pillows, a hairdresser's sheet and a handkerchief, eight napkins and six small tablecloths, five pairs of underwear, four pairs of stockings, a coat, three shirts and a nightgown, a woman's dress of Dutch linen and an overskirt, a large mat and a brazier, sixteen fine plates, twelve bowls, six small cups with their saucers, three large bowls, four pairs of gloves, two head cloths, a robe and two fans. Carrión, for his part, owned carriages and three walking sticks, a large library, Chinese-style tableware and a fish pan to eat from; a draughts board, inkwells and quills on the desk; 100 chairs, stools and couches *for visitors*, along with candles, candlesticks and mantelpieces; music scores near a large number of glazed bowls; carpets, crystal lamps, cornucopia mirrors and several clocks; and razors for shaving and tweezers for the fingernails. His wardrobe was well furnished too. A dozen cloth or velvet dresses, including matching waistcoat, jacket and trousers (one «old fashioned» for Holy Week, and a

by Masó, Salustiano. 1979. *Escritos de combate*. Madrid: Alfaguara), the *Discurso* and the entry *Économie (morale et politique)* in the 1755 *Encyclopaedia* (later entitled *Discours sur l'economie politique*; 1985. Madrid: Tecnos) are particularly interesting. The *Discourse on Inequality* was very controversial, reinventing the topic of the natural state and turning man into an affable creature capable of fertile feelings of happiness. During this controversy, Palissot brought to the stage a «four-legged character» with a leaf of lettuce between the teeth, whom Voltaire referred to as «Diogenes' monkey», noting in one of his

letters that «no one has ever employed so much passion in wishing to turn us into animals». 2 Archivo de Protocolos de Madrid, leg. 16294, f. 323.

ever, triumphed only in the mental and conceptual sphere.

## **1. Markets and luxury**

The reactivation of demand and urban consumption depended on market access – from the periodic fair to the permanent shop – the economic situation and the prevailing economic mentality, which were reflected in recurrent *sumptuary laws*; these mercantilist tenets led to the implementation of protectionist policies to promote local fabrics and hamper the import of foreign ones, or to critical illustrated publications that expressed horror at the availability of vast quantities of smuggled French mousselines in 18th century Spain. In this context, an item is not simply a commodity but a symbol of distinction and social prestige, whereby its tangible value is entangled with its cultural value; luxury, ostentation, decorum and appearance were all key factors in the growing circulation of intercontinental gifts (Carrió 2016).

The dissemination of luxury items could have been the end of the *European aristocratic constitution*. A symbol of a certain social code of conduct, the *vice of appearances* was considered unnecessary, corrupting norms and triggering decadence. As such, luxury was a legitimate target of bans and taxes to control consumption, as long as it was not the product of national industries or was not subject to custom duties, or it was regulated by the commercial networks that traded in them (Carmagnani 2012, 21-55). However, stopping the dissemination of this *abyss of pleasure* was an impossible mission: it was visible in palatial architecture, carriages, fashion and fine household items. A new civic virtue had to be built, based on a reinterpreted relationship between the material and the immaterial, between public and private needs. Within this renewed framework, luxury acquired a collective positive hue because it materialised in more comfortable housing and better clothing whilst also striking a balance between fending off external threats and satisfying the desires of the individual. This created the possibility of enjoying luxurious goods (which were even cheaper, *populujos*) without good habits being undermined and of cancelling laws that were never able to solve the problems of demand, most notably in relation to the dynamic circulation of Eastern cottons (Martínez 2008).

The dissemination of these ideas about consumption allowed Dutch and English publicists and merchants to progressively dismantle the principles of mercantilism and their obsession with the balance of trade, whilst adding value to re-exports and arguing that traffic could not be stopped by prohibitions. In parallel, the liberalisation of consumption at continental level destabilised the rigid aristocratic hierarchies and created new ways of social promotion for the enemies of *sumptuary laws*, for whom ostentation knew no limits, and could be contained but never suppressed. This debate was revived by the spirit of bourgeois *sweet trade*, *education in manners*, *solid luxury* based on *real needs*, and the very *improvement of customs* (rather than simply a *refinement of vanity*).

When dealing with the controversial issue of clothing, Rousseau was an enemy of luxury:1 «In the independence in which I lived… and, stifling the vanity… I be-

<sup>1</sup> Jean Jacques Rousseau, *Confesiones* (1748-55), libro 8º (1993. Barcelona: Planeta, 381). His thoughts on luxury are found throughout his works, but his responses in the *First Discourse* (compiled

The reactivation of demand and urban consumption depended on market access – from the periodic fair to the permanent shop – the economic situation and the prevailing economic mentality, which were reflected in recurrent *sumptuary laws*; these mercantilist tenets led to the implementation of protectionist policies to promote local fabrics and hamper the import of foreign ones, or to critical illustrated publications that expressed horror at the availability of vast quantities of smuggled French mousselines in 18th century Spain. In this context, an item is not simply a commodity but a symbol of distinction and social prestige, whereby its tangible value is entangled with its cultural value; luxury, ostentation, decorum and appearance were all key factors in the growing circulation of intercontinental gifts

The dissemination of luxury items could have been the end of the *European aristocratic constitution*. A symbol of a certain social code of conduct, the *vice of appearances* was considered unnecessary, corrupting norms and triggering decadence. As such, luxury was a legitimate target of bans and taxes to control consumption, as long as it was not the product of national industries or was not subject to custom duties, or it was regulated by the commercial networks that traded in them (Carmagnani 2012, 21-55). However, stopping the dissemination of this *abyss of pleasure* was an impossible mission: it was visible in palatial architecture, carriages, fashion and fine household items. A new civic virtue had to be built, based on a reinterpreted relationship between the material and the immaterial, between public and private needs. Within this renewed framework, luxury acquired a collective positive hue because it materialised in more comfortable housing and better clothing whilst also striking a balance between fending off external threats and satisfying the desires of the individual. This created the possibility of enjoying luxurious goods (which were even cheaper, *populujos*) without good habits being undermined and of cancelling laws that were never able to solve the problems of demand, most notably in relation to the dynamic circulation of Eastern cottons

The dissemination of these ideas about consumption allowed Dutch and English publicists and merchants to progressively dismantle the principles of mercantilism and their obsession with the balance of trade, whilst adding value to re-exports and arguing that traffic could not be stopped by prohibitions. In parallel, the liberalisation of consumption at continental level destabilised the rigid aristocratic hierarchies and created new ways of social promotion for the enemies of *sumptuary laws*, for whom ostentation knew no limits, and could be contained but never suppressed. This debate was revived by the spirit of bourgeois *sweet trade*, *education in manners*, *solid luxury* based on *real needs*, and the very *improvement of customs*

When dealing with the controversial issue of clothing, Rousseau was an enemy of luxury:1 «In the independence in which I lived… and, stifling the vanity… I be-

1 Jean Jacques Rousseau, *Confesiones* (1748-55), libro 8º (1993. Barcelona: Planeta, 381). His thoughts on luxury are found throughout his works, but his responses in the *First Discourse* (compiled

**1. Markets and luxury** 

(Carrió 2016).

(Martínez 2008).

(rather than simply a *refinement of vanity*).

gan the change in my dress, I quitted laced clothes and white stockings». Two factors contributed to him adopting the *Armenian* attire. Firstly, «On Christmas Eve… the door of a garret, in which all our linen was hung up after being washed, was broken open. Everything was stolen, amongst other things, forty-two of my shirts, of very fine linen, and which were the best part of my stock». Secondly, he had prostate issues and difficulty urinating while wearing stockings and pantaloons. In his *Discourse on the Arts and Sciences*, he complained about the corruption of habits, forcing himself to practice the plainness that he preached and giving up his bourgeois clothes for a limited and austere wardrobe. These principles of *rusticity*, however, triumphed only in the mental and conceptual sphere.

Thus, the aspiration to personal ostentation converged, and clashed, with critical attitudes towards the collective desire for clothing that outlined, at all levels, social inequality. This clash accelerated the underlying conflict that marked the progress of modernity, when the desire for comfort became widespread and even universal. The increase in the public capital of appearances is sharply illustrated by the differences between the domestic comforts and the external appearance of Francisco Javier Carrión Ribas, a diplomat who died in Madrid in 1779,2 and those of father don Alonso de Carrión y Losada, who died in 1678. The living room of the latter, despite the fact that he was the perpetual mayor of Zamora, was barely furnished, with eight chairs *baqueta de moscovia*, and his alcove was decorated only by four pieces of cloth. Another room contained two desks, two sideboards covered with cloth and a portable pantry. The bedroom was furnished with a four–poster bed and an old bench; inside, there were chests, trunks, a carpet, a heater and a stove. Upstairs, there was a chest with two cassocks, short capes, two new hats and his capes. Two interior rooms contained rope beds and mattresses, a headboard and a duvet, and a chest containing eleven bed sheets and fifteen pillows, a hairdresser's sheet and a handkerchief, eight napkins and six small tablecloths, five pairs of underwear, four pairs of stockings, a coat, three shirts and a nightgown, a woman's dress of Dutch linen and an overskirt, a large mat and a brazier, sixteen fine plates, twelve bowls, six small cups with their saucers, three large bowls, four pairs of gloves, two head cloths, a robe and two fans. Carrión, for his part, owned carriages and three walking sticks, a large library, Chinese-style tableware and a fish pan to eat from; a draughts board, inkwells and quills on the desk; 100 chairs, stools and couches *for visitors*, along with candles, candlesticks and mantelpieces; music scores near a large number of glazed bowls; carpets, crystal lamps, cornucopia mirrors and several clocks; and razors for shaving and tweezers for the fingernails. His wardrobe was well furnished too. A dozen cloth or velvet dresses, including matching waistcoat, jacket and trousers (one «old fashioned» for Holy Week, and a

by Masó, Salustiano. 1979. *Escritos de combate*. Madrid: Alfaguara), the *Discurso* and the entry *Économie (morale et politique)* in the 1755 *Encyclopaedia* (later entitled *Discours sur l'economie politique*; 1985. Madrid: Tecnos) are particularly interesting. The *Discourse on Inequality* was very controversial, reinventing the topic of the natural state and turning man into an affable creature capable of fertile feelings of happiness. During this controversy, Palissot brought to the stage a «four-legged character» with a leaf of lettuce between the teeth, whom Voltaire referred to as «Diogenes' monkey», noting in one of his letters that «no one has ever employed so much passion in wishing to turn us into animals». 2 Archivo de Protocolos de Madrid, leg. 16294, f. 323.

better display their prestige. Dress always concealed ideological and civilisational undercurrents, as reflected in the tension between novel dress fashions and a censorship that sang the praises of rusticity: the impact caused by the novelties being pushed forward by the *fashion of the century* was thus uneven. It can be deduced that during the 1700s aesthetics and colour, among other important factors, counted for more than durability. Lyon was to transform the canon of textile quality by disseminating the new French fashion, supported by a strong silk (and cotton) industry; thereafter, Paris was to *set the tone* for elegant dress, exporting their goods to the Spanish-American market and competing with the Asian goods traded

What was in demand, and when? Did patterns change according to social group, age and gender? The increase or decrease in cultural inequality and changes

The increase in aggregate consumption from the Late Middle Ages onwards is reflected in wills, post–mortem inventories, dowries, seizure documents and inter– vivos donations (García J. 2001). These documents represent the legal, economic and social reality of each period, and the information that they provide in different European countries can be profitably compared. These records were related to private, domestic and familial spheres (concerning the tutelage of minors). They were a guarantee against a lack of trust that was never far from the surface («to avoid all fraud»). Insecurity, litigation, disagreements, intestates or disputes over property encouraged their production; beyond the logic of succession, they allowed personal property to be enjoyed without fear. These records have been widely used to examine demand, material culture and everyday life (standards of living) between 1500 and 1850, although it must be remembered that they remain partial and sometimes unclear, and also that not all property was necessarily recorded for

In addition, the «debts satisfied in recompense for your good offices… letters of payment for the years spent in our service» consign the very varied (in terms of amount, quality and typology) amounts of money spent by masters on their servants. Receipts for *white bed linen* and other textile goods suggest that masters often rewarded their servants with clothing (shirts, stockings, coats), shoes and headdresses (*cofias*), as well as the cloth with which they were made.6 Although the items so bequeathed are not dissimilar to those used by the masters, the differences are also enormous, which meant the possibility of confusion was small. The few personal ledgers that survive today also give interesting insight into the lives of married women and widows, especially the interaction between the public and private spheres. The careful recording of female domestic expenses includes the purchase of clothes. The family's trousseau was generally made at home, especially the undergarments, and this was a task that fell entirely to women (clothes were

6 Archivo Histórico Provincial de Valladolid (AHPVa), *Protocolos Notariales* (PN), legajo 103, 1551;

by the company of the Philippines.

various reasons (García M. 2015).

leg. 102, 1550; leg. 48, 1552; Valladolid city.

**2. Quantitative sources for clothing consumption** 

in the standards of living must be explained.

black one for mourning), and 30 *trué* shirts, fifteen made of fine cloth and thirteen of inferior quality. His late wife's wardrobe and coiffure were equally rich (headdresses, hairpins, handkerchiefs, *peinadores* and dozens of fans).3

«The excess of luxury / has taken root / from dotage / to the innocent child / regardless of sex, / occupation or trade».4 Despite not having access to every type of foreign clothing, the middle classes began purchasing tight vests, corsets and bodices, incorporating novelties (a pejorative term: «thing that is new and not common; often dangerous, because they bring changes to old uses»; Sebastián de Covarrubias) that did not go unnoticed by Enlightenment intellectuals. This was an ideological transformation that brought with it some positive notions, such as the encouragement of industry and the condemnation of idleness. Wills, inventories and dowries began listing a growing number of sumptuary garments, often accompanied by information about their place of origin as a way to emphasise their prestigious nature: Maltese, Neapolitan, Turkish, Venetian and Chinese, or made after the style of said countries: «in the French style», «in the English style», «in the Polish style» or «in the Sultan's style». Also of significance was the increase in the number of «unused» shirts, which presented a way to project a given image, to define or impose «the latest fashion». Many are labelled «for its use», «to dress up», «of its sex» or «for travelling»: in other words, made and decorated for special occasions. Both outer and inner garments were increasingly made of cotton, which was easier to wash, dry and iron, as well as being cheaper to adapt to new patterns, dyes and cuts. This was the reason for the increasing arrival of foreign mousselines and chiffons (and also the growing export of Catalonian *indianas*) (Muñoz 2011). This variety of garments «in the international» or «Oriental» styles coexisted with traditional dress (black outer skirts and/or white shawls) and with the habit of using it in the open air or the Church, often with open references to popular authenticity (*casticismo*). As such, shapes and types copied from the best Paris dressmakers (lace, ribbons and openwork reproduced in picture cards and magazines) existed side by side with classic homemade garments.

With the material luxury of the court (Descalzo 2014) and popular plainness (García M. 2019a) as a backdrop, private and commercial letters reveal, for example, that the harbour of Alicante stored a large volume of imported cloth, which demonstrates the increasing importance of the fashion industry.5 The letters being exchanged across the Atlantic, which consigned the constant traffic in textile novelties, reflect the same trend (Silva 2019).

These were no mere commodities, and for this reason economic means and mentality had to go hand-in-hand to dynamise increasingly widespread demand. This ran parallel to critical attitudes towards luxury and growing consumption among emerging social groups in urban contexts, which resorted to symbolism to

<sup>3</sup> Archivo Histórico Provincial de Zamora, leg. 1644, ff. 513-517.

<sup>4</sup> Merás y Queipo de Llano, Ignacio. 1785. *Consejos de un cortesano a un amigo suyo sobre las modas y el exceso del luxo en la corte*. Madrid. Another eloquent title: Eijoecente, Luis de. 1795. *Libro del agrado, impreso por la virtud en la imprenta del gusto, a la moda y el aire del presente siglo*. Madrid.

<sup>5</sup> Arxiu del Regne de Valencia, *Varia*, nº 74; 463 letters sent by the merchant Felipe Moscoso from Alicante to a number of merchants in Genoa from 1660 to 1686.

black one for mourning), and 30 *trué* shirts, fifteen made of fine cloth and thirteen of inferior quality. His late wife's wardrobe and coiffure were equally rich

«The excess of luxury / has taken root / from dotage / to the innocent child / regardless of sex, / occupation or trade».4 Despite not having access to every type of foreign clothing, the middle classes began purchasing tight vests, corsets and bodices, incorporating novelties (a pejorative term: «thing that is new and not common; often dangerous, because they bring changes to old uses»; Sebastián de Covarrubias) that did not go unnoticed by Enlightenment intellectuals. This was an ideological transformation that brought with it some positive notions, such as the encouragement of industry and the condemnation of idleness. Wills, inventories and dowries began listing a growing number of sumptuary garments, often accompanied by information about their place of origin as a way to emphasise their prestigious nature: Maltese, Neapolitan, Turkish, Venetian and Chinese, or made after the style of said countries: «in the French style», «in the English style», «in the Polish style» or «in the Sultan's style». Also of significance was the increase in the number of «unused» shirts, which presented a way to project a given image, to define or impose «the latest fashion». Many are labelled «for its use», «to dress up», «of its sex» or «for travelling»: in other words, made and decorated for special occasions. Both outer and inner garments were increasingly made of cotton, which was easier to wash, dry and iron, as well as being cheaper to adapt to new patterns, dyes and cuts. This was the reason for the increasing arrival of foreign mousselines and chiffons (and also the growing export of Catalonian *indianas*) (Muñoz 2011). This variety of garments «in the international» or «Oriental» styles coexisted with traditional dress (black outer skirts and/or white shawls) and with the habit of using it in the open air or the Church, often with open references to popular authenticity (*casticismo*). As such, shapes and types copied from the best Paris dressmakers (lace, ribbons and openwork reproduced in picture cards and magazines) existed side by

With the material luxury of the court (Descalzo 2014) and popular plainness (García M. 2019a) as a backdrop, private and commercial letters reveal, for example, that the harbour of Alicante stored a large volume of imported cloth, which demonstrates the increasing importance of the fashion industry.5 The letters being exchanged across the Atlantic, which consigned the constant traffic in textile

These were no mere commodities, and for this reason economic means and mentality had to go hand-in-hand to dynamise increasingly widespread demand. This ran parallel to critical attitudes towards luxury and growing consumption among emerging social groups in urban contexts, which resorted to symbolism to

4 Merás y Queipo de Llano, Ignacio. 1785. *Consejos de un cortesano a un amigo suyo sobre las modas y el exceso del luxo en la corte*. Madrid. Another eloquent title: Eijoecente, Luis de. 1795. *Libro del agrado,* 

5 Arxiu del Regne de Valencia, *Varia*, nº 74; 463 letters sent by the merchant Felipe Moscoso

(headdresses, hairpins, handkerchiefs, *peinadores* and dozens of fans).3

side with classic homemade garments.

novelties, reflect the same trend (Silva 2019).

3 Archivo Histórico Provincial de Zamora, leg. 1644, ff. 513-517.

from Alicante to a number of merchants in Genoa from 1660 to 1686.

*impreso por la virtud en la imprenta del gusto, a la moda y el aire del presente siglo*. Madrid.

better display their prestige. Dress always concealed ideological and civilisational undercurrents, as reflected in the tension between novel dress fashions and a censorship that sang the praises of rusticity: the impact caused by the novelties being pushed forward by the *fashion of the century* was thus uneven. It can be deduced that during the 1700s aesthetics and colour, among other important factors, counted for more than durability. Lyon was to transform the canon of textile quality by disseminating the new French fashion, supported by a strong silk (and cotton) industry; thereafter, Paris was to *set the tone* for elegant dress, exporting their goods to the Spanish-American market and competing with the Asian goods traded by the company of the Philippines.

## **2. Quantitative sources for clothing consumption**

What was in demand, and when? Did patterns change according to social group, age and gender? The increase or decrease in cultural inequality and changes in the standards of living must be explained.

The increase in aggregate consumption from the Late Middle Ages onwards is reflected in wills, post–mortem inventories, dowries, seizure documents and inter– vivos donations (García J. 2001). These documents represent the legal, economic and social reality of each period, and the information that they provide in different European countries can be profitably compared. These records were related to private, domestic and familial spheres (concerning the tutelage of minors). They were a guarantee against a lack of trust that was never far from the surface («to avoid all fraud»). Insecurity, litigation, disagreements, intestates or disputes over property encouraged their production; beyond the logic of succession, they allowed personal property to be enjoyed without fear. These records have been widely used to examine demand, material culture and everyday life (standards of living) between 1500 and 1850, although it must be remembered that they remain partial and sometimes unclear, and also that not all property was necessarily recorded for various reasons (García M. 2015).

In addition, the «debts satisfied in recompense for your good offices… letters of payment for the years spent in our service» consign the very varied (in terms of amount, quality and typology) amounts of money spent by masters on their servants. Receipts for *white bed linen* and other textile goods suggest that masters often rewarded their servants with clothing (shirts, stockings, coats), shoes and headdresses (*cofias*), as well as the cloth with which they were made.6 Although the items so bequeathed are not dissimilar to those used by the masters, the differences are also enormous, which meant the possibility of confusion was small. The few personal ledgers that survive today also give interesting insight into the lives of married women and widows, especially the interaction between the public and private spheres. The careful recording of female domestic expenses includes the purchase of clothes. The family's trousseau was generally made at home, especially the undergarments, and this was a task that fell entirely to women (clothes were

<sup>6</sup> Archivo Histórico Provincial de Valladolid (AHPVa), *Protocolos Notariales* (PN), legajo 103, 1551; leg. 102, 1550; leg. 48, 1552; Valladolid city.

appearance and his good demeanour, *in the Spanish fashion*, although more colourful:

His dress was plain although he often wore short capes, colours and lace.

Source: Rodríguez 1999.

spent much on eating, clothes and uniforms, but little on books and ink.

 From October 1568 to March 1569: 2,210 mrs. (15%). From April to August 1569: 1,836 mrs. (30%).

 Clothing 14 pieces 37% 963 mrs. 32% Shoes 24 63% 612 21% Varas cloth 1.268 42% Tailoring costs 140 5%

luxuries) of clothing and shoes.

AHPVa, PN, leg. 47.

Tab. 2. **Daily expenses for Gaspar Ramos in Salamanca (1568-1569)** 

Those excessive expenses until August 1569 (when he got married) led to a long conflict with his family, forcing him to drop out of university. Tuition fees were 14 ducats per year; the housekeeper charged five reales; he spent 30 maravedíes on food every day; the scholar's uniform (22-thread kersey cloth) cost no less than 175 reales; and he also bought a few cheap Latin books. In short, he

Family inventories also provide information about social dress,10 and they can be a valuable source in terms of quantities, qualities and varieties (shortcomings and

9 From July to September 1568, he spent 7,814 maravedíes on clothing (35% of total expenses).

10 In 1550, Rodrigo de Miranda was curator of Juan Espinosa, a young man from Valladolid;

Living expenses (*ordinario*) 26% Clothing expenses 24% Housing 16% Medical attention 14% Studies 12% Other 8%

Unlike other young men, who were not so keen on studying, at the age of 22, after fighting with his father and «so as to not die of hunger», in 1568 the student began attending the University of Gaspar Ramos Ortiz in Salamanca (Rodríguez 1999). Soon after his arrival, he bought his diary and rented a house with a classmate, purchasing several items in second–hand shops and from peddlers on the well–stocked street of Serranos. After describing his poor furniture, he spent much more effort on describing his dress. He was punctilious about his personal appearance: shirts, doublets, leather jackets and smocks, breeches and *forros*, socks, slippers, shoes and flip-flops, necks, frills and gloves, bonnets, *loba* and *manteo* for his scholar's uniform (and buttons, thimble, thread and needles to mend them).9

similar to what he would wear in his native Tuscany.

sewn, shortened and lengthened to fit new needs, and they were sold in the public *almoneda* or amicably shared), although hiring professional weavers and tailors was not rare. For instance, Isabel Despés bought several serge breeches for her son, while sending out to be mended others that were worn through wear (Gascón 2012).

We also have (a few) documents in which the authors recorded information about their own clothes (Luciani 2013), including diaries and autobiographies («a weapon against forgetfulness and a tool of memory»; Amelang 2005).7 Clothing was a language that formed recurrent images (Ebben 2010).8 For instance, the clothes bought by an Italian student in Salamanca, according to his own account, were as follows (Haley 1977):


Tab. 1. **Clothes bought by Girolamo da Sommaia in Salamanca (1603-1607)** 

Source: Haley 1977.

The small number of shirts and warm clothes bought by this student is surprising. This stands in sharp contrast to the large number of shoes purchased («I wore a new pair», he reiterated). He acquired more than 20 different pieces, but approximately two-thirds correspond to the typical dress of Castilian Baroque students: breeches, shorts, doublets and gloves. He also spent a not inconsiderable amount on passementerie, cloths of Rouen, fustian, canvas, silk, taffeta, chamois and Dutch linen in various colours, of which black was not predominant.

Although this student did not spend excessively on clothing and his expenses were not regularly spaced, he never neglected his image as a Florentine noble. He gave clothing as gifts, borrowed it, lost it, bought it in shops (even when he travelled to Barcelona) or ordered it from Salamanca tailors and hosiers. A travel case for travelling to Medina del Campo was his only other possession. He purchased barely a dozen pieces of clothing per year, despite his luxurious

<sup>7</sup> See also Amelang (2006).

<sup>8</sup> According to the memoirs of several young military officials during the 17th century, having or not having clothes, and their exchange, repair and gifting, was a way to ratify hierarchies, to express value. Often they altered their external appearance, imitating and adapting to the «air» of their superiors, seeking recognition. In this way, they tried to maintain and improve their social status, moulding their identity and showing authority through the symbolism of dress; appearances were a central and vital motif, the reflection of the cultural paradigms of the time.

sewn, shortened and lengthened to fit new needs, and they were sold in the public *almoneda* or amicably shared), although hiring professional weavers and tailors was not rare. For instance, Isabel Despés bought several serge breeches for her son, while sending out to be mended others that were worn through wear (Gascón

We also have (a few) documents in which the authors recorded information about their own clothes (Luciani 2013), including diaries and autobiographies («a weapon against forgetfulness and a tool of memory»; Amelang 2005).7 Clothing was a language that formed recurrent images (Ebben 2010).8 For instance, the clothes bought by an Italian student in Salamanca, according to his own account, were as

Tab. 1. **Clothes bought by Girolamo da Sommaia in Salamanca (1603-1607)** 

Shoes 6 7 3 16 pairs; more than three

Pieces 9 19 31 19 17 95 (annual average: 19)

The small number of shirts and warm clothes bought by this student is surprising. This stands in sharp contrast to the large number of shoes purchased («I wore a new pair», he reiterated). He acquired more than 20 different pieces, but approximately two-thirds correspond to the typical dress of Castilian Baroque students: breeches, shorts, doublets and gloves. He also spent a not inconsiderable amount on passementerie, cloths of Rouen, fustian, canvas, silk, taffeta, chamois

Although this student did not spend excessively on clothing and his expenses were not regularly spaced, he never neglected his image as a Florentine noble. He gave clothing as gifts, borrowed it, lost it, bought it in shops (even when he travelled to Barcelona) or ordered it from Salamanca tailors and hosiers. A travel case for travelling to Medina del Campo was his only other possession. He purchased barely a dozen pieces of clothing per year, despite his luxurious

8 According to the memoirs of several young military officials during the 17th century, having or not having clothes, and their exchange, repair and gifting, was a way to ratify hierarchies, to express value. Often they altered their external appearance, imitating and adapting to the «air» of their superiors, seeking recognition. In this way, they tried to maintain and improve their social status, moulding their identity and showing authority through the symbolism of dress; appearances were a

2 9 20 8 13 52

and Dutch linen in various colours, of which black was not predominant.

central and vital motif, the reflection of the cultural paradigms of the time.

per year

1603 1604 1605 1606 1607 Total

Breeches 2 1 1 5 4 13 pairs

Short trousers 5 3 3 3 14

2012).

follows (Haley 1977):

Girolamo da Sommaia

Other (18 different

Source: Haley 1977.

7 See also Amelang (2006).

pieces)

appearance and his good demeanour, *in the Spanish fashion*, although more colourful: similar to what he would wear in his native Tuscany.

Unlike other young men, who were not so keen on studying, at the age of 22, after fighting with his father and «so as to not die of hunger», in 1568 the student began attending the University of Gaspar Ramos Ortiz in Salamanca (Rodríguez 1999). Soon after his arrival, he bought his diary and rented a house with a classmate, purchasing several items in second–hand shops and from peddlers on the well–stocked street of Serranos. After describing his poor furniture, he spent much more effort on describing his dress. He was punctilious about his personal appearance: shirts, doublets, leather jackets and smocks, breeches and *forros*, socks, slippers, shoes and flip-flops, necks, frills and gloves, bonnets, *loba* and *manteo* for his scholar's uniform (and buttons, thimble, thread and needles to mend them).9 His dress was plain although he often wore short capes, colours and lace.


Tab. 2. **Daily expenses for Gaspar Ramos in Salamanca (1568-1569)** 

Source: Rodríguez 1999.

Those excessive expenses until August 1569 (when he got married) led to a long conflict with his family, forcing him to drop out of university. Tuition fees were 14 ducats per year; the housekeeper charged five reales; he spent 30 maravedíes on food every day; the scholar's uniform (22-thread kersey cloth) cost no less than 175 reales; and he also bought a few cheap Latin books. In short, he spent much on eating, clothes and uniforms, but little on books and ink.

Family inventories also provide information about social dress,10 and they can be a valuable source in terms of quantities, qualities and varieties (shortcomings and luxuries) of clothing and shoes.

9 From July to September 1568, he spent 7,814 maravedíes on clothing (35% of total expenses). From October 1568 to March 1569: 2,210 mrs. (15%).

10 In 1550, Rodrigo de Miranda was curator of Juan Espinosa, a young man from Valladolid; AHPVa, PN, leg. 47.


From April to August 1569: 1,836 mrs. (30%).

associated with dowries, the post–mortem inventory of family possessions and the

In brief, the main issue with using data from dowries is that they generally correspond to the trousseaus from the preceding generation: legally understood as an advance of their will, a trousseau meant daughters inherited many of the elements that entered the new family's trousseau from their mothers or as gifts from other relatives (Dávila 2005). This was one of the peaks of consumption in the life-cycle, but on many occasions the number of pieces consigned in these records is not only small but also largely comprises «used», «very old» or «broken» items, which makes it more difficult to infer how accessible the market was for these households (indeed, the replacement of old and worn clothing seems to have

On the other hand, establishing when the items that were left at the end of the life cycle (Duraes 2018), when households often disaggregated, had entered the household is also difficult, not least because many possessions were intentionally concealed. In addition, the system followed in interior Castile saw the items valued by the appropriate guild master, but no details were given concerning the room in which these items were kept. Therefore, items and pieces of clothing were listed more than once and not counted systematically, which is unsurprising for a society

However, the *almoneda* (García M. 2013, 235-60) records present a more accurate picture of the auction of second–hand books, including starting and final prices. The possessions of residents of small rural towns were auctioned outside the morgue or in the public square, as set by ancestral custom; items were shown and their quality and novelty proclaimed, and these (frequent) events often became impromptu fairs, where the residents could buy what they needed or simply find a

In any case, these records can provide complementary information about juvenile attire among the popular classes, which have otherwise left few traces in

Although clothing expenses of different Castilian youths varied widely, the amount that guardians spent on this was on average a substantial 25% of total expenses. Apart from possible biases in the record (embezzlement) and bad management, guardians always tried to keep the orphans decently dressed although they gave priority to food, healthcare, training and other education expenses.

in which the pressure of consumerism was less acutely felt.

**3. Covering the everyday needs of minors** 

public sale in the *almoneda* of heirlooms.

been fairly uncommon).

bargain.

the record.

## **2.1 Guardianship accounts**

«*Cuentas que da*», «*de la curaduría de*», «*consta por su libro de gasto*» (Brunet 2012). Clothing was a clear medium for the social projection of youth (Cava 1999). An order issued by the *corregidor* of Salamanca to the guardian of the minor Gaspar Téllez in 1584 certifies the attire of Castilian youths (Lorenzo 2019):

To learn the trade, see to it that he is not naked; give him a coat, two smocks, two pairs of stockings and two galligaskins, a hat and the shoes; two shirts and a doublet, all made of tow; the cloth must be of six reales per vara [cheap]; and cover tailoring expenses; and all that is spent on these clothes discount from the profit brought in by the lad.11

At the end of their commission, the expenses paid by the guardians were to be charged to the «minor's guardianship accounts». Their analysis reveals the typical attire of youths and the consumption of new clothes by families. The same pieces of clothing feature time and time again. It was typical for special expenses to be made on new clothes and tailoring at Christmas time. The monthly or annual clothing expenses of these Castilian youths, many of whom came from the countryside, demonstrate that the dissemination of new fashions was not limited to the elite.

The detailed listing of clothing and shoes in these accounts allows us to reconstruct the basic elements of the urban dress of male and female youths. Sometimes, various pieces were bought at the same time, and on other occasions these purchases were spaced out throughout the year. Toddlers were dressed in *ropillas*, small doublets, *lavaderos*, muffs and nappies; young men wore a hat and coat; and girls wore shawls, long cloaks, *sayuelos* and robes. Coarse cloths were used for undergarments, breeches and socks. Linen canvases were used for shirts, baggy trousers, handkerchiefs and head cloths. The most costly fabrics –taffeta, satin, silk and laced velvets– in yellow, purple, green, brown or blue, were used for hats and sleeves, adorning short capes. Necks from Holland and Milan coexisted with skirts of Courtray, Rouen and Britanny cloth. In many cases, the pieces purchased were new, and tailoring expenses had to be added, but even the most affluent orphans often resorted to mending and reusing their parents' old clothing: the most common of such operations were the refurbishment of waistbands, legs and doublets, adding patches and changing buttons. Most of these youths had shoes, often up to fourteen pairs per year; these were not necessarily simple, of a bad quality or in need of having their soles replaced.

#### **2.2 Female dowries and almonedas of inventoried property**

Some of the most widely used documentary sources to understand the living standards and evolution of demand in pre–industrial Spain are payment letters

<sup>11</sup> Archivo Histórico Provincial de Salamanca (AHPSa), PN, leg. 3482, f. 513; 1588.

«*Cuentas que da*», «*de la curaduría de*», «*consta por su libro de gasto*» (Brunet 2012). Clothing was a clear medium for the social projection of youth (Cava 1999). An order issued by the *corregidor* of Salamanca to the guardian of the minor Gaspar

To learn the trade, see to it that he is not naked; give him a coat, two smocks, two pairs of stockings and two galligaskins, a hat and the shoes; two shirts and a doublet, all made of tow; the cloth must be of six reales per vara [cheap]; and cover tailoring expenses; and all that is spent on these

At the end of their commission, the expenses paid by the guardians were to be charged to the «minor's guardianship accounts». Their analysis reveals the typical attire of youths and the consumption of new clothes by families. The same pieces of clothing feature time and time again. It was typical for special expenses to be made on new clothes and tailoring at Christmas time. The monthly or annual clothing expenses of these Castilian youths, many of whom came from the countryside, demonstrate that the dissemination of new fashions was not limited to

The detailed listing of clothing and shoes in these accounts allows us to reconstruct the basic elements of the urban dress of male and female youths. Sometimes, various pieces were bought at the same time, and on other occasions these purchases were spaced out throughout the year. Toddlers were dressed in *ropillas*, small doublets, *lavaderos*, muffs and nappies; young men wore a hat and coat; and girls wore shawls, long cloaks, *sayuelos* and robes. Coarse cloths were used for undergarments, breeches and socks. Linen canvases were used for shirts, baggy trousers, handkerchiefs and head cloths. The most costly fabrics –taffeta, satin, silk and laced velvets– in yellow, purple, green, brown or blue, were used for hats and sleeves, adorning short capes. Necks from Holland and Milan coexisted with skirts of Courtray, Rouen and Britanny cloth. In many cases, the pieces purchased were new, and tailoring expenses had to be added, but even the most affluent orphans often resorted to mending and reusing their parents' old clothing: the most common of such operations were the refurbishment of waistbands, legs and doublets, adding patches and changing buttons. Most of these youths had shoes, often up to fourteen pairs per year; these were not necessarily simple, of a bad

 **of inventoried property** 

Some of the most widely used documentary sources to understand the living standards and evolution of demand in pre–industrial Spain are payment letters

Téllez in 1584 certifies the attire of Castilian youths (Lorenzo 2019):

clothes discount from the profit brought in by the lad.11

quality or in need of having their soles replaced.

**almonedas**

11 Archivo Histórico Provincial de Salamanca (AHPSa), PN, leg. 3482, f. 513; 1588.

**2.2 Female dowries and** 

**2.1 Guardianship accounts** 

the elite.

associated with dowries, the post–mortem inventory of family possessions and the public sale in the *almoneda* of heirlooms.

In brief, the main issue with using data from dowries is that they generally correspond to the trousseaus from the preceding generation: legally understood as an advance of their will, a trousseau meant daughters inherited many of the elements that entered the new family's trousseau from their mothers or as gifts from other relatives (Dávila 2005). This was one of the peaks of consumption in the life-cycle, but on many occasions the number of pieces consigned in these records is not only small but also largely comprises «used», «very old» or «broken» items, which makes it more difficult to infer how accessible the market was for these households (indeed, the replacement of old and worn clothing seems to have been fairly uncommon).

On the other hand, establishing when the items that were left at the end of the life cycle (Duraes 2018), when households often disaggregated, had entered the household is also difficult, not least because many possessions were intentionally concealed. In addition, the system followed in interior Castile saw the items valued by the appropriate guild master, but no details were given concerning the room in which these items were kept. Therefore, items and pieces of clothing were listed more than once and not counted systematically, which is unsurprising for a society in which the pressure of consumerism was less acutely felt.

However, the *almoneda* (García M. 2013, 235-60) records present a more accurate picture of the auction of second–hand books, including starting and final prices. The possessions of residents of small rural towns were auctioned outside the morgue or in the public square, as set by ancestral custom; items were shown and their quality and novelty proclaimed, and these (frequent) events often became impromptu fairs, where the residents could buy what they needed or simply find a bargain.

In any case, these records can provide complementary information about juvenile attire among the popular classes, which have otherwise left few traces in the record.

## **3. Covering the everyday needs of minors**

Although clothing expenses of different Castilian youths varied widely, the amount that guardians spent on this was on average a substantial 25% of total expenses. Apart from possible biases in the record (embezzlement) and bad management, guardians always tried to keep the orphans decently dressed although they gave priority to food, healthcare, training and other education expenses.

given by Simón Delgado of his guardianship of his sister Nicolasa Delgado (from February 1580, when their father died, to 1590);13 and the invoices submitted by Roque Ledesma, a clothes' merchant who had died during his guardianship, for his tutorship of minors Pedro Emperador and Francisca García, residents of

These documents add little more to the record of expenses yielded by these 20 guardianships, mostly concerning minors from Salamanca and Valladolid in the second half of the 16th century, but also later, up to 1715 (Tab. 3). They do, however, allow us to pursue several interesting fields of enquiry – and to compare this evidence with coetaneous European data – concerning the demands of Castilian youths (for example, types of shoes and clothing used, and the annual distribution of expenses) in another ten or so similar documents from approximately the same period (one isolated example is much later, and comes from the 1760s). The amounts vary little, but these documents are valuable in that they illustrate material culture and consumption (from the market to the household)

The *dación de la cuenta de la tutela de Josefa Fernández Recalde*15 is of enormous

Clothing expenses barely amounted to 746 rs. (just over 5% of the total). On average, three new pieces were purchased per year, which always included a skirt and a shirt (and sometimes doublets, vests and aprons). By the mid-18th century, when consumerism was much more acute, the 30 pieces bought for Josefa bear witness to the plainness of female dress in the Castilian countryside. This number

year she died; 1 rs. for a shawl; 5 rs. for another skirt in 1580; 340 mrs. for two shirts in the second year; 85 mrs. for a black shawl; 68 mrs. for two pairs of shoes (second year); 3 rs. for two pairs of shoes when she was with her uncle; 60 mrs. for a shawl when she was with her uncle; 5 rs. for a shirt when she was living with her uncle, on Saint Michael's day, September 1581; 51 mrs. for a pair of shoes when she was with her uncle for the wine harvest of 1581; 60 mrs. for a pair of shoes when she

13 AHPSa, PN, leg. 2954. Both parts appointed an accountant, with Nicolasa being represented

14 AHPSa, PN, leg. 4312, ff. 1202-1220. The accounts were examined by Juan de Silva, silversmith, by that time the minors' guardian, and requested from García, widow of Roque Ledesma

Accounts: 12 rs. for 18 nappies, three shirts, four towels and a large shawl for the nights; 6 rs. for a new orange *frisa* cloak; 20 mrs. for a pair of breeches; 1.5 rs. for a pair of knitted sleeves; 1.5 rs. for a pair of breeches and a pair of shoes; 2 rs. for a pair of tights; 6 rs. for a little fur–lined tunic; 20 mrs. for a pair of shoes; 42 mrs. for a pair of breeches and a pair of shoes; 4 rs. for a night cover for swaddling; 4 rs. for a small doublet; 4 rs. for a new cloak; 12 rs. for four shirts; 4 rs. for a headboard

15 Lumbrales village, Salamanca. He hands Pascual Arroyo and his wife Josefa Fernández Recalde the accounts for the eleven years in which Juan Fernández Recalde, her uncle, acted as her guardian; Archivo de la Real Chancillería de Valladolid (ARChVa), *Pleitos Civiles* (PC), Pérez Alonso, olvidados, caja 397,1; «Libro de cuentas (1757–1567); memoria de lo que voy dando a mi sobrina de los bienes

in the day-to-day lives of these youths. Let us examine this in detail.

interest because it presents a very detailed snapshot of the period.

also included several pieces of headdress and abundant shirts.

was with her uncle; 60 mrs. for a pair of shoes for Christmas; 4 rs. for a shirt.

by her husband, Diego del Águila, a clerk in Medina del Campo city, where they all resided.

for the cot; (1595) 16 rs. for pair of baggy trousers and a small tunic; 14 rs. for a tunic.

Torresmenudas (1593-1595).14

(who was also Juan's relative).

que me entregaron».


Tab. 3. **Percentage of guardianship expenses for Castilian orphan minors** 

**1. Clothing**. 2. Food. 3. Housing (housekeepers/servants). 4. Healthcare. 5. Studies. 6. Practical training. 7. Leisure/Trips. 8. Administration.

A. Salamanca city and province (average of 11 guardianships): a and b. Brothers Juan Maldonado and Pedro Bonal; c. Diego Guzmán; d. Sebastián de Olivares; e. Nicolasa Delgado; f. Francisco Rodríguez; g. Ana García, of Villamayor; h and i. Brothers Pedro and Francisca Emperador; j. Juan de San Vicente; k. Andrés Flórez.

B. Ramos Ortiz, of Salamanca city; C. Hernando Daza, of Medina del Campo city; D. Barromán village, Ávila (average of four guardianships); E. Juan Sarmiento, of Bocigas village, Valladolid; F. Ana García, Soria city; G. Francisco Ustáriz, Navarra province. Sources: AHPSa and AHPVa, PN, several bundles.

Other examples from Salamanca include: the account issued by the administrator of the late Ana García, Lorenzo Crespo (1580-1583);12 the accounts

<sup>12</sup> AHPSa, PN, leg. 5084. He issues this document along with Marcos de Palacios, brother–in– law of the minor and husband of Isabel García, daughter of Juan García and sister of the deceased; resident in Villamayor village, Salamanca.

Accounts: 434 *maravedíes* for cloth for a skirt; 68 mrs. for a shawl; 3 reales for a shirt bought in the first year of the guardianship; 51 mrs. for a pair of breeches and a pair of shoes; 34 mrs. for a pair of shoes (first year); 5 rs. for a short cloak; 4 rs. for a shirt; 1 rs. for a pair of shoes; 2 rs. for two pairs of shoes; 10 mrs. for tailoring; 5 rs. for a shirt in 1580; 40 mrs. for a pair of shoes; 9.5 rs. for a skirt the

Tab. 3. **Percentage of guardianship expenses for Castilian orphan minors** 

20 cases **1** 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Maravedíes

 A 1547-96 39.8 35.0 2.8 3.6 2.5 16.3 56,617 1547-53 a 32.3 61.8 1.0 3.6 1.4 49,123 b 29.1 63.9 0.1 0.4 5.5 1.1 46,707 c 1565-68 30.0 51.0 7.0 4.0 7.0 1.0 35,857 d 1587-94 53.2 12.7 3.2 2.2 28.7 205,118 e 1583-90 19.4 80.6 15,385 f 1589-96 78.2 5.7 6.6 8.6 0.8 82,817 g 1580-83 28.6 70.1 0.8 0.5 10,421 1593-95 h 12.8 81.7 5.6 22,897 i 17.6 75.9 6.5 17,243 j 1586-96 70.8 7.2 4.3 14.2 0.2 3.2 52,627 k 1557-61 53.9 10.5 19.1 1.6 14.9 12,655

B 1568 24.0 26.0 16.0 14.0 12.0 8.0

D 1565-1627 5.0 6.0 1.0 1.0 87.0

training. 7. Leisure/Trips. 8. Administration.

resident in Villamayor village, Salamanca.

García, Soria city; G. Francisco Ustáriz, Navarra province. Sources: AHPSa and AHPVa, PN, several bundles.

Vicente; k. Andrés Flórez.

C 1540-48 24.8 22.4 1.3 15.5 4.0 32.0 837,048

 E 1619 30.0 32.0 5.0 33.0 34,340 F 1620 9.0 75.0 0.5 2.0 13.5 35,493 G 1715 23.3 70.0 6.7 22,440

**1. Clothing**. 2. Food. 3. Housing (housekeepers/servants). 4. Healthcare. 5. Studies. 6. Practical

A. Salamanca city and province (average of 11 guardianships): a and b. Brothers Juan Maldonado and Pedro Bonal; c. Diego Guzmán; d. Sebastián de Olivares; e. Nicolasa Delgado; f. Francisco Rodríguez; g. Ana García, of Villamayor; h and i. Brothers Pedro and Francisca Emperador; j. Juan de San

B. Ramos Ortiz, of Salamanca city; C. Hernando Daza, of Medina del Campo city; D. Barromán village, Ávila (average of four guardianships); E. Juan Sarmiento, of Bocigas village, Valladolid; F. Ana

Other examples from Salamanca include: the account issued by the administrator of the late Ana García, Lorenzo Crespo (1580-1583);12 the accounts

12 AHPSa, PN, leg. 5084. He issues this document along with Marcos de Palacios, brother–in– law of the minor and husband of Isabel García, daughter of Juan García and sister of the deceased;

Accounts: 434 *maravedíes* for cloth for a skirt; 68 mrs. for a shawl; 3 reales for a shirt bought in the first year of the guardianship; 51 mrs. for a pair of breeches and a pair of shoes; 34 mrs. for a pair of shoes (first year); 5 rs. for a short cloak; 4 rs. for a shirt; 1 rs. for a pair of shoes; 2 rs. for two pairs of shoes; 10 mrs. for tailoring; 5 rs. for a shirt in 1580; 40 mrs. for a pair of shoes; 9.5 rs. for a skirt the given by Simón Delgado of his guardianship of his sister Nicolasa Delgado (from February 1580, when their father died, to 1590);13 and the invoices submitted by Roque Ledesma, a clothes' merchant who had died during his guardianship, for his tutorship of minors Pedro Emperador and Francisca García, residents of Torresmenudas (1593-1595).14

These documents add little more to the record of expenses yielded by these 20 guardianships, mostly concerning minors from Salamanca and Valladolid in the second half of the 16th century, but also later, up to 1715 (Tab. 3). They do, however, allow us to pursue several interesting fields of enquiry – and to compare this evidence with coetaneous European data – concerning the demands of Castilian youths (for example, types of shoes and clothing used, and the annual distribution of expenses) in another ten or so similar documents from approximately the same period (one isolated example is much later, and comes from the 1760s). The amounts vary little, but these documents are valuable in that they illustrate material culture and consumption (from the market to the household) in the day-to-day lives of these youths. Let us examine this in detail.

The *dación de la cuenta de la tutela de Josefa Fernández Recalde*15 is of enormous interest because it presents a very detailed snapshot of the period.

Clothing expenses barely amounted to 746 rs. (just over 5% of the total). On average, three new pieces were purchased per year, which always included a skirt and a shirt (and sometimes doublets, vests and aprons). By the mid-18th century, when consumerism was much more acute, the 30 pieces bought for Josefa bear witness to the plainness of female dress in the Castilian countryside. This number also included several pieces of headdress and abundant shirts.

year she died; 1 rs. for a shawl; 5 rs. for another skirt in 1580; 340 mrs. for two shirts in the second year; 85 mrs. for a black shawl; 68 mrs. for two pairs of shoes (second year); 3 rs. for two pairs of shoes when she was with her uncle; 60 mrs. for a shawl when she was with her uncle; 5 rs. for a shirt when she was living with her uncle, on Saint Michael's day, September 1581; 51 mrs. for a pair of shoes when she was with her uncle for the wine harvest of 1581; 60 mrs. for a pair of shoes when she was with her uncle; 60 mrs. for a pair of shoes for Christmas; 4 rs. for a shirt.

<sup>13</sup> AHPSa, PN, leg. 2954. Both parts appointed an accountant, with Nicolasa being represented by her husband, Diego del Águila, a clerk in Medina del Campo city, where they all resided.

<sup>14</sup> AHPSa, PN, leg. 4312, ff. 1202-1220. The accounts were examined by Juan de Silva, silversmith, by that time the minors' guardian, and requested from García, widow of Roque Ledesma (who was also Juan's relative).

Accounts: 12 rs. for 18 nappies, three shirts, four towels and a large shawl for the nights; 6 rs. for a new orange *frisa* cloak; 20 mrs. for a pair of breeches; 1.5 rs. for a pair of knitted sleeves; 1.5 rs. for a pair of breeches and a pair of shoes; 2 rs. for a pair of tights; 6 rs. for a little fur–lined tunic; 20 mrs. for a pair of shoes; 42 mrs. for a pair of breeches and a pair of shoes; 4 rs. for a night cover for swaddling; 4 rs. for a small doublet; 4 rs. for a new cloak; 12 rs. for four shirts; 4 rs. for a headboard for the cot; (1595) 16 rs. for pair of baggy trousers and a small tunic; 14 rs. for a tunic.

<sup>15</sup> Lumbrales village, Salamanca. He hands Pascual Arroyo and his wife Josefa Fernández Recalde the accounts for the eleven years in which Juan Fernández Recalde, her uncle, acted as her guardian; Archivo de la Real Chancillería de Valladolid (ARChVa), *Pleitos Civiles* (PC), Pérez Alonso, olvidados, caja 397,1; «Libro de cuentas (1757–1567); memoria de lo que voy dando a mi sobrina de los bienes que me entregaron».

amount spent on footwear16 amounted to a considerable 597 reales (4%). Shoes were always bought on special occasions, such as Easter, Corpus Christi, Christmas and New Year (as well as mid-August and All Saints). In summary, she got plenty

The *cuentas tomadas por los* guardians of *Barromán* in 1565–162717 certify that most expenses went on food (and teachers and/or apothecaries) rather than on their poor garments. The average amount spent on clothing was a meagre 5%, but in some cases this amount is considerably higher, up to 24%, 19% and 17% (the minimum is 4%). In one example, expenses associated with the minor María Martín, married to Juan García, amounted to 17,503 maravedíes for 1605, of which

Tab. 5. **Pieces and prices of clothing went for María Martín (1605)** 

Shoes (pairs) 3 330 (plus ten *varas* of pardillo): 3,094 mrs.

Guardianships in Salamanca are at the heart of this study. For instance, Diego Flores, the guardian of Pedro Bonal and Juan Maldonado, underage brothers, requested accounts for 1547-53 from their tutor Antonio Ramírez.18 Clothing expenses were in the region of 30% of the total, and both brothers were more or

The accounts for Juan Maldonado indicate expenses of 49,123 maravedíes,

16 Affordable prices: 8, 10 and 11 reales («a pair of white shoes», September 1766, 12 rs.). «Shoes

17 ARChVa, *Protocolos y Padrones*, caja 24,1; Arévalo city; 1565–1627 (during the 16th century, 108 examples (78%) and 30 during the 17th century (22%)). The amounts vary widely, from 400,000 to

18 AHPSa, PN, leg. 3167; 1547-53. Antonio Ramírez, the tutor, submitted the accounts in March

19 Tanning, tailoring, *varas* cloth; lining; laces; pins and accessories. 1550. A cloth cassock, 9.5 rs. 1551. Cape, smock and breeches (6 *varas* of cloth from Piedrahita, at 7 rs. per vara): 1,423 mrs.

made by Juan Saldaña»; «a pair of shoes made by Remigio and another pair by Saldaña».

7,000 maravedíes; only 8% contain detailed information about clothing.

of shoes and shirts, along with lower garments and headdresses.

a substantial 6,568 mrs. (38%) went on 23 pieces of clothing:

Shirts 4 317 maravedíes

Source: ARChVa, *Protocolos y Padrones*, bundle 24,1.

15,201 mrs. more than for his brother.19

Skirts 4 519 Overskirt 2 432 Hoods 1 44 Headdresses 4 538 Shawls 2 291 Breeches 2 459 Stoles 1 544

less treated equally.

1554.


### Tab. 4a. **Clothing items (varas of cloth/canvas and tailoring) bought by a guardian for his niece**

## Tab. 4b. **Shoes (pairs) for Josefa**


Tab. 4c. **Monthly distribution of expenses on shoes (70 pairs)** 


Source: ARChVa, *Pleitos Civiles*, bundle 397,1.

In contrast, the accounts indicate that five pairs of shoes were bought, and nearly two more made to suit, every year on average, and in some years this increased to as many as nine pairs, including their replacement buckles. The

**for his niece** 

Tab. 4b. **Shoes (pairs) for Josefa** 

1758 6 4 2 1 1759 7 6 1 1

1765 9 6 3 1

Tab. 4c. **Monthly distribution of expenses on shoes (70 pairs)** 

Christmas and New Year 10 17% Easter 17 28% Corpus 10 17%

Saint Mary of August 7 12% All Saints 6 10%

In contrast, the accounts indicate that five pairs of shoes were bought, and nearly two more made to suit, every year on average, and in some years this increased to as many as nine pairs, including their replacement buckles. The

1760 9 6 3

1763 5 4 1 1764 6 5 1

1766 9 5 4 1767 5 4 1

Santiago 3

February – September – October 5 Local festivities 2

Source: ARChVa, *Pleitos Civiles*, bundle 397,1.

Total Pairs Shoes Bought (54) Made (16) Buckles (3)

1760 2 1 1 1761 2 1 1 1762 3 1 1 1 1763 4 1 1 1 1 1764 2 2 1765 6 1 1 1 1 2 1766–67 4 2 1 1 In 11 years 30 8 4 4 2 2 1 9

Total Skirts Doublets *Frisas* Vests Aprons Capes Shirts

 **of cloth/canvas and tailoring) bought by a guardian** 

Tab. 4a. **Clothing items (**

**varas**

1757 4 1 1 1 1

1757 4 4

1761 5 5 1762 5 5

1759 3 1 1 1

amount spent on footwear16 amounted to a considerable 597 reales (4%). Shoes were always bought on special occasions, such as Easter, Corpus Christi, Christmas and New Year (as well as mid-August and All Saints). In summary, she got plenty of shoes and shirts, along with lower garments and headdresses.

The *cuentas tomadas por los* guardians of *Barromán* in 1565–162717 certify that most expenses went on food (and teachers and/or apothecaries) rather than on their poor garments. The average amount spent on clothing was a meagre 5%, but in some cases this amount is considerably higher, up to 24%, 19% and 17% (the minimum is 4%). In one example, expenses associated with the minor María Martín, married to Juan García, amounted to 17,503 maravedíes for 1605, of which a substantial 6,568 mrs. (38%) went on 23 pieces of clothing:


Tab. 5. **Pieces and prices of clothing went for María Martín (1605)** 

Source: ARChVa, *Protocolos y Padrones*, bundle 24,1.

Guardianships in Salamanca are at the heart of this study. For instance, Diego Flores, the guardian of Pedro Bonal and Juan Maldonado, underage brothers, requested accounts for 1547-53 from their tutor Antonio Ramírez.18 Clothing expenses were in the region of 30% of the total, and both brothers were more or less treated equally.

The accounts for Juan Maldonado indicate expenses of 49,123 maravedíes, 15,201 mrs. more than for his brother.19

<sup>16</sup> Affordable prices: 8, 10 and 11 reales («a pair of white shoes», September 1766, 12 rs.). «Shoes made by Juan Saldaña»; «a pair of shoes made by Remigio and another pair by Saldaña».

<sup>17</sup> ARChVa, *Protocolos y Padrones*, caja 24,1; Arévalo city; 1565–1627 (during the 16th century, 108 examples (78%) and 30 during the 17th century (22%)). The amounts vary widely, from 400,000 to 7,000 maravedíes; only 8% contain detailed information about clothing.

<sup>18</sup> AHPSa, PN, leg. 3167; 1547-53. Antonio Ramírez, the tutor, submitted the accounts in March 1554.

<sup>19</sup> Tanning, tailoring, *varas* cloth; lining; laces; pins and accessories. 1550. A cloth cassock, 9.5 rs.

<sup>1551.</sup> Cape, smock and breeches (6 *varas* of cloth from Piedrahita, at 7 rs. per vara): 1,423 mrs.

made an effort to keep their charges well clothed.

mrs.21

following example (Tab. 8).

sword and other things that he needed».

A comparison of both accounts reveals that canvas shirts were considered a basic purchase. The tutor spent similar amounts on both brothers (1,700-1,500 mrs. over the year), but in one case these expenses were more evenly distributed over the years, whereas in the case of Pedro the expenses clearly peaked in 1549-1550. Their «shopping baskets» were also similar, comprising the typical items for the period: smock, doublet and breeches, which were annually replaced, plus two warm capes. These pieces were purchased from local tailors, at a rate of one piece per month. Again, not an excessive number of pieces of clothing, but five pairs of shoes. With these ten/eleven pieces, these two lads were much better attired than the girls seen above; the expenses were well controlled by attentive guardians, who

We must point out the considerable difference in the price of shoes in the late 16th century, which ranges from 22 to 46 mrs.: the most common price was 34 (ten pairs), and the most expensive 40 (nine pairs). Many pairs fetched prices of 26, 28, 30 or 35 mrs. (50% were in the 30s, 30% in the 20s, and 20% in the most expensive bracket, the 40s). However, by the 1590s the prices had increased substantially: 24 pairs fetched prices of 61 mrs. each, three pairs 130 and 140 mrs., nine pairs 153 mrs., two pairs 161 mrs., two pairs 170 mrs., two pairs 182 mrs. and seven pairs 187

The accounts of the guardianship of Sebastián de Olivares for 1587-94 are also very systematic;22 interesting additional information can be extracted from the

21 Value of the work of Sebastián de Olivares: pairs of shoes: two at 136 mrs., one at 146 mrs., six at 153 mrs., two at 161 mrs., five at 170 mrs., one at 182 mrs., one at 183 mrs. and three at 187 mrs. Mending four pairs cost 24 mrs., and the triple mending of boots cost 510 mrs. 22 AHPSa, PN, leg. 5266; 1595. Accounts taken from Antonio de Villarroel during his guardianship of Sebastián de Olivares (orphan), both of whom were residents in the city of Salamanca. Amount: 544,501 maravedíes. Expenses: 499,910 mrs. Alcance contra el curador: 44,591 mrs. 1588. Five *varas* of 24–thread cloth for clothing for the minor (5,542 mrs. in total), with three

1589. Outfit of black *raja* from Segovia: with buttons, hat (12 rs.), cuffs, necks, closed cordovan

1590. *Varas* of 22–tread cloth from Segovia for tunic and short cape (3,978 mrs.); *chamelote* (2,210

1591–1592. 220 rs. paid for a dress to join that military company. «After Sebastián Olivares came back from the war, the court ordered his guardian to give him 80 ducs of his estate for dressing, shirt,

dozen buttons; double–soled shoes: 153 mrs.; mending of two Holland necks.

boots «bought to accompany the dean to Zamora» (15, waistband and spurs (9,439 mrs.).

mrs.); tailoring (510); linings (229); silk (34); passementerie (108); taffeta (94 mrs.); *rizo* (7 rs.).

1594. «As admitted by Olivares himself»: 2,210 mrs. of black *chamelote* for *sevillanos*.


Tab. 6. **Accounts for the minor Juan Maldonado (1547-1553)** 

Source: AHPSa, PN, bundle 3167.

«What I, Antonio Ramírez, tutor of Pedro Bonal, have spent between 24 September 1547 and the day they left my household, giving them all that they needed, clothing, shoes, school and education, books, paper and other trifles».20


Tab. 7. **Accounts for the minor Pedro Bonal (1547-1553)** 

Source: AHPSa, PN, bundle 3167.

<sup>20 1550.</sup> Breeches and matching smock: half a ducat.

<sup>1551.</sup> For cloaks, smocks and breeches for him and his brother: 11.5 *varas* of Piedrahita cloth: 1.423 mrs. went for him; preparing the cloth for tailoring (2 rs.) and the lining (3 rs.).

<sup>1552.</sup> For a smock and a 20–thread cape, 4 *varas* at 16 rs.: 240 mrs.; lining for the smock, 1.5 of *friseta*: 90 mrs.; preparation of the cloth: 30 mrs.; 3 rs. for the tailoring of smock and cape.

Tab. 6. **Accounts for the minor Juan Maldonado (1547-1553)** 

1 2 1 1 1 6

2 2 2 2 2 2 12

4 8 6 7 6 9 40 annual

average: 6

average: 5

monthly average: 1

monthly average: 1

Pieces 1547 1548 1549 1550 1551 1552 1553 Total

Tailored Smocks 1 1 1 1 1 1 6 Doublets 1 3 1 1 1 1 8

Shirts 1 1 Cassocks 1 1 Capers 1 1 Hats 1 1

Pieces 2 7 16 11 13 11 16 76

Maravedíes 180 991 1,727 1,119 2,260 1,854 3,794 11,925

«What I, Antonio Ramírez, tutor of Pedro Bonal, have spent between 24 September 1547 and the day they left my household, giving them all that they needed, clothing, shoes, school and education, books, paper and other trifles».20

Tab. 7. **Accounts for the minor Pedro Bonal (1547-1553)** 

1 211 1 6

3 7 15 14 12 9 7 67

1551. For cloaks, smocks and breeches for him and his brother: 11.5 *varas* of Piedrahita cloth:

1552. For a smock and a 20–thread cape, 4 *varas* at 16 rs.: 240 mrs.; lining for the smock, 1.5 of

 Pieces 1547 1548 1549 1550 1551 1552 1553 Total Tailored Smocks 1 2 1 1 1 6 Doublets 1 1 1 1 1 5

Shirts 2 2 4 2 2 1 13 Capes 1 1 Cloaks 1 1 Shoes (pairs) 1 4 8 7 6 5 4 35 annual

Maravedíes 362 895 1,107 1,445 2,297 3,178 1,125 10,409

1.423 mrs. went for him; preparing the cloth for tailoring (2 rs.) and the lining (3 rs.).

*friseta*: 90 mrs.; preparation of the cloth: 30 mrs.; 3 rs. for the tailoring of smock and cape.

Breeches/half breeches

Shoes / boots (pairs)

Breeches/half breeches

Pieces

Source: AHPSa, PN, bundle 3167.

20 1550. Breeches and matching smock: half a ducat.

Source: AHPSa, PN, bundle 3167.

A comparison of both accounts reveals that canvas shirts were considered a basic purchase. The tutor spent similar amounts on both brothers (1,700-1,500 mrs. over the year), but in one case these expenses were more evenly distributed over the years, whereas in the case of Pedro the expenses clearly peaked in 1549-1550. Their «shopping baskets» were also similar, comprising the typical items for the period: smock, doublet and breeches, which were annually replaced, plus two warm capes. These pieces were purchased from local tailors, at a rate of one piece per month. Again, not an excessive number of pieces of clothing, but five pairs of shoes. With these ten/eleven pieces, these two lads were much better attired than the girls seen above; the expenses were well controlled by attentive guardians, who made an effort to keep their charges well clothed.

We must point out the considerable difference in the price of shoes in the late 16th century, which ranges from 22 to 46 mrs.: the most common price was 34 (ten pairs), and the most expensive 40 (nine pairs). Many pairs fetched prices of 26, 28, 30 or 35 mrs. (50% were in the 30s, 30% in the 20s, and 20% in the most expensive bracket, the 40s). However, by the 1590s the prices had increased substantially: 24 pairs fetched prices of 61 mrs. each, three pairs 130 and 140 mrs., nine pairs 153 mrs., two pairs 161 mrs., two pairs 170 mrs., two pairs 182 mrs. and seven pairs 187 mrs.21

The accounts of the guardianship of Sebastián de Olivares for 1587-94 are also very systematic;22 interesting additional information can be extracted from the following example (Tab. 8).

<sup>21</sup> Value of the work of Sebastián de Olivares: pairs of shoes: two at 136 mrs., one at 146 mrs., six at 153 mrs., two at 161 mrs., five at 170 mrs., one at 182 mrs., one at 183 mrs. and three at 187 mrs. Mending four pairs cost 24 mrs., and the triple mending of boots cost 510 mrs. 22 AHPSa, PN, leg. 5266; 1595. Accounts taken from Antonio de Villarroel during his

guardianship of Sebastián de Olivares (orphan), both of whom were residents in the city of Salamanca. Amount: 544,501 maravedíes. Expenses: 499,910 mrs. Alcance contra el curador: 44,591 mrs.

<sup>1588.</sup> Five *varas* of 24–thread cloth for clothing for the minor (5,542 mrs. in total), with three dozen buttons; double–soled shoes: 153 mrs.; mending of two Holland necks.

<sup>1589.</sup> Outfit of black *raja* from Segovia: with buttons, hat (12 rs.), cuffs, necks, closed cordovan boots «bought to accompany the dean to Zamora» (15, waistband and spurs (9,439 mrs.).

<sup>1590.</sup> *Varas* of 22–tread cloth from Segovia for tunic and short cape (3,978 mrs.); *chamelote* (2,210 mrs.); tailoring (510); linings (229); silk (34); passementerie (108); taffeta (94 mrs.); *rizo* (7 rs.).

<sup>1591–1592. 220</sup> rs. paid for a dress to join that military company. «After Sebastián Olivares came back from the war, the court ordered his guardian to give him 80 ducs of his estate for dressing, shirt, sword and other things that he needed».

<sup>1594. «</sup>As admitted by Olivares himself»: 2,210 mrs. of black *chamelote* for *sevillanos*.

Tab. 9. **Accounts for the minor Diego Guzmán (1565-1567)** 

Pieces 7 30 41 78 monthly average: 3

Both brothers averaged one new garment per month overall, but their figures tended to converge: Sebastián got two per month for seven years (106 in total), and Diego three per month across 28 months (78 in total). This resulted in good profits for hosiers and cobblers; old pieces were not necessarily replaced but were also mended. Almost a third of the expenses of their guardianship went on clothing, but this did not mean that other expenses were neglected (apothecaries, domestic service, schooling, leisure). In terms of dress, they had at least two new outfits

Let us consider one final account that reflects these guardianship expenses

This record includes male25 and female fashion (sometimes the girls' garments are more numerous, but overall the boys have double the pieces): hats or

25 AHPSa, PN, leg. 5268, ff. 1309-1336; Antonio de Santillana, tutor of Juan de San Vicente. Expense: 442 mrs. for a doublet and a pair of breeches when he arrived to his household; 1,992 mrs. for an outfit of short cape, tunic and cloth breeches; 782 mrs. for a tunic and galligaskins; 408 mrs. for a doublet and canvas baggy trousers; 1,122 mrs. for a tunic and mixed–cloth green

1588-94: 200 rs. for shoes in the first seven years, «although due to illness in the first year, 24 rs. are taken off, 176 rs. remaining». During these same years, he bought new hats and as many half breeches «as needed» (three pairs of half breeches per year, amounting to 8 rs. per year, and two hats per year, at 6 rs. each); 2,108 mrs. on shirts, at a rate of two shirts during each of the seven years, at 6 rs. each (both small and large) 147 rs. (3,132 mrs.); 13 rs. when he left prison in shoes and half breeches; 15 rs. for a doublet on Midsummer Eve, 1594; 5 ducats for a tunic and a pair of galligaskins of brown cloth; 18 rs. for hat, half breeches and shoes; 8 rs. to rescue a pawned tunic kept by a

 Pieces 1565 1566 1567 Total Capes and Smocks (tailoring)1 2 2 5 Doublets 2 3 5 Breeches/half breeches 2 5 12 19 Stocking an Tights 3 3 6 Shirts 3 3 Hats 4 4 8 Gloves 1 1 2 Belts 2 2 4 Shoes 3 8 15 26

Source: AHPSa, PN, bundle 2943.

comprising cape, smock and doublet per year.

Food 7,920 Schooling 920

Leisure 116

**1567 18,304 maravedíes** Dress 5,402 (30%)

Apothecary 1,319 (barber)

Housekeepers / servants 2,627 (Dieguillo)

before presenting a global analysis.

24 AHPSa, PN, leg. 2943; 1565-68.

galligaskins.

surgeon.


Tab. 8. **Accounts for the minor Sebastián de Olivares (1587-1594)** 

Source: AHPSa, PN, bundle 5266.

Sebastián's attire displays the need to present an urban appearance, as indicated by the presence of ruffs and cuffs in the accounts, as well as stockings and boots. Hats and military uniforms feature in all years except for two, demonstrating that his personal appearance was always carefully maintained.

Also very valuable is the full23 «account that Juan Bautista Rodríguez makes of his expenses on behalf of Rodrigo de Monroy, guardian of the minor Diego Guzmán», son of the *comendador* don Gonzalo del Águila, dated to June 1568.24


Tab. 8. **Accounts for the minor Sebastián de Olivares (1587-1594)** 

Pieces 22 23 23 1 1 14 22 106 monthly

Sebastián's attire displays the need to present an urban appearance, as indicated by the presence of ruffs and cuffs in the accounts, as well as stockings and boots. Hats and military uniforms feature in all years except for two, demonstrating that

Also very valuable is the full23 «account that Juan Bautista Rodríguez makes of his expenses on behalf of Rodrigo de Monroy, guardian of the minor Diego Guzmán», son of the *comendador* don Gonzalo del Águila, dated to June 1568.24

Dress 4,220 (31%) (add buttons to smock; mend

Food 7,920 (30 ducats per year) Schooling 1,117 (2 reales per month)

old breeches; cloth-canvas)

Maravedíes 12,345 18,441 11,081 7,480 --- 11,702 17,160 78,209

his personal appearance was always carefully maintained.

**September–December 1565 3,907 maravedíes** Dress 1,051 (27%)

**1566 13,616 maravedíes**

Food 2,640 Schooling 178 Apothecary 18 Leisure 20

Apothecary 44 Leisure 245 average: 2

1 1 2 4

3 2 2 2 1 10

 Pieces 1588 1589 1590 1591 1592 1593 1594 Total Doublets 1 1 1 1 4

Shirts 2 2 1 4 9 *Bebederos* 1 1 1 3 Handkerchiefs 1 1 Dresses 1 1 1 3 Short Capes 1 1 1 1 1 5 Galligaskins 2 1 3 Tunics 1 1 2 Undergarments 1 1 1 1 1 5 Hats 2 2 1 1 2 8 Necks/Cuffs 2 4 6 3 15 Ruffs 2 2 Sleeves 1 2 3 Military uniform 1 1 2 Boots 1 1 2 Shoes (pairs) 3 7 6 2 7 25

Breeches/half breeches

Stockings and tights/*ligas*

Source: AHPSa, PN, bundle 5266.

23 The total expenses: 35,827 maravedíes.


Tab. 9. **Accounts for the minor Diego Guzmán (1565-1567)** 

Source: AHPSa, PN, bundle 2943.

Both brothers averaged one new garment per month overall, but their figures tended to converge: Sebastián got two per month for seven years (106 in total), and Diego three per month across 28 months (78 in total). This resulted in good profits for hosiers and cobblers; old pieces were not necessarily replaced but were also mended. Almost a third of the expenses of their guardianship went on clothing, but this did not mean that other expenses were neglected (apothecaries, domestic service, schooling, leisure). In terms of dress, they had at least two new outfits comprising cape, smock and doublet per year.

Let us consider one final account that reflects these guardianship expenses before presenting a global analysis.

This record includes male25 and female fashion (sometimes the girls' garments are more numerous, but overall the boys have double the pieces): hats or


24 AHPSa, PN, leg. 2943; 1565-68.

25 AHPSa, PN, leg. 5268, ff. 1309-1336; Antonio de Santillana, tutor of Juan de San Vicente.

Expense: 442 mrs. for a doublet and a pair of breeches when he arrived to his household; 1,992 mrs. for an outfit of short cape, tunic and cloth breeches; 782 mrs. for a tunic and galligaskins; 408 mrs. for a doublet and canvas baggy trousers; 1,122 mrs. for a tunic and mixed–cloth green galligaskins.

1588-94: 200 rs. for shoes in the first seven years, «although due to illness in the first year, 24 rs. are taken off, 176 rs. remaining». During these same years, he bought new hats and as many half breeches «as needed» (three pairs of half breeches per year, amounting to 8 rs. per year, and two hats per year, at 6 rs. each); 2,108 mrs. on shirts, at a rate of two shirts during each of the seven years, at 6 rs. each (both small and large) 147 rs. (3,132 mrs.); 13 rs. when he left prison in shoes and half breeches; 15 rs. for a doublet on Midsummer Eve, 1594; 5 ducats for a tunic and a pair of galligaskins of brown cloth; 18 rs. for hat, half breeches and shoes; 8 rs. to rescue a pawned tunic kept by a surgeon.

Tab. 11a. **Expense distribution in guardianship accounts, Salamanca, 16th century** 

 23 cases Tutors Curators Food 16% 30% Dress/Shoes 14% 19% Schooling 2% 1% Apothecary 1% 3% Debts 1% 13% Bureaucratic fees 12% 4% Estate management 17% 5% Legal costs 11% 2% Others 26% 23%

 Investment 33% 53% Management 41% 24% Others 26% 23%

Tab. 11b. **Supervision expenses, Salamanca (1547-1596). 11 cases** 

Annual average 19,892 reales Annual average on dress 7,920 Personal average 56,617 Personal average on dress 22,542

Tab. 11c. **Clothing (pieces recorded). Personal average: 35 pieces** 

Shoes 37.1% 18.5% (265 pairs for boys, 35 for girls)

The distribution of expenses (Tab. 3 and 11a, 11b and 11c) and the importance attached to each concept is revealing, especially when the analysis includes an examination of guardianships and supervision (the former being less prone to spending on

(20.9%)

Male (79.1%) Female

Upper Garments 20.6% 15.8% Lower Garments 15.1% 14.8% Accessories 16.0% 12.2% Shirts 11.2% 14.3%

Bed linen -- 24.4%

Sources: AHPSa, PN, several bundles.

Dress (including white linen) 39.8% Food 35.0% Schooling/apprenticeship 3.5% Apothecary 2.8% Leisure/Trips 2.5% Management 16.3%

headdresses, breeches or tunics, short capes or cloaks, and undergarments and doublets feature for both boys and girls. The variety in terminology expresses the still-growing Castilian style, which, however, soon began to wane and was no longer able to mark European fashions, being overtaken by French fashion between approximately 1640 and well into the 1700s.


Tab. 10. **Other different pieces and minors** 

Sources: AHPSa, PN, several bundles.

headdresses, breeches or tunics, short capes or cloaks, and undergarments and doublets feature for both boys and girls. The variety in terminology expresses the still-growing Castilian style, which, however, soon began to wane and was no longer able to mark European fashions, being overtaken by French fashion between

Tab. 10. **Other different pieces and minors** 

Skirts/Smocks 4 1 5 Smocks/*Sayuelos* 2 2 Large Cloaks 1 2 1 4

Shirts 3 7 7 4 17 38 Cloaks 2 2 *Ropas* 2 3 5 Tunics 7 7 Bodices 1 1 Farthingales 1 1 Headcloths 8 8 Shawls 3 1 4 Bonets 1 1 *Bebederos* 1 4 5 Sleeves 1 1 Baggy Trousers 1 1 2 4 Full Outfit 2 2 Short Capes 1 3 4 Undergarments 1 3 1 2 7 Galligaskins 1 7 8 Hats 1 16 17 Necks/Cuffs 1 1 2 4 *Coletos* 1 1 Sleeves 2 1 3 Mules 3 3 Clogs 2 2

Shoes (pairs) 1 12 3 5 20 41

(g) 1580- 83

(brother i)

(h) 1593- 1595

4 1 1 6 12

1 1 1 24 27

3 1 4

41 26 27 18 111 223

Francisca Juan Total

(j) 1586- 1596

(i) 1593- 95

approximately 1640 and well into the 1700s.

Pieces (e) 1583-

Doubletes/small doublets

Breeches/half breeches

Boots/ankle boots/*Botillas*

average: 2

Pieces: monthly

Sources: AHPSa, PN, several bundles.

Nicolasa Ana Pedro

90


# Tab. 11a. **Expense distribution in guardianship accounts, Salamanca, 16th century**

### Tab. 11b. **Supervision expenses, Salamanca (1547-1596). 11 cases**




Sources: AHPSa, PN, several bundles.

The distribution of expenses (Tab. 3 and 11a, 11b and 11c) and the importance attached to each concept is revealing, especially when the analysis includes an examination of guardianships and supervision (the former being less prone to spending on

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65-98.

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PUV.

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clothing). Although studies, housing, apprenticeships, healthcare and travelling were considered secondary, clothing, along with the administration of the minors' inherited estates and money, was considered important (including bed linen, which was considered a key female need). Clothing is the largest expense item in four of the accounts examined, in one case amounting to as much as 78% of the total budget. Although dress-related expenses could reach 40% of the budget, this was rare, and, in most cases, notable deficiencies can be attested in the construction of a sufficient wardrobe; we must not forget that a significant proportion of dress expenses was spent on shoes.

## **4. Conclusions for the debate**

Guardianship accounts allow us to analyse material culture (which was rather basic for the lower and rural classes). Although it is clear more examples need to be examined, we can still suggest consumption among *Ancien Régime* youth seems stagnant, despite this being a period in the life cycle in which material needs are many. There was growth in some areas, but the dissemination of novelties was uneven, a reflection of the ideological dispute between modernity and critical attitudes towards luxury and vanity, and the corresponding defence of rusticity.

Notable differences existed between classes, genders and periods; the privileged groups were more likely to follow new fashions, as orphans rarely inherited enough means to actively join the semi–perishable goods market. Their estates, however, were sufficiently substantial to keep textile consumption at dynamic levels (Welch 2009).26

Badly shod (few expensive shoes are attested, and many sole replacements) despite their mobility, the quality of their garments depended on the care of their guardians, their gender, their context (rural or urban) and their professional projection (academic or agricultural) (García M. 2019b).

Once we go beyond De Vries' *industrious revolution* (2009) gaze, changes in consumer behaviour are attested in interior Castile prior to 1850, as reflected in guardianship accounts, dowries, *almonedas* accounts and household inventories carried out after the death of testators. Additional information may be extracted from legal texts, works that describe traditional customs and Enlightened memoranda (Bartolomé 2012). This evidence and the methods used to examine it indicate that innovation played little role in the dress of the popular classes, and that each social class had a characteristic approach to the distribution of expenses depending on their aesthetic aspirations, the conditions of the market (generally, the prices recorded were not high) and the interplay of contradictory interests of public promotion. This also reflects traditional commercial, cultural and guild relations, which are expressed in the items on offer at fairs and in retail shops. We must keep these salient points in mind in order to compare the evolution of these apparently rigid consumption patterns with those of north-western and Mediterranean Europe.

<sup>26</sup> A study of material and visual culture of consumption in Renaissance Italy that follows the track of buying: lively experiences of civilization («behind the apparent routine of inspecting the goods, selecting, bargaining, and organising deliveries, there was a multi-faceted game of deep-rroted beliefs; the everyday nature of the connections considerably strengthened the social order»).

## **BIBLIOGRAPHY**

338 MÁXIMO GARCÍA FERNÁNDEZ

clothing). Although studies, housing, apprenticeships, healthcare and travelling were considered secondary, clothing, along with the administration of the minors' inherited estates and money, was considered important (including bed linen, which was considered a key female need). Clothing is the largest expense item in four of the accounts examined, in one case amounting to as much as 78% of the total budget. Although dress-related expenses could reach 40% of the budget, this was rare, and, in most cases, notable deficiencies can be attested in the construction of a sufficient wardrobe; we must not forget that a significant proportion of dress expenses was spent on shoes.

Guardianship accounts allow us to analyse material culture (which was rather basic for the lower and rural classes). Although it is clear more examples need to be examined, we can still suggest consumption among *Ancien Régime* youth seems stagnant, despite this being a period in the life cycle in which material needs are many. There was growth in some areas, but the dissemination of novelties was uneven, a reflection of the ideological dispute between modernity and critical attitudes towards

Notable differences existed between classes, genders and periods; the privileged groups were more likely to follow new fashions, as orphans rarely inherited enough means to actively join the semi–perishable goods market. Their estates, however, were sufficiently substantial to keep textile consumption at dynamic levels (Welch

Badly shod (few expensive shoes are attested, and many sole replacements) despite their mobility, the quality of their garments depended on the care of their guardians, their gender, their context (rural or urban) and their professional projection

Once we go beyond De Vries' *industrious revolution* (2009) gaze, changes in consumer behaviour are attested in interior Castile prior to 1850, as reflected in guardianship accounts, dowries, *almonedas* accounts and household inventories carried out after the death of testators. Additional information may be extracted from legal texts, works that describe traditional customs and Enlightened memoranda (Bartolomé 2012). This evidence and the methods used to examine it indicate that innovation played little role in the dress of the popular classes, and that each social class had a characteristic approach to the distribution of expenses depending on their aesthetic aspirations, the conditions of the market (generally, the prices recorded were not high) and the interplay of contradictory interests of public promotion. This also reflects traditional commercial, cultural and guild relations, which are expressed in the items on offer at fairs and in retail shops. We must keep these salient points in mind in order to compare the evolution of these apparently rigid consumption patterns

26 A study of material and visual culture of consumption in Renaissance Italy that follows the track of buying: lively experiences of civilization («behind the apparent routine of inspecting the goods, selecting, bargaining, and organising deliveries, there was a multi-faceted game of deep-rroted

beliefs; the everyday nature of the connections considerably strengthened the social order»).

luxury and vanity, and the corresponding defence of rusticity.

(academic or agricultural) (García M. 2019b).

with those of north-western and Mediterranean Europe.

**4. Conclusions for the debate** 

2009).26


Juan Vicente García Marsilla, Luis Almenar Fernández

*Fashion, emulation and social classes in late medieval Valencia. Exploring textile consumption through probate inventories* 

The last centuries of the Later Middle Ages represented a period of profound transformations in personal dress. The huge variety of garments of complex designs that developed in the epoch represented a novelty as compared to immediate prior centuries, to the extent that some historians have suggested that the origins of fashion itself should be located in the late medieval period (Heller 2010, 2007). Similarly, other scholars have stressed the innovations and dynamism showed by late Medieval clothing with notorious terms, such as those of 'dress revolution' (Piponnier 1989; Blanc 1997) and 'fashion revolution' (Koenig 1991; Scott 2007). This phenomenon, in turn, can be contextualised within the wider 'consumer revolution' that included not only textiles, but also other material objects and possessions that emerged or spread across a number of late medieval households (Petrowiste 2018;

Identifying the emergence, proliferation and sometimes disappearance of certain fashions proves to be an extremely complex matter to deal with. Some cloths appeared in the late medieval period and remained in use for centuries, well into the early modern period, while others had a very short existence. Likewise, particular garments were only present among the houses of the rich, while others spread enough to be worn by urban workers and peasants. The reasons for the expansion of certain fashions are no less difficult to establish. Historians have explained this many times as an expression of social emulation, that is, the imitation of the consumption patterns of elites, since it seems evident that kings, courts, and townspeople possessions were desired by the rest of society, which could lead and inspired the consumer behaviour of the latter (Kowaleski 2006, Dyer 2005). The proliferation of sumptuary laws and criticisms of contemporary clergymen to these realities also supports the idea that emulative attitudes existed and were widely present in late medieval society (Muzzarelli 2003). In Iberia and, more specifically, in the kingdom of Valencia, a realm located in the east of the peninsula that was part of the Crown of Aragon, similar processes have been detected in the last years, with a general rise in living standards and consumption that lead altogether to changing textile fashions as well as emulative attitudes (Furió 2009; 2011; García Marsilla 2014; 2015; Almenar Fernández 2018; 2020. Almenar Fernández and Belenguer

**1. Introduction** 

Kowaleski 2006; Dyer 2005).

González 2020).

