# Reinhard Jung – Eleftheria Kardamaki (eds.)

# **SYNCHRONIZING THE DESTRUCTIONS OF THE MYCENAEAN PALACES**

Reinhard Jung – Eleftheria Kardamaki (eds.) Synchronizing the Destructions of the Mycenaean Palaces

### ÖSTERREICHISCHE AKADEMIE DER WISSENSCHAFTEN

PHILOSOPHISCH-HISTORISCHE KLASSE DENKSCHRIFTEN, 546. BAND

## AUSTRIAN ACADEMY OF SCIENCES Austrian Archaeological Institute Department Prehistory & West Asian / Northeast African Archaeology

## Mykenische Studien

Volume 36

Series Editors: Reinhard Jung – Michaela Zavadil

Publications Coordinator: Ulrike Schuh

Reinhard Jung – Eleftheria Kardamaki (eds.)

# **Synchronizing the Destructions of the Mycenaean Palaces**

Accepted by the Publication Committee of the Division of Humanities and the Social Sciences of the Austrian Academy of Sciences:

Michael Alram, Andre Gingrich, Hermann Hunger, Sigrid Jalkotzy-Deger, Renate Pillinger, Franz Rainer, Oliver Jens Schmitt, Danuta Shanzer, Peter Wiesinger, Waldemar Zacharasiewicz

### Published with the support of the Austrian Science Fund (FWF): PUB 890-Z

This publication is licenced – unless otherwise indicated – under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0) licence (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits use, sharing, adaptation, distribution, and reproduction in any medium or format, as long as you give appropriate credit to the RULJLQDODXWKRUVDQGVRXUFHSURYLGHDOLQNWRWKH&UHDWLYH&RPPRQVOLFHQFHDQGLQGLFDWHDQ\PRGL¿FDWLRQV

> Cover illustration: Tiryns, citadel, as seen from the west (photo © R. Jung)

This publication was subject to international and anonymous peer review. Peer review is an essential part of the Austrian Academy of Sciences Press evaluation process. Before any book can be accepted for publication, it is assessed by international specialists and ultimately must be approved by the Austrian Academy of Sciences Publication Committee.

7KHSDSHUXVHGLQWKLVSXEOLFDWLRQLV',1(1,62FHUWL¿HG and meets the requirements for permanent archiving of written cultural property.

> Some rights reserved. ISBN: 978-3-7001-8877-3 Copyright © Austrian Academy of Sciences, Vienna 2022

> > English language editing: Nicola Wood Layout: Crossdesign, Graz Printing: Prime Rate, Budapest

> > > https://epub.oeaw.ac.at/8877-3 https://verlag.oeaw.ac.at Made in Europe

## **Table of Contents**


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Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 6 11.11.2022 08:59:42

## **Abbreviations**

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The present volume of the series "Mykenische Studien" contains the proceedings of a conference organized by Eleftheria Kardamaki and Reinhard Jung on the subject of the destructions of the Mycenaean palaces, a key issue for understanding Mycenaean history, as it marks the end of the ¿UVWVWDWHDGPLQLVWUDWLRQRQWKH(XURSHDQFRQWLQHQW7KXVLWDOVRPDUNVWKHHQGRIWKHHQWLUHSDO-DFHEDVHGV\VWHPRIHFRQRP\DQGDGPLQLVWUDWLYHV\VWHPZKLFKLQ(XURSH¿UVWVWDUWHGRQ0LQRDQ Crete. The volume contains ten papers by 15 authors who are actively involved in studying pri-PDU\FRQWH[WVIURPGL൵HUHQW0\FHQDHDQSDODFHVDQGRWKHUPDMRUVLWHVLQWKH\$HJHDQDQGEH\RQG LQWKHHDVWHUQ0HGLWHUUDQHDQ,WWKXVR൵HUVQHZ¿UVWKDQGLQVLJKWVLQWRWKHFULVHVDQG¿QDOGHPLVH of those administrative centers and the social-economic system they were controlling.

Financial support for the conference and its publication was granted by the Austrian Science Fund. We sincerely thank Ulrike Schuh for coordinating the publication process, Nicola Wood for language editing, Markus Baumann (Crossdesign) for providing the layout and the Austrian Academy of Sciences Press for support during the printing process.

The series "Mykenische Studien" has been well established since the 1970s and attests to the LPSRUWDQFHRIWKH¿HOGRIWKH\$HJHDQ%URQ]H\$JHDQGPRUHJHQHUDO\$HJHDQSUHKLVWRU\DWWKH\$XVtrian Academy of Sciences. We will continue this tradition and in the series will host publications focusing on Mycenaean archaeology and history, but also others that deal with the immediately preceding and following chronological phases and societies in the wider Aegean region. We wel-FRPHGL൵HUHQWWKHRUHWLFDODQGPHWKRGRORJLFDODSSURDFKHVRILQWHUSUHWDWLRQDVZHOODVWKHLUDUWLFXlation in the various languages established in Aegean research. The series will continue to include both monographs and conference proceedings as well as other collective publications. In line with all publications at the Austrian Academy of Sciences, the "Mykenische Studien" are subjected to a strict peer-review process, which ensures the high quality of the published work.

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Reinhard Jung and Michaela Zavadil Series editors Vienna, December 1st 2021

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*Reinhard Jung*1 *– Eleftheria Kardamaki* <sup>2</sup>

The Mycenaean palaces, using an archaic form of Greek written with the Linear B script for administrative purposes, stood at the head of the earliest states or state on the European continent – following, of course, the centuries-older palatial systems of Protopalatial and Neopalatial Crete.3 Four of those palaces have been excavated to their full preserved extent: the ones at Mycenae DQG7LU\QVLQWKH\$UJROLG±WKH¿UVWWREHIRXQGLQWKHVHFRQGKDOIRIWKHth century CE – a third one at Knossos in northern central Crete,4 and the fourth at Ano Englianos, Mycenaean Pylos, in Messenia. The palatial complex of Thebes in Boiotia is only partially uncovered to date, while at Chania, Mycenaean Kydonia, in western Crete and at Ayios Vasileios in Laconia we currently know only a very small portion of what must have been their most imposing buildings and centers of administration. Two fragmentary Linear B tablets from the Kastro-Palia quarter in Volos sug-JHVWWKHUHPLJKWKDYHEHHQDSDODFHEXLOGLQJFORVHE\ZKLFKZRXOGWKHQEHWKH¿UVWLQ7KHVVDO\<sup>5</sup>

Scholarly discussion has suggested the previous existence of palaces for other sites as well, namely for Midea in the Argolid6 and for the acropolis of Athens in Attica.7 Finally, there is a similar suggestion for Orchomenos in Boiotia.8 The Boiotian citadel of Glas, larger than any other 0\FHQDHDQIRUWL¿FDWLRQLVDVHSDUDWHFDVH<sup>9</sup> It does house buildings of high architectonic quality,

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<sup>1</sup> Austrian Archaeological Institute, Austrian Academy of Sciences, Austria; e-mail: Reinhard.Jung@oeaw.ac.at.

<sup>2</sup> Austrian Archaeological Institute, Austrian Academy of Sciences, Austria; e-mail: Eleftheria.Kardamaki@oeaw.ac.at.

<sup>3</sup>)RUDQRYHUYLHZRIGL൵HUHQWDSSURDFKHVLQWKHLUH[SODQDWLRQVHH'ULHVVHQHWDO

<sup>4</sup> In this case, however, the Mycenaean palace administration was using a centuries-old building, which had been remodeled after LM IB and adapted to the new system, though many of the late additions have been removed by the excavators (Macdonald 2010, 539–540).

<sup>5</sup> Further inland, at Dimini, the building complexes called 'Megaron A' and 'Megaron B' by their excavator apparently did not have a function analogous to that of the palaces at Tiryns or Pylos (Adrimi-Sismani 2014, 856–857).

<sup>6</sup> The highest terrace of the citadel hill shows leveled rock, but the 1940s excavations uncovered only scant traces of VRPHEXLOGLQJWKHUH'HPDNRSRXORX¿J7KHDFURSROLVRI0LGHDLVDPRQJWKH\$HJHDQVLWHVWKDW yielded evidence of inscribed administrative documents, i.e. a clay nodule with the inscription *o-pa me-ka-ro-de DౘVRQLMR*VHH'HPDNRSRXORX±'LYDUL9DODNRX±)ORXGD¿J

<sup>7</sup> For a concise summary of the evidence for reconstructing the changing role Athens may have played in Mycenaean \$WWLFDVHH5XSSHQVWHLQ±)RUDQXSGDWHRQWKH0\FHQDHDQIRUWL¿FDWLRQVSUHVHUYHGRQWKHDFURSROLVVHH Sioumpara 2018. A dump excavated on top of and close to the Northeast Ascent of the Mycenaean acropolis of Athens seems to represent destruction debris originating from the acropolis itself (personal communication Jeremy Rutter). The related pottery dates to LH IIIC Early 1 (Broneer 1933; Gauß 2003, 98–102).

<sup>8</sup> Arguments put forward to support the existence of a Mycenaean palace at Orchomenos include a fresco-decorated building at the foot of the acropolis hill (Spyropoulos 2015, stressing the iconographic and stylistic links to the Tirynthian palace frescos) and the exquisite and huge tholos tomb ('Treasury of Minyas') paralleling only the Atreus tholos in many respects (Eder 2009, 26–28).

<sup>9</sup> Throughout his architectural analysis, Klaus Kilian implies that the 'Residenzen Pylos, Tiryns, Mykene, Glas' were of equal rank (Kilian 1987, 21, 28). By contrast, its excavator Spyros Iakovidis denied the palatial character of the so-called *Melathron* of Glas and explains it convincingly as the seat of two functionaries subordinate to 2UFKRPHQRV,DNRYLGLV7KHEXLOGLQJVLQWKHFLWDGHOZHUHGHVWUR\HGE\¿UH,DNRYLGLV,DNRYLGLV 1998). For the most recent research at Glas see Kountouri 2020a; Kountouri 2020b; Kountouri 2021. Based on the published evidence, a LH IIIB2 Early (LH IIIB Developed) destruction date has been proposed (Vitale 2018, 155, 170), while certain characteristics such as Group A deep bowls with Podzuweit's decoration type 6.1 and running

EXWWKHLUOD\RXWDQGLQVWDOODWLRQVGL൵HUJUHDWO\IURPWKHSDODFHFRPSOH[HVDW0\FHQDH7LU\QVDQG Pylos.10 More importantly, we must note that none of the last four sites mentioned yielded any Linear B tablets, which may of course be due to preservation issues.

)LQDOO\WKH¿QGRIRQH/LQHDU%WDEOHWIUDJPHQWDW,NODLQDLQ0HVVHQLDEHFDPHWKH¿UVWLQstance in which such a document was found kilometers away from the nearest palace. Therefore, it gave a new historical dimension to the realm of Pylian palatial administration and added an important aspect for the reconstruction of Mycenaean scribal practice in general.11

Regarding chronology, we know that the Mycenaean palace system was of more limited duration than the preceding Minoan administrative systems taken together, but how long did it last precisely? When did the system start and when exactly did it come to an end? It is even more GL൶FXOWWRDQVZHUWKHTXHVWLRQRIZKLFKSDODFHVH[LVWHGVLPXOWDQHRXVO\DQGLIVRZKHWKHUWKH\ went through parallel historical stages visible in their stratigraphic sequences from foundation, WKURXJKGHVWUXFWLRQVDQGUHEXLOGLQJVWRWKH¿QDODEDQGRQPHQW

,QYLHZRIWKLVVWDWHRID൵DLUVZHRUJDQL]HGDZRUNVKRSWRSXWLQWRSHUVSHFWLYHWKHODWHVWUHsults of research at each palace site in comparison with older data. The workshop with the title 'Synchronizing the Destructions of the Mycenaean Palaces' took place on November 8th and 9th 2018 at the Institute for Oriental and European Archaeology of the Austrian Academy of Sciences in Vienna. As was the case during the workshop, the proceedings of this volume focus on those VLWHVZKLFKDUHVHFXUHO\LGHQWL¿HGDV0\FHQDHDQSDODFHFHQWHUVE\WKHSUHVHQFHRIPRQXPHQWDO buildings and Linear B archives. In addition, it includes several papers, which discuss interregional issues of archaeological and historical synchronisms.

9LYLGGHEDWHVDERXWWKHH[DFWGDWHVRIWKHLQWHUPHGLDWHDQG¿QDOGHVWUXFWLRQVRIWKHYDULRXV pala tial complexes are by no means a new phenomenon in our research history. A prominent example is the controversy about the end of the Mycenaean palace of Knossos, unfolding since the 1960s and still not ended. The scholarly discussions produced chronological discrepancies amounting to more than 100 years between the proposed dates for part or all of the archive assemblages in the building – from LM II or early LM IIIA1,12 LM IIIA2 (Early),13 LM IIIA2 (Late)14 to sometime in LM IIIB.15 Although research in the past decades nuanced early views DQGWKHUHVHHPVWREHJURZLQJDJUHHPHQWDERXWWKHUHSHDWHGRFFXUUHQFHRIGHVWUXFWLRQVD൵HFWLQJ the palace and its Linear B archives,16 the question of when the building complex ceased to be an administrative center with Linear B bureaucracy, remains acute. In the meantime, the Linear B tablets found at Chania (see below) added another important aspect to the debate, i.e. the question of whether the two Mycenaean palaces of Knossos and Chania coexisted or if Chania followed

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VSLUDOVIURPVHYHUDOEXLOGLQJV,DNRYLGLV¿J,DNRYLGLVSOVĮ±ĮDVSRXWHG EDVLQ)7ZLWKPRQRFKURPHLQWHULRU,DNRYLGLVSOȕDFXS)7ZLWKPRQRFKURPHLQWHULRU ,DNRYLGLVSOĮVKDSHYHU\VLPLODUWR9LWDOH¿JFDQGDGHHSERZORI\*URXS&PRQR-FKURPHLQWHULRUULPEDQGRIPHGLXPZLGWK>DFFRUGLQJWR.DUGDPDNL±@,DNRYLGLVSOĮ± DQGDSDLQWHGDVNRV)7.RXQWRXULD±¿JZLWKDJRRGSDUDOOHOIURP7KHEHV0&&SORW Andrikou, this volume) may suggest an even later date in LH IIIB Final (LH IIIB2 Late). Once pottery statistics and more drawings are available, one will be able to decide between these diverging proposals.

<sup>10</sup> For a comparison see Kilian 1987. There is, for instance, no evidence to suggest that the *polythyron* hall of the *Melathron*DW\*ODVKDGEHHQSURYLGHGZLWKDWKURQHDQGDFHQWUDOKHDUWK,DNRYLGLV¿J)RUDUHFHQW discussion on the possible variability of architectural layouts among the mainland palaces (be it a chronological variability or a regional one or both) see Maran – Thaler 2017, 84. Due to the large courtyard and huge stoas, Ayios Vasileios could be such a case without the characteristic tripartite throne room, but further excavation may change that impression. For a discussion on the architecture of Ayios Vasileios see Vasilogamvrou et al. 2021.

<sup>11</sup>6KHOPHUGLQH±¿J6HHDOVR6KHOPHUGLQHWKLVYROXPH

<sup>12</sup> Driessen 2000, 218 (with earlier bibliography). He is now advocating a series of three destructions (LM II/IIIA1, LM IIIA2, LM IIIB1) with Linear B tablets belonging to each of them, see most recently Driessen – Mouthuy 2022.

<sup>13</sup> Popham 1970; Popham 1988.

<sup>14</sup> Macdonald 2010, 540.

<sup>15</sup> Hallager 1977 (with older bibliography).

<sup>16</sup> For a concise summary of the research history see Driessen 2008, 70–72.

#### Introduction 13

Knossos in time as the main administrative center for a larger part of the island. Strong paleographic similarities between the LM IIIB1 tablets from Chania and certain tablets from Knossos provide arguments for either a direct synchronism or the existence of only a small chronological distance between some of the scribes working at those two sites.17

Similar issues also surfaced for the Mycenaean palaces on the Greek mainland, but they be-FDPHYLUDOVRPHZKDWODWHU6LQFHWKHVGL൵HUHQWGHVWUXFWLRQKRUL]RQVDQGVXEVHTXHQWVHWWOH-PHQWSKDVHVKDYHEHHQLGHQWL¿HGDW0\FHQDH7LU\QVIROORZHGLQWKHODWHVDQGPDLQO\LQWKH 1970s and 80s with yet another sequence of destruction and rebuilding activities. Leaving aside IRUDPRPHQWWKHPRVWLPSRUWDQWEXWDOVRPRVWGL൶FXOWSUREOHPRIGHWHUPLQLQJWKHUHDVRQVIRU those destructions (for which see the contribution by Joseph Maran with preceding bibliography), chronological debates involving Mycenae and Tiryns focused more on buildings outside the palaces rather than on the central parts of the citadels with the palaces themselves. Regarding the key contexts of these discussions, at Mycenae these were the Petsas House,18 the Ivory Houses19 and the so-called Perseia Trench L20 all located outside the citadel, while inside the citadel, on its western slope, several buildings including the Cult Center became important reference points.21 Regarding Tiryns during the Palace period, the intensively excavated habitation area of the Lower Citadel was most important for that research.22

The path that the chronological discourse took is, of course, due to the early excavation dates of the two Argive palaces and the lack of a detailed presentation of pottery contexts in the relevant publications by Christos Tsountas23 and Heinrich Schliemann24 respectively. However, at both sites, one can partially balance these shortcomings by making use of pottery assemblages strati- ¿HGDWSODFHVPRUHRUOHVVGLUHFWO\OLQNHGWRWKHSDODFHFRUHV,QWKHFDVHRI0\FHQDHZHKDYHWKH Artisans' Quarter and the House of Columns, both of which probably formed part of the east wing of the palace.257KH\VKRZHYLGHQFHRI¿UHGHVWUXFWLRQEXWWKHUHODWHGSRWWHU\DVVHPEODJHVUHPDLQ largely unpublished.268QWLOWKH¿QDOSXEOLFDWLRQRIWKHVHDVVHPEODJHVLWUHPDLQVDK\SRWKHVLVWKDW WKHODVW/+,,,%¿UHGHVWUXFWLRQGHWHFWHGLQWKHKRXVHVRQWKHORZHUZHVWVORSHLQVLGHWKHFLWDGHO<sup>27</sup> LVFRQWHPSRUDQHRXVZLWKWKH¿QDOSDODFHGHVWUXFWLRQ2XWVLGHWKHFLWDGHOWKH+RXVHRIWKH7ULSRG Tomb28 and the Plakes House29ZHUHGHVWUR\HGWKRXJKQRWE\¿UH

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<sup>17</sup>'ULHVVHQ±/DQJRKU±¿J'ULHVVHQZLWKHDUOLHUELEOLRJUDSK\

<sup>18</sup>3DSDGLPLWULRX±3HWVDV)UHQFK±¿J6KHOWRQWKLVYROXPH

<sup>19</sup> Verdelis 1964, 166, pls. 120–123; French 1967.

<sup>20</sup> French 1969.

<sup>21</sup> Wardle 1969; Wardle 1973; Mountjoy 1976.

<sup>22</sup> For the stratigraphy see Damm-Meinhardt 2015; for the pottery sequence see Podzuweit 2007 and Wirghová, this volume.

<sup>23</sup> He reported having found huge quantities of pottery in the palace – i.e. in the throne room and its adjacent rooms – but did not illustrate any of it (Tsountas 1888, 78; cf. also Tsountas 1887). Alan Wace and Winifred Lamb, returning WRWKLVFHQWUDODUHDRIWKHSDODFHVRPHGHFDGHVODWHUEDUHO\HQFRXQWHUHGDQ\ÀRRUGHSRVLWVZLWKLQVLWXSRWWHU\RI which they illustrated almost nothing (Wace – Lamb 1921/1923). For a summary of the evidence see Iakovidis 1986, 236–237.

<sup>24</sup> Schliemann does illustrate single ceramic vessels from the Tirynthian Upper Citadel with their relative depths, but he JLYHVQRURRPDVVLJQDWLRQV+HPDLQO\UHIHUVWRSLFWRULDODQGRWKHUSDLQWHG¿QHZDUHYHVVHOVEXWDOVRGHSLFWVDFRDUVH ware baking tray (Schliemann 1885, 90–92, 103–104, 107–108, 115–116, 120–125, 127–143, pls. 14–15, 17b; 20c–d; 21b; 22a, c; 23b; 27a–c).

<sup>25</sup>,DNRYLGLV±)UHQFKDQGSODQދ0\FHQDH&LWDGHOތ

<sup>26</sup> Some photos of selected sherds and vessels are given in Georgios Mylonas' excavation reports, see Mylonas 1966; 0\ORQDV±SO0\ORQDV±SOĮDOVR,DNRYLGLV±SOVFH

<sup>27</sup> Moore – Taylour 1999, 35, 43–44; French – Taylour 2007, 8, 12, 31–35; E. B. French in: French – Stockhammer 2009, 182, tab. 3; 185–195; French 2011, 1.

<sup>28</sup> Onassoglou 1995.

<sup>29</sup> Iakovidis 2013. The destruction of the Plakes House, ascribed to an earthquake, has been synchronized with the Phase 9,,/+,,,%0LGGOHGHVWUXFWLRQLQVLGHWKHFLWDGHO)UHQFK¿J+RZHYHUWKHUHSRUWHGO\QXPHURXV GHHSERZOVZLWKPRQRFKURPHLQWHULRU,DNRYLGLVRQO\WZRDUHLOOXVWUDWHG,DNRYLGLVSOVĮȕDQG WKHSUHVHQFHRIYDULRXVURVHWWHGHHSERZOV,DNRYLGLVSOȕDVZHOODVGHHSERZOV\$ZLWK3RG]XZHLW¶VGHFR-UDWLRQW\SH,DNRYLGLVSOVĮ±ĮVXJJHVWDODWHUGDWHSUREDEO\/+,,,%)LQDO

7KLVGHVWUXFWLRQZDVSUHFHGHGE\DQHDUOLHURQHZKLFKDJDLQD൵HFWHGPDQ\EXLOGLQJVLQVLGH and outside the citadel of Mycenae and happened in LH IIIB Middle. So far, we do not have suf- ¿FLHQWVWUDWLJUDSKLFHYLGHQFHIURPWKHSDODFHLWVHOIWRGHFLGHZKHWKHULWZDVD൵HFWHGE\WKHVDPH GHVWUXFWLRQ7KH/+,,,%0LGGOHGHVWUXFWLRQKRUL]RQDW0\FHQDHGLGQRWD൵HFWDOOORFDWLRQVLQWKH VDPHZD\3DQDJLD+RXVH,IRULQVWDQFHVKRZVDFOHDUFROODSVHVWUDWXPEXW¿UHWUDFHVDUHORFDOO\ very restricted.30 By contrast, the group of houses often called the Ivory Houses (i.e. the West +RXVHWKH+RXVHRI6SKLQ[HVWKH+RXVHRIWKH2LO0HUFKDQWDQGWKH+RXVHRI6KLHOGVVX൵HUHG FRPSOHWHGHVWUXFWLRQE\¿UHZKLFKOHGWRWKHDEDQGRQPHQWRIWKRVHKRXVHV31 Scholars usually ascribe the LH IIIB Middle destruction horizon at Mycenae to an earthquake.32

For the assessment of the ceramic inventory stored and used in the palace of Tiryns, there are the secondary deposits of the Epichosis33 and the Western Staircase Dumps,34 whose huge published assemblages constitute valuable chronological evidence in that they link the burnt destruction of the Upper Citadel to the continuous vertical stratigraphy of the Lower Citadel, for which pottery statistics are available.

7KHEHVSUHVHQWVDFRPSOHWHO\GL൵HUHQWVLWXDWLRQDVWKHSUHVHQWGD\WRZQLVVLWXDWHGGLUHFWO\RQ top of the citadel, thus inhibiting extensive excavations of the Mycenaean architecture.35 It also FDXVHVVLJQL¿FDQWGL൶FXOWLHVIRUWKHLGHQWL¿FDWLRQRIWKRVHVWUXFWXUHVWKDWGLGLQGHHGEHORQJWRWKH palace as opposed to those that may have been administrative buildings or dwellings of the ruling class in the vicinity of the palace36 – similar to Petsas House or the Ivory Houses at Mycenae. The splendid Theban evidence is the fruit of many decades of research starting with the partial excavation of a palatial complex decorated with frescos and yielding a series of coarse ware stirrup jars, some of which were painted with Linear B inscriptions. Its excavator, Antonios Keramopoullos, named this complex 'House of Kadmos'.37 The study of the aforementioned Cretan stirrup jars by Jacques Raison38 initiated a long debate around the chronology of the Theban palace, which expanded when more buildings were unearthed and Linear B tablets were added to the picture at GL൵HUHQWH[FDYDWLRQVLWHV7KHRULHQWDWLRQRIWKHH[FDYDWHGEXLOGLQJSDUWVVFDWWHUHGDFURVVWKHFLW\ plateau played a prominent part in the older debates. In the meantime, some of the excavated pottery assemblages were thoroughly published,39 while others still await presentation to the public.

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 14 11.11.2022 08:59:42

<sup>30</sup> ,RQH0\ORQDV6KHDUDVFULEHGWKHVFDWWHUHGDVKHVRQWKHÀRRURI5RRPWKHRQO\RQHZLWKDVXEVWDQWLDOÀRRUGH-SRVLWRISRWWHU\YHVVHOV0\ORQDV6KHDUSOV¿JV±WR the hearth in the center of the room and noted that the pots are unburnt. The skeleton of a woman found underneath stones and with a crushed skull in the doorway between Room 5 and Room 3 is interpreted as an earthquake victim (Mylonas Shear 1987, 16–19, 154–155, pls. 4B; 5B).

<sup>31</sup> Tournavitou 1995, 298–299.

<sup>32</sup>0\ORQDV6KHDU±)UHQFK¿J&LWLQJFRQWUDGLFWRU\HYLGHQFHDQGOHDYLQJWKHGHFLVLRQ open: Tournavitou 1995, 298–299.

<sup>33</sup>9HUGHOLVHWDO9RLJWOlQGHU.DUGDPDNL±7KHǥ.UDWHURIWKH6KLHOG%HDUHUV¶LVDSHUIHFW illustration for the direct connection between the palace inventory and the sherds of the Epichosis Dump; for the restoration of joined fragments found by Schliemann inside the palace with others from the Epichosis see Schliemann 1885, 103–104, pl. 14; Slenczka 1974, 47–48 cat. no. 101, pl. 1.1a–b; Demakopoulou 1990, 360–362 cat. no. 341; Sakellarakis 1992, 26–28 cat. no. 12). The burnt fresco fragments inside the Epichosis (Verdelis 1959, 5, 7–8, ¿JSURYHWKDWWKLVLQYHQWRU\EHORQJHGWRWKHODVWSDODFHSKDVHWKDWEXUQWGRZQ

<sup>34</sup> To be precise, the lower of the two stratigraphic packages, called 'Zone 2' (Kardamaki 2009; Kardamaki 2015). Again, there are a lot of fragments from the palace frescos in these layers (Maran et al. 2015) proving that this material originates from the arson of the palace.

<sup>35</sup>)RUDQRYHUYLHZVHH'DNRXUL+LOG±¿J

<sup>36</sup>&I\$UDYDQWLQRV¿J\$UDYDQWLQRV±GUDZLQJV±

<sup>37</sup> The main part of Keramopoullos' excavation is published in Keramopoullos 1909; later excavations followed with brief reports. For a new analysis of all the evidence available today see Dakouri-Hild 2001; Dakouri-Hild 2006.

<sup>38</sup> Raison 1968, 4–117.

<sup>39</sup>7KHVHDUHWKHFHUDPLF¿QGV IURPWKH IROORZLQJH[FDYDWLRQ VLWHVWKH+RXVH RI.DGPRV RU2OG.DGPHLRQ DW Pindar St. (Raison 1968, 4–117; Dakouri-Hild 2001), the Kordatzis plot at 14 Oedipus St. (two pottery groups not stratigraphically related to a building and therefore not included in Tab. 1 of the present study [Symeono-JORX ± ± SOV ±@ DQGWKH ÀRRU GHSRVLW RI5RRP % DMHZHOU\ ZRUNVKRS >6\PHRQRJORX

6XPPLQJXSWKHVFKRODUO\GLVFXVVLRQWKHVWXG\RIWKHSRWWHU\IURPWKHGL൵HUHQWEXLOGLQJVRQWKH Theban citadel hill revealed yet another sequence of destructions occurring during the mature and late periods of the Mycenaean Palace age.

By contrast, Pylos seemed to be a rather clear-cut case. There is a fully exposed palace build-LQJZLWKLWV¿QDOVWDJHGHVWUR\HGLQDQLQWHQVHFRQÀDJUDWLRQDQGZLWKORWVRISRWVOHIWLQVLWXRQWKH ÀRRUV7KHGHWDLOHGSXEOLFDWLRQRIWKHÀRRUGHSRVLWVFRQVWLWXWHVDFOHDUDGYDQWDJHLQFRPSDULVRQ to the palaces of Mycenae and Tiryns. However, as it is characterized by the scarcity of painted wares and several typological peculiarities of the pots, the character of this destruction deposit LQVLGHWKHSDODFHRI3\ORVRQFHPRUHFDXVHGDGLVFXVVLRQDERXWWKHFRUUHFWGDWHRID¿QDOGHVWUXF-WLRQHYHQW3XEOLVKHGRSLQLRQVGL൵HUHGOHVVWKDQIRU.QRVVRVEXWDOVRDPRXQWHGWRVRPH\HDUV or so.40

A few years ago, a research team working on the processing and interpretation of excavation evidence and artifacts uncovered by Dimitrios Theocharis from 1956 to 1961 on the Kastro-Palia WHOOVLWHLQWKHFLW\FHQWHURI9RORVLGHQWL¿HGWZR/LQHDU%WDEOHWIUDJPHQWVDPRQJWKHSRWWHU\¿QGV stored in two boxes.418QIRUWXQDWHO\WKHVKHUGVVWRUHGZLWKWKHVH¿UVWWDEOHWVIURP7KHVVDO\GRQRW VHHPWRUHSUHVHQWFORVHG¿QGFRQWH[WVDQGWKHRQO\FRQWH[WXDOLQIRUPDWLRQWKHER[ODEHOVSURYLGH SRLQWWRWKUHHGL൵HUHQWH[FDYDWLRQWUHQFKHVRSHQHGE\7KHRFKDULVRQWKHQRUWKHUQDQGZHVWHUQ slopes of the tell.427KH/LQHDU%GRFXPHQWVVKRXOGWKXVUHODWHWRVRPHVFULEDOR൶FHZRUNLQJDW Palia, be it inside a Mycenaean palace proper or at the seat of some palatial functionary.43 In view of the absence of stratigraphical information, one cannot proceed to any chronological discussion RIWKDWDGPLQLVWUDWLRQDQGWKH¿UHWKDWSXWDQHQGWRLWWRMXGJHIURPWKHEXUQWVWDWHRIWKHWDEOHW fragments.44

Finally, the most recent discovery and excavation at Ayios Vasileios in the Eurotas Valley pro-YLGHVXVIRUWKH¿UVWWLPHZLWKD0\FHQDHDQSDODFHFRPSOH[LQ/DFRQLD,WDOVRSRVHVRQFHDJDLQ DQHZFKDOOHQJHIRUHVWDEOLVKLQJLQWHUUHJLRQDOV\QFKURQLVPVDPRQJWKHGL൵HUHQWSDODFHVDQGWKHLU administrative regions across Greece.

Pottery studies provide the backbone for establishing chronological order at each individual site as well as for superregional synchronization. Therefore, the assessment of ceramic chronol-RJLHVLVWKHPDLQIRFXVRIWKHSUHVHQWYROXPH7KHGL൵HUHQWDXWKRUVUHH[DPLQHSUHYLRXVWKHRULHV ZLWK D VSHFLDO IRFXV RQ  SRWWHU\ VWXGLHV WKH FRUUHODWLRQ RI VLJQL¿FDQW KLVWRULFDO HYHQWV particularly the destruction horizons, and (3) the historical conclusions we can draw from these results.

Although the focus is on destruction assemblages, the chronological framework of this book also includes stratigraphic evidence for the establishment and major expansion phases of the palaces.45 Our discussions stop at or after the earliest Post-palatial phase and thus extend from

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 15 11.11.2022 08:59:42

<sup>±</sup>SO¿J¿J¿J¿J¿J@WKH:RUNVKRSLQ3LQGDU6W (Demakopoulou 1974), the Sotiriou-Dougekou plot at Epaminondas St. with its Linear B archive (Spyropoulos 1975 [pottery illustrated only by means of photos]), and the stretch underneath Pelopidas St. itself between the 'RXORJORXDQG=HQJLQLVLGHVWUHHWVZLWKDQRWKHU/LQHDU%DUFKLYH\$QGULNRXDQG¿QDOO\WKHSORWRIWKH Municipal Conference Center at 1 Loukas Bellos St. (Andrikou, this volume).

<sup>40</sup>0HUY\Q3RSKDPDQG&KULVWLDQ3RG]XZHLWRSWHGIRUPXFKHDUOLHUGDWHV¿UVWKDOIRI/+,,,%WKDQWKHRQHR൵HUHG E\WKHH[FDYDWRUVLQWKHLU¿QDOSXEOLFDWLRQ3RSKDP3RG]XZHLW±ZKLOH3HQHORSH0RXQWMR\ E\UHVWXG\LQJWKHSDLQWHGSRWWHU\IRXQGRQWKHÀRRUVSXWIRUZDUGDQDUJXPHQWIRUDGDWH7UDQVLWLRQDO/+,,,% LH IIIC Early) in alignment with the excavators' view (Mountjoy 1997).

<sup>41</sup>6ND¿GDHWDO

<sup>42</sup>6ND¿GDHWDO¿J¿J6ND¿GDHWDOGUDZLQJV±

<sup>43</sup>6ND¿GDHWDO±

<sup>44</sup> Huge quantities of Palace-period Mycenaean pottery including hundreds of unpainted carinated and conical kylikes FRPHIURPWKHVHWUHQFKHV6ND¿GDHWDO±¿JDQGWKHODVW0\FHQDHDQVHWWOHPHQWSKDVH¿QLVKHG LQDFRQÀDJUDWLRQ6ND¿GDHWDO±EXWWKHUHLVQRDGGLWLRQDOHYLGHQFHFRUURERUDWLQJDFRQQHFWLRQRIWKLV FRQÀDJUDWLRQZLWKWKHWDEOHWV6ND¿GDHWDOQ

<sup>45</sup> See the contributions by Hachtmann – Voutsaki, Vitale et al. and Shelmerdine in this volume.

approximately 1450 to 1180 BCE. During most of this period, one may search for the existence of SDUDOOHOGHYHORSPHQWVEXWDFORVHUORRNPD\DOVRUHYHDOUHJLRQDOGL൵HUHQFHVEHWZHHQYDULRXVSD-ODWLDOVLWHV2IFRXUVHWKHVHGL൵HUHQFHVDOVRIRXQGH[SUHVVLRQLQSRWWHU\SURGXFWLRQ\$SUHFLVHFRU-UHODWLRQEHWZHHQWKHORFDOVHTXHQFHVRIWKHGL൵HUHQWSDODFHVVWLOOUHSUHVHQWVDPDMRUGHVLGHUDWXP

The authors of the individual contributions address the following issues:


7KHSDSHUVDVVHPEOHGLQWKLVYROXPHUHÀHFWDZLGHPHWKRGRORJLFDOVSHFWUXPRIFXUUHQW0\FH-QDHDQSRWWHU\UHVHDUFKZKLFKLVGXHWRDPXOWLWXGHRIIDFWRUV)LUVWRIDOOWKHGL൵HUHQWUHVHDUFK histories outlined above have, of course, a decisive impact on the individual approaches. In the \$UJROLGUHVHDUFKKDVUHDFKHGDSKDVHLQZKLFKDTXDQWLWDWLYH¿QHWXQLQJRISRWWHU\FKDUDFWHULVWLFV for relatively short stylistic phases is possible, whereas in Laconia, for instance, the basic type LQYHQWRU\RIHDFKSKDVHLVVWLOOEHLQJGH¿QHGDVODUJHUDVVHPEODJHVIURPFORVHGFRQWH[WVRQO\UH-FHQWO\EHFDPHDYDLODEOH6HFRQGWKHPHWKRGRORJLFDOLVVXHVWKHGL൵HUHQWDXWKRUVDUHGHDOLQJZLWK vary according to the available stratigraphic and ceramic evidence. Some process huge amounts RIFRPSOHWHYHVVHOVIURPÀRRUDQGSLWGHSRVLWVUHVXOWLQJIURPDVLQJOHGHVWUXFWLRQHYHQWZKLOH others analyze much more fragmentary material from a longer sequence of strata. Another prob-OHPWKDWD൵HFWVGL൵HUHQWVLWHVWRYDULRXVGHJUHHVLVWKHIUHTXHQF\RIFKURQRORJLFDOO\PRUHVHQVL-WLYHSDLQWHG¿QHZDUHVDVRSSRVHGWRXQSDLQWHGFODVVHV5HJDUGLQJLQWHUUHJLRQDOV\QFKURQLVPVD fundamental agreement on terminology would facilitate referencing across all regions producing DQGXVLQJ0\FHQDHDQW\SHSRWWHU\ ,QWKHSDVWGL൵HUHQW UHVHDUFKHUVVXJJHVWHGWDNLQJWKH¿QDO FRQÀDJUDWLRQVDWWKH\$UJLYHVLWHVRI0\FHQDH7LU\QVDQG0LGHDDVUHIHUHQFHSRLQWVIRUWKHHQGRI the LH IIIB period (whether it be called LH IIIB Final or LH IIIB2 Late).46 This seems possible, DVWKHFHUDPLFDVVHPEODJHVRIWKRVHEXUQWKRUL]RQVIURPWKHWKUHHFLWDGHOVDOORZWKHLGHQWL¿FDtion of a common repertoire of types and stylistic features common for all the Argolid. However, WKHUHLVVWLOODODFNRIFRQVHQVXVLQWKHSKDVHWHUPLQRORJ\DQGGH¿QLWLRQRI/+,,,%7KHYHU\¿QH four-phased subdivision established at Tiryns (LH IIIB Early, Middle, Developed and Final)47 has a broad correlation with Mycenae, where a simple or a tripartite division of LH IIIB was followed (LH IIIB1, LH IIIB Middle and LH IIIB2).48 Recent work by Salvatore Vitale equated the last two LH IIIB phases of the Tirynthian system with his LH IIIB2 Early and Late phases, and this new terminology has found wide acceptance.49 However, 'LH IIIB2 Early' is not used in the same way by all scholars. For some LH IIIB2 Early begins with LH IIIB Middle50 while for others LH IIIB Middle is still the closing stage of LH IIIB1.51,QJHQHUDOLWVHHPVWKDWWKHGH¿QLQJ FULWHULDIRU/+,,,%0LGGOHDUHGL൵HUHQWDW0\FHQDHDQGDW7LU\QV52 One might seek the cause of

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 16 11.11.2022 08:59:42

<sup>46</sup> W. Gauß, R. Jung, J. B. Rutter in: Deger-Jalkotzy – Zavadil 2003, 253–255.

<sup>47</sup> Podzuweit 2007, Beil. 84.

<sup>48</sup> There is discussion on an early and later part of LH IIIB1 at Mycenae (Mountjoy 1976, 82), but no alternative designation was developed for this. See Schönfeld 1988, 163, tab. 4; Podzuweit 2007, Beil. 80.

<sup>49</sup> Vitale 2006, tabs. 2–3.

<sup>50</sup> French – Stockhammer 2009, 182–183, tabs. 3–4.

<sup>51</sup> Podzuweit 2007, Beil. 79–80; Kardamaki 2009, tab. 33.

<sup>52</sup>)RUH[DPSOHWKHSURGXFWLRQRIN\OLNHV)7DQGPDLQO\)7LVVWLOOLQLWVµÀRUXLW¶LQ%XLOGLQJ+RUL]RQRI 7LU\QV/+,,,%0LGGOH6FK|QIHOG±¿JDQG3RG]XZHLW%HLOEXWLQWKH/+,,,% Middle Horizon of Mycenae (Ivory Houses and Phase VII destruction in the Citadel House Area) they are absent and already replaced by deep bowls (French 1967; French – Taylour 2007). Only in the Bothros outside the West +RXVHLVWKHUHRQHN\OL[ IUDJPHQWSDLQWHGZLWKYHUWLFDOZKRUOVKHOOV )UHQFK¿J7KHUHDUH

#### Introduction 17

WKLVSKHQRPHQRQLQWKHGL൵HUHQWIXQFWLRQVRIWKHDVVHPEODJHVEHLQJFRPSDUHG53 If, during the LH IIIB Middle phase, an earthquake indeed led to the destruction of houses all over the Argolid, WKLVZRXOGFRQVWLWXWHDWLPHOLQHIRUDOOD൵HFWHGFRQWH[WVEXWVHLVPLFUHVHDUFKKDVQRW\HWEHHQ conducted at all the Argive citadels.54 Vitale applied the label 'LH IIIB2 Late' to contexts outside the Argolid, but the issue raised by Susan Sherratt in the 1980s and recently discussed by Jeremy Rutter55 of the growing regionalism in LH IIIB should not be overlooked. The use of a regional SUH¿[OLNHµ\$UJLYH/+,,,%¶RUµ\$UJLYH/+,,,%¶LVRQHRSWLRQ 56

Yet, establishing synchronisms of Argive LH IIIB1 and LH IIIB2 contexts with other regions HQWDLOVUHVROYLQJIXUWKHUSUREOHPVVSHFL¿FWRHDFKUHJLRQ&HUWDLQUHJLRQVIHDWXUHLPSRUWV±RIWHQ even from the Argolid – that provide direct links to one or more external production places. But IRUWKRVHLPSRUWVWRR൵HUSUHFLVHV\QFKURQLVPVGHSHQGVDPRQJRWKHUIDFWRUVRQWKHVKRUWHURU longer production periods of the types they represent. In other geographical areas the researcher has to decide whether features of potential chronological relevance start to occur because local potters adopted these as new features from another region, or because they invented them LQDFUHDWLYHSURFHVVHQWLUHO\LQGHSHQGHQWIURPH[WHUQDOLQÀXHQFHWKRXJKSRVVLEO\UHO\LQJRQ local traditions). In the latter case, one would need to deal with convergent stylistic pheno-PHQDZLWKRXWDQ\XVHIRUHVWDEOLVKLQJV\QFKURQLVPVEHWZHHQGL൵HUHQWSURGXFWLRQSURYLQFHV\$V demonstrated in some of the following papers, it seems advisable that the chronology of 14th- to 13th-century sites outside the Argolid be built upon the local sequences of plain and painted wares. Only as a second step should an attempt be made to synchronize them with the Argive sequence. The relative chronology of these sequences can be assisted by the presence of type fossils, i.e. decorated pottery types in Argive style, but they should not depend on them. Using criteria established in one region for another should be treated with caution as this process can sometimes lead to pitfalls.

The existence of destruction horizons prior to LH IIIB2 is one of the major topics treated in this volume. We are attempting to answer the question of whether these are localized or widespread events and whether there is any causal relation between them. Several contributions in the present volume deal with destruction horizons in LH IIIA2 Early (Pylos), LH IIIA2 Late (Mycenae)57 and LH IIIB Middle (Ayios Vasileios, Iklaina, Mycenae and Thebes). Some of these destructions seem to be more apparent, others not. The clear LH IIIA2 Late destruction horizon of Mycenae, for instance, is so far not paralleled at Tiryns.58 However, a crucial aspect that should not be forgotten is the existence of subsequent (re)building activities that may have obliterated traces of earlier destruction events, through the removal of debris and leveling work.

7KH¿UVWSDSHUWRGHDOZLWKHDUOLHUGHVWUXFWLRQKRUL]RQVRIWKH0\FHQDHDQSDODFHVLVWKHRQH by Kim Shelton, 'On Shaky Ground: Petsas House and Destruction at Mycenae in LH IIIA2'. Petsas House, to the northwest of the citadel, is a unique case at Mycenae. In general, buildings of LH IIIA2 date with their inventory and architectural remains preserved in such an excellent

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 17 11.11.2022 08:59:42

IXUWKHUGL൵HUHQFHVUHJDUGLQJWKHW\SHVRIWKHGHHSERZOV)7ZKLFKRFFXUDWHDFKVLWHVHH.DUGDPDNL ±IRUGLVFXVVLRQ7KHGL൵HUHQFHVEHWZHHQWKH/+,,,%0LGGOHSRWWHU\DVVHPEODJHVRI0\FHQDHDQG7LU\QV are also viewed by Vitale – Van de Moortel 2020, 31–33, 59, tab. V, as having a chronological relevance.

<sup>53</sup> It is, for example, remarkable that all the Ivory Houses destruction contexts and the 'refuse areas' just outside these houses yielded only a few small open vessels, while closed vessels were largely predominant – especially inside the four houses (cf. French 1967, 149, 179–182, 186–187). By contrast, the LH IIIB layers of the Tirynthian Lower Citadel yielded many more open than closed vessel rim fragments (Schönfeld 1988, 155, tab. 1).

<sup>54</sup>7KH/+,,,%0LGGOHHDUWKTXDNHK\SRWKHVLVIDFHVWKHGL൶FXOW\WKDWWKHK\SRWKHWLFDOO\UHODWHGGDPDJHZDVREVHUYHGDW Mycenae and Tiryns, but not at Midea (Hinzen et al. 2018, 19). Furthermore, an active normal fault line passes right XQGHUQHDWKWKHFLWDGHORI0\FHQDHEXWQRWXQGHUQHDWKWKHRWKHUWZRIRUWL¿HGKLOOV+LQ]HQHWDO¿J

<sup>55</sup>6KHUUDWW¿J-%5XWWHULQ'HJHU-DONRW]\±=DYDGLO

<sup>56</sup> Sherratt 1980, mentions 'Argive LH IIIB1' and 'Argive LH IIIB2'.

<sup>57</sup> According to Rutter, this volume, the LM IIIA2 Early destruction of Knossos could coincide with a more advanced stage of LH IIIA2 and probably after LH IIIA2 Early.

<sup>58</sup>)RUWKHQDWXUHRIWKH/+,,,\$VWUDWDLQWKH/RZHU&LWDGHOFI.LOLDQ¿J

 condition are very rare. The structure, a multi-functional building used for the production and storage of pottery as well as for habitation and administrative purposes, yielded thousands of LQWDFW YHVVHOV7KH SRWWHU\ IURP3HWVDV+RXVH R൵HUV RQH RIWKHPRVWFRPSOHWH SLFWXUHV RIWKH LH IIIA2 Argive styles. The assemblages of Apotheke Alpha and Apotheke Epsilon, where paint-HGDQGSODLQSRWVZHUHVWRUHGDQGWKH¿OORIDZHOOLQ5RRP3LDUHGLVFXVVHG\$FFRUGLQJWRWKH author, the painted closed vessels, suitable for international trade, were probably the output of a single potter. Among the thousands of vessels discovered, the plain kylikes intended for individual use are the most common; Apotheke Epsilon alone contained 8000 kylikes. The examination of the stratigraphic evidence led to the conclusion that the building was struck by an earthquake IROORZHGE\¿UHYLVLEOHLQWKHLQWHULRURIYDULRXVURRPV%DVHGRQWKHRYHUYLHZRIHYLGHQFHIURP other areas inside and outside the citadel, the destruction of Petsas House was not an isolated HYHQWEXWUDWKHUDZLGHVSUHDGRQHDVVRFLDWHGZLWK¿UHV+RZHYHUXQOLNHRWKHUVWUXFWXUHV3HWVDV House was eventually abandoned, despite the fact that it was partly cleared of destruction debris. Shelton underlines the huge impact of the LH IIIA2 Late destruction at Mycenae that marks a VLJQL¿FDQWFKDQJHLQSRWWHU\VW\OHVDUFKLWHFWXUHDQGFRQVWUXFWLRQWHFKQLTXHV

Turning to the second major palatial center of the Argolid, the paper 'Turning Points in the &HUDPLF6HTXHQFHRIWKH1RUWKHUQ7LSRIWKH/RZHU&LWDGHODW7LU\QV¶E\6RĖD:LUJKRYiSUHVHQWV a detailed study on the pottery sequence from LH IIIB Early through LH IIIC Early 2 at Tiryns. 7KHPDWHULDOZKLFKLVODUJHO\SUHVHQWHGKHUHIRUWKH¿UVWWLPHFRPHVIURPWKHUHFHQWH[FDYDWLRQV of Building XI and the Gateway at the northern tip of the Lower Citadel. The primary focus is RQWKHGLVFXVVLRQRIWKHORFDOSDLQWHGZDUHVEXWVLJQL¿FDQWLQIRUPDWLRQLVSURYLGHGUHJDUGLQJD wide range of material including plain wares and cooking pots. Moreover, this area yielded a re-PDUNDEOHFRQFHQWUDWLRQRILPSRUWVIURPGL൵HUHQW\$HJHDQUHJLRQVDQGWKHHDVWHUQ0HGLWHUUDQHDQ VXFKDV.RV&UHWH&\SUXVDQGWKH/HYDQWLQHFRDVWDQG:LUJKRYiSURYLGHVWKH¿UVWGHWDLOHGH[ amination of these vessels and their chronological distribution within LH IIIB and LH IIIC Early. The typological, macroscopic and statistical analysis of the material is accompanied by comments RQDUFKLWHFWXUHVWUDWLJUDSK\DQGPHWKRGRORJ\0RVWRIWKHLQVLWXPDWHULDOGHULYHVIURPWKH¿QDO XVHDQGGHVWUXFWLRQRIWKHDFURSROLVLQ/+,,,%)LQDO7KHGDWLQJRIWKH¿QGVWDNHVLQWRFRQVLGHU-DWLRQWKH¿UVWDSSHDUDQFHRIDVLQJOHW\SHEXWDOVRWKHWLPHVSDQRIXVHRUIUHTXHQF\RIHDFKW\SH in every phase. Thus, the study provides new insights into the development of pottery types of FKURQRORJLFDOVLJQL¿FDQFH%\FRPSDULQJWKH/+,,,%DQG/+,,,&(DUO\¿QGV:LUJKRYiUHDFKHV WKHFRQFOXVLRQWKDWSRWWHU\VW\OHVXQGHUZHQWDVLJQL¿FDQWFKDQJHQRWLPPHGLDWHO\DIWHUWKHGHstruction but in the later parts of LH IIIC Early.

In central Greece, the palace of Thebes is the subject of Eleni Andrikou's paper 'Kadmeia, Thebes: The Pottery from a Storeroom Destroyed at the End of the Mycenaean Palatial Period', ZKLFKR൵HUVQHZHYLGHQFHDERXWWKH¿QDOGHVWUXFWLRQRIWKHSDODFHDQGLWVV\QFKURQLVPV\$QGUL kou publishes the pottery from a newly excavated storeroom in the northern part of the Kadmeia Hill, i.e. north of the main palace building, located at the plot of the Municipal Conference Center (1 Loukas Bellou St.). The assemblage, consisting of complete or well-preserved vessels suitable for the storage of food supplies and liquids, is discussed according to function and fabric, providing crucial information on the dating but also the character of the buildings in Mycenaean Thebes – an aspect that is poorly understood due to the modern habitation of the city. Andrikou focuses on the pottery from the use and destruction of the building (Deposit II) that is dated in LH IIIB2 Late but also includes its reoccupation in LH IIIC Early (Deposit I). An aspect underlined by the FRPSDULVRQRIWKHPDWHULDOLVWKDWDQ\W\SRORJLFDOGL൵HUHQFHVEHWZHHQWKHYDULRXVDVVHPEODJHV may relate to the function and/or regional diversities and must not always be of chronological relevance. Andrikou places the new excavation evidence in its local and supraregional context and FRQFOXGHVWKDWWKH¿QDOGHVWUXFWLRQRI7KHEHVE\¿UHVWLOOIDOOVZLWKLQWKH/+,,,%/DWHSKDVHEXW should have happened slightly later than the destructions of the Argive palaces, and thus closer to the destruction of Pylos.

The Messenian palace is discussed by Salvatore Vitale, Sharon Stocker and Jack Davis, who, in their contribution on 'The Destructions of the Palace of Nestor at Pylos and Its LH IIIA

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 18 11.11.2022 08:59:42

3UHGHFHVVRUDVD0HWKRGRORJLFDO&DVH6WXG\¶R൵HUWKHODWHVWV\QWKHVLVRIHYLGHQFHUHJDUGLQJWKH two major destruction events that struck the Palace of Nestor in the later part of the Late Bronze Age. The pottery presented comes from published and unpublished material excavated under the direction of Carl Blegen, enriched by material yielded by recent excavation campaigns at the palace and its surrounding area. With this new set of data, the authors provide a nuanced approach to WKHFODLPHGSHFXOLDULWLHVRIWKHSRWWHU\IURPWKHSDODFHDQGLWVGL൵HUHQFHVDQGVLPLODULWLHVWRWKH SRWWHU\IRXQGLQWKH/RZHU7RZQDQGEH\RQG3\ORV7KHUH¿QHGGDWLQJRIWKHHDUOLHUGHVWUXFWLRQ is placed in LH IIIA2 Early (Pylos Horizon A). Regarding the later one, the authors summarize WKHPRVWVLJQL¿FDQWHYLGHQFHWKDWVXJJHVWV/+,,,&(DUO\DVWKHPRVWDSSURSULDWHGDWHIRUWKH ¿QDOGHVWUXFWLRQRIWKHSDODFH3\ORV+RUL]RQ%±LQVWHDGRI(DUO\/+,,,%RUHYHQDGYDQFHG LH IIIC as had been argued before. The new assessment of the date of Horizon A is crucial for understanding a phase that is still poorly known in most parts of southern Greece. The authors argue WKDW/+,,,\$(DUO\PDUNVVLJQL¿FDQWHYHQWVDURXQG\*UHHFHLHGHVWUXFWLRQKRUL]RQVLQ%RLRWLD (Mitrou) or major construction work in Laconia (at Ayios Vasileios and the Menelaion). They go RQWRSRLQWRXWWKDWHYLGHQFHIURP3\ORVDQGHOVHZKHUHVXJJHVWVWKDWWKH¿QDOGHVWUXFWLRQVRIWKH 0\FHQDHDQSDODFHVWRRNSODFHDWVOLJKWO\GL൵HUHQWWLPHVZLWKWKHHDUOLHVWRQHVRFFXUULQJLQWKH Argolid and in Boiotia at Thebes (LH IIIB2 Late), while the destructions of others to the south in Messenia as well as to the north in Thessaly followed slightly later in LH IIIC Early 1.

A second paper on Messenia, 'Pottery and Stratigraphy at Iklaina in the 14th–13th Centuries BC', written by Cynthia Shelmerdine, presents the architectural and ceramic evidence from the more recently excavated site of Iklaina, one of the second-order centers of the Pylian realm. Its focus is the South Sector, characterized by an uninterrupted building activity spanning most of the Mycenaean age from LH II to LH IIIC Early. Within this chronological frame the excavators discern four major or minor architectural phases, with the third one (LH IIIA2 Late–IIIB Middle) marked by the construction of the Cyclopean Terrace Building, a monumental structure placed on top of a massive stone platform and decorated with frescos. Shelmerdine presents the main ceramic features of each of the four broad chronological phases and highlights similarities DQGGL൵HUHQFHVZLWKRWKHUUHJLRQV6KHGDWHVWKHGHVWUXFWLRQWRWKHHQGRIWKHWKLUGDUFKLWHFWXUDO SKDVHWKHRQO\GHVWUXFWLRQHYHQWLGHQWL¿HGDW,NODLQDWR/+,,,%0LGGOHLHFRQWHPSRUDU\ZLWK the mid-13th-century destructions in the Argolid. Furthermore, she discusses the development of Iklaina and its relation to the palace of Pylos. Based on the contemporaneity of the Linear B tablet found at Iklaina and the tablets caught in the LH IIIA2 Early destruction of the Pylos palace, Shelmerdine argues for an early integration of Iklaina into the Pylian realm, i.e. prior to that destruction.

Laconia, the other southern Peloponnesian region, is also represented by two papers, which publish stratigraphic and ceramic evidence from the most recent research conducted at Ayios Vasileios. 'The Destruction at the Palace of Ayios Vasileios and Its Synchronisms' by Adamantia Vasilogamvrou, Eleftheria Kardamaki and Nektarios Karadimas deals with the ceramic evidence from the palace destruction and the subsequent reoccupation of the site. On the one hand, the ar-FKDHRORJLFDOFRQWH[WVHQFRPSDVVWKH:HVW6WRDZLWKLWVFROODSVHGXSSHUÀRRUDVZHOODVWKH¿UVW archive with Linear B tablets ever found in Laconia, and on the other hand, the large Court. The former area preserves the destruction debris almost intact, whereas the latter area shows evidence IRUUHRFFXSDWLRQ7KHDXWKRUVSODFHWKHGDWHRIWKHVHYHUH¿UHGHVWUXFWLRQWKDWVWUXFNWKHSDODFHRI Ayios Vasileios in LH IIIB Middle. Afterwards a reoccupation followed that lasted from LH IIIB2 up to LH IIIC Early, although the extent and character of the site during the latter period is still XQNQRZQDQGWKHGL൵HUHQWLDWLRQEHWZHHQWKHODWH/+,,,%DQGWKH/+,,,&(DUO\SRWWHU\RIWKHVLWH is still not fully understood. The LH IIIB1 to LH IIIC Early 1 pottery sequence of Ayios Vasileios LVFRPSDUHGWRZKDWLVNQRZQIURPRWKHUVLWHVZLWKLQDQGRXWVLGH/DFRQLD7KH¿QDOVHFWLRQRI WKHSDSHUSURYLGHVDEULHIRYHUYLHZRIWKHPDLQGL൵HUHQFHVDQGVLPLODULWLHVLQWKHSRWWHU\XVHGLQ GL൵HUHQWUHJLRQVRIVRXWKHUQ\*UHHFH\$FFRUGLQJWR9DVLORJDPYURX.DUGDPDNLDQG.DUDGLPDV LH IIIB Middle was probably a time of general and widespread unrest with destructions striking palatial and secondary sites around southern Greece, which probably represented the prelude for

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 19 11.11.2022 08:59:42

WKH¿QDOFROODSVHRIWKHSDODFHV8QOLNH0\FHQDHDQG7KHEHVWKHSDODFHRI\$\LRV9DVLOHLRVPD\ not have resumed its function in LH IIIB2.

µ7KH\$\LRV9DVLOHLRV1RUWK&HPHWHU\LQWKH3DODWLDO3HULRG¶E\9DVFR+DFKWPDQQDQG6R¿D Voutsaki is the second contribution on Laconia, and it deals with the funerary evidence from \$\LRV9DVLOHLRV7KHDXWKRUVSURYLGHWKH¿UVWRYHUYLHZRQWKHSRWWHU\VHTXHQFH IURPWKHWLPH RIWKH¿QDOXVHRIWKHDUHDDVDEXULDOJURXQGXQWLOLWVGH¿QLWHDEDQGRQPHQWLHIURP/+,,,\$ until LH IIIC Early. The material presented is placed in the local and wider Laconian context, and in doing so, the authors provide a separate discussion of the pottery styles from the Menelaion, the second major site in central Laconia. The main phases represented are LH IIIA1–IIIA2 (DUO\/+,,,\$/+,,,%DQG/+,,,&(DUO\7KHVHFRLQFLGHZLWKVRPHVLJQL¿FDQWHYHQWVOLNH the construction of the palace in LH IIIA2 Early, from which point onwards the North Cemetery was only used as a memorial place. The local repertoire is characterized by the rarity of the pattern-painted pottery prior to LH IIIC Early and the absence of Argive decorative styles. Of all the pottery phases represented in the area of the North Cemetery, the least recognizable is LH IIIB, and, as Hachtmann and Voutsaki suggest, something similar is true for the Menelaion, whereas in ERWKFDVHVWKH¿UVWSDUWRI/+,,,%LVEHWWHUDWWHVWHG7KHDXWKRUVDUHOHGWRFRQFOXVLRQVWKDWKDYH wider implications for central Laconia. Mansion 2/3 at the Menelaion must have been abandoned before the end of LH IIIB and the rarity of LH IIIB2 pottery at both sites could suggest restricted occupation or even a hiatus. Finally, the similar date suggested for the construction and destruction of the monumental buildings at Ayios Vasileios and the Menelaion could imply the existence of a single political entity since LH IIIA2 Early.

Unfortunately, the Mycenaean palace of Chania located on Kastelli Hill is not represented by a separate article.597KH¿UVWHYLGHQFHIRUWKHH[LVWHQFHRID0\FHQDHDQSDODWLDODGPLQLVWUDWLRQDW Chania had been three Linear B tablets found in House 2 of the Ayia Aekaterini Square site, but as SDUWRIDÀRRUGHSRVLWLQVLGH5RRP(XQGHUQHDWKWKH.DQHYDURVLGHVWUHHW7KHH[FDYDWRUVGDWHG the clearly burnt destruction context to the end of LM IIIB1.60 While House 2 is a large building complex, the Mycenaean palace proper was situated elsewhere. Part of it is being uncovered at the plot of 1 Katre St. in the southwestern part of the Kastelli Hill. This excavation uncovered part of a monumental building with column bases and wall paintings, in which a combined animal DQGKXPDQVDFUL¿FHVHHPVWRKDYHEHHQSHUIRUPHGLQFRQQHFWLRQZLWKWKHVHYHUHGHVWUXFWLRQRI the whole complex. Cracks in the high quality *terrazzo*ÀRRUSDUWLDOO\SDLQWHGOHGWKHH[FDYDWRU to ascribe this destruction to an earthquake. Fire was involved, too.61 Geological investigations detected an active fault line underneath this very spot.62 At the fault itself the *terrazzo*ÀRRUZDV partially sunken, partially uplifted, as the most recent excavations revealed – thus proving the earthquake beyond doubt.63 Traces of burning are also observable on two published vessels from this destruction: squat stirrup jars of LM IIIB1 date64 that suggest a synchronization with the House 2 destruction. Most importantly, a Linear B tablet from the courtyard strengthens the view that this monumental building of high architectonic quality was indeed part of the palace, the seat of the Mycenaean administration at Chania.65

Regarding the synchronization of the LM IIIB1 phase at Chania with the palace destructions of the Peloponnese, it is important to note that this Kastelli settlement phase yielded a series of Myce-

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 20 11.11.2022 08:59:42

<sup>59</sup> At the workshop, Maria Andreadaki-Vlazaki gave a paper on the destruction of the LM IIIB palace with a detailed presentation of the relevant excavation evidence from 1 Katre St., but unfortunately has not been able to submit a manuscript.

<sup>60</sup> Hallager et al. 1992. In the area of the Ayia Aekaterini Square excavation, up to three more fragments of Linear B tablets have come to light (Hallager 2011, 419–420, 425–426, pls. 277–278).

<sup>61</sup> Andreadaki-Vlazaki 2015, 29–42; Andreadaki-Vlazaki 2022, 25–27. 62 \$QGUHDGDNL9OD]DNL±¿J

<sup>63</sup>\$QGUHDGDNL9OD]DNL±¿JV±

<sup>64</sup>\$QGUHDGDNL9OD]DNL¿J\$QGUHDGDNL9OD]DNLZLWKFRORUSKRWRV\$/0,,,%FXSFRPHV IURPWKHDUHDZKHUHWKHSODVWHUÀRRUUDQRYHUWKHIDXOWLWVHOI\$QGUHDGDNL9OD]DNL¿JD±E

<sup>65</sup> Andreadaki-Vlazaki 2015, 29.

naean imports of Argive style datable to LH IIIB Early–Middle (LH IIIB1).66 This suggests at least a partial chronological overlap of LM IIIB1 with LH IIIB Early or Middle.67 Two small fragments of what may have been Linear B tablets come from LM IIIB2 and LM IIIB2/IIIC rubbish pits respectively, which leaves doubts as to the date of their inscriptions.68 However, the important quantities of West Cretan coarse ware stirrup jars FT 164, including some with Linear B inscriptions from LH IIIB Final (LH IIIB2 Late) contexts at Tiryns,69 support the notion that an administrative center continued to function at Chania even after the LM IIIB1 destruction. Indeed, there are many frag-PHQWVRILQVFULEHGFRDUVHZDUHVWLUUXSMDUVVWUDWL¿HGLQWKH/0,,,%VHWWOHPHQWSKDVHRI&KDQLD<sup>70</sup> To sum up, the present evidence from Chania itself does not necessarily give us the full time range of the Mycenaean palatial administration at the site. The secure Linear B tablets provide a *terminus ad quem* in LM IIIB1, and so far none of the inscribed stirrup jars dates further back in time.

With Jeremy Rutter's contribution on 'LM IIIB Ceramic Regionalism and Chronological Correlations with LH IIIB–C Phases on the Greek Mainland' the discussion in this volume extends from the Greek mainland to Crete. In his paper Rutter investigates questions of pottery regionalism and uniformity on Crete between LM II and LM IIIC Early. As cultural phenomena, pottery regionalisms on Crete after LM IIIA1 and on the Greek mainland after LH IIIB could have departed from similar circumstances following the destruction of Knossos and the Mycenaean palaces respectively (comparative regionalism). Drawing on the comparison between Chania and various other Cretan sites, the notion of a growing ceramic homogeneity in LM IIIB Late is challenged. 5XWWHUFRQVLGHUVVSHFL¿FDVSHFWVRIWKH&KDQLRWHUHSHUWRLUHDQGPRVWQRWDEO\WKHDSSHDUDQFHDQG peak of the dark-surfaced handmade and burnished ware of Italian inspiration as well as other phenomena, which he interprets as local plain and painted imitations of characteristic Italian shapes such as the banded cup and Italianizing Gray Ware. Since similar developments, and especially the production of Italian shapes in Mycenaean painted wares, appear to be more frequent on the Greek mainland (especially at Tiryns and Dimini) after the LH IIIB destructions, Rutter proposes a correlation of most if not of the entire phase of LM IIIB2 with the early Post-palatial FHUDPLFSKDVHRQWKHPDLQODQG/+,,,&(DUO\DQGSHUKDSV/+,,,&(DUO\7KHGL൵HUHQFHV between the LM IIIB Late pottery of Chania – the only site showing evidence for destruction at the end of LM IIIB – and other sites on Crete may relate to the arrival at the former site of a larger number of immigrants from the Mycenaean mainland and southern Italy following the destructions of the Mycenaean palaces.

\$SDODFHVLWHZDVGHVWUR\HGIRUDUHDVRQDQGRXUUHVHDUFKLQWRWKH¿QHFKURQRORJ\RIVXFK major historical events is intended to aid the search for the reasons behind those events. Furthermore, regional events may have been part of interregional historical trends, as the authors in this volume remark when discussing aspects of comparative chronology between the single palace sites and between regions. Historical reconstruction is at the root of all chronological research. For this reason, we invited Joseph Maran to our workshop to give a keynote lecture with a historical interpretative focus.

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 21 11.11.2022 08:59:42

<sup>66</sup>+DOODJHU±¿JV±

<sup>67</sup> Following Rutter's proposal for a late synchronism of the LM IIIB2 phase at Chania (see below) might also entail a partial overlap of the preceding LM IIIB1 phase with LH IIIB Developed (LH IIIB2 Early).

<sup>68</sup> Hallager 2011, 420, 425, pl. 277.KH X 2, KH X 3.

<sup>69</sup> Kardamaki et al. 2016. One of these coarse ware stirrup jars, TI Z 29, even bears the *wa-na-ka-te-ro* inscription (*wa-na-ka*[) linking it directly to the royal administration (Godart – Olivier 1975, 37–43; Kardamaki et al. 2016, 158). TI Z 29 comes from the upper part of a large stirrup jar and was found to the west of the Upper Citadel, in the area of the Lower West Town at Tiryns. The context is reported as LH IIIB with only one later sherd. However, no details are given on the character of the context and the exact date of the vessel within LH IIIB is not clear (Gercke – Naumann 1974, 22–23).

<sup>70</sup> Hallager 2011, 424. Here Erik Hallager lists 13 fragments from certain and two from probable LM IIIB2 contexts (Hallager 2011, 415–419). 12 of these 15 stirrup jars are West Cretan products according to chemical/petrographic DQDO\VHVWKHUHPDLQLQJWKUHHKDYHQRWEHHQDQDO\]HGVRIDU,Q¿YHFDVHVWKHLGHQWL¿FDWLRQRI/LQHDU%VLJQVLVQRW secure.

In his contribution 'The Demise of the Mycenaean Palaces: The Need for an Interpretative Reset' Maran gives an in-depth account of the research problem regarding the collapse of the palatial system at the end of the 13th century and possible ways for resolving it. He questions the nature of previous explanatory models as oversimplistic since they tend to create an idea of a sta-EOH0\FHQDHDQSDODWLDOVRFLHW\WKURXJKRXWLWVKLVWRU\DQGXSWRWKHPRPHQWRIWKHSDODFHV¶¿QDO destruction. Instead of pinpointing one aspect, the paper introduces the idea of medium- to longterm processes as crucial for the understanding of these events and, at the same time, shifts the focus from hypotheses about natural disasters such as earthquakes to actions created by human agency (collective violence). In this context, three factors in particular are discussed as most rele-YDQWEDVHGRQWKHDYDLODEOHDUFKDHRORJLFDOFRQWH[W7KHVHDUHLQWHUQDOFRQÀLFWVEHWZHHQGL൵HUHQW IDFWLRQVRIWKHHOLWHVFRQÀLFWVHPHUJLQJIURPODUJHVFDOHFRQVWUXFWLRQSURMHFWVDQGFKDQJHVLQ the palatial armed forces. According to Maran, all these factors in combination, or only some of them and to various degrees, could have played a decisive role in the weakening of the palatial V\VWHPORQJEHIRUHLWV¿QDOFROODSVH7KHLQWURGXFWLRQRIDQHZUXOHUFRQFHSWDIWHUWKHGHVWUXFtion of Knossos in the 14th century BCE, an increasing exclusivity of the royal families with the monopolization of the religious sector, or the integration of foreign warrior groups are among the reasons discussed by Maran as decisive in the chain of medium- to long-term events before the ¿QDOFROODSVHRIWKHSDODFHV

The Mycenaean palace system did not exist in isolation but was one of the mighty palatial powers among others in the wider eastern Mediterranean – from Asia Minor, the Levantine coast and Mesopotamia to Egypt. Political, economic and cultural relationships had developed between all those 'players', and the 13thFHQWXU\%&(ZDVWKH¿QDOSKDVHRIWKRVHUHODWLRQVKLSVSULRUWRD new start in the Early Iron Age. Establishing precise synchronisms between these palace systems therefore means setting the framework for an interregional history of the time.

In his contribution, 'Synchronizing Palace Destructions in the Eastern Mediterranean', Rein hard Jung links destruction events taking place in Cyprus and along the northern Levantine coast in late LC IIC and LBA II respectively with the relative chronology of the Mycenaean mainland at the end of the 13th and the beginning of the 12th centuries. Jung evaluates the evidence of the Aegean-type pottery, i.e. Aegean imports and local products of Aegean type and LQVSLUDWLRQDW¿YHNH\VLWHV8JDULW7HOO7ZHLQLDQG7HOO.D]HOLQ6\ULDDQG(QNRPLDQG\$ODVVD RQ&\SUXV:LWKKLVDQDO\VLV-XQJXQGHUOLQHVWKHVLJQL¿FDQFHRIWKHORFDOO\SURGXFHG\$HJHDQ pottery, which, for a number of reasons, can often be more reliable for Aegean correlations than real Aegean imports. As Jung demonstrates, the latter had become rare by the late 13th century, or often belong to rare and idiosyncratic vessel types produced only for trade and therefore GL൶FXOWWROLQNWR\$HJHDQVWUDWLJUDSK\,QWKLVUHVSHFWORFDO\$HJHDQW\SHGHHSERZOVIURP7HOO Tweini Level 7A, Tell Kazel Phase K1 and Enkomi IIB are compared to deep bowls of LH IIIC Early 1 date. In exceptional cases, the appearance of the rare handmade burnished pottery of ,WDOLDQW\SHLQ7HOO.D]HO3KDVH.R൵HUVDGGLWLRQDODQGGLUHFWSDUDOOHOVWRSRWWHU\RIWKHVDPH W\SHIURPWKH\*UHHNPDLQODQGHVSHFLDOO\DW'LPLQL7KHGHVWUXFWLRQHYHQWVDWWKHVH¿YHVLWHV ZKLFKLQDOPRVWDOOFDVHVLQFOXGHFRQÀDJUDWLRQVDQGKRVWLOHDFWLRQV IROORZHGE\SOXQGHULQJ are viewed from a new perspective. In some cases, these events could be the result of seaborne raids like the ones referred to in monumental inscriptions (5th and 8th regnal years of Ramesses III) and other written sources of this period. In the case of Alassa Palaiotaverna, however, the destruction at the end of Phase 1 may have had a social background with possible evidence for class struggle, as Jung proposes. According to Jung, the exact synchronization with LH IIIB )LQDORULQ/+,,,&(DUO\LVVWLOOGL൶FXOWEXWIRUWKUHHRXWRI¿YHNH\VLWHV7HOO7ZHLQL7HOO Kazel and Enkomi), the LH IIIC Early 1 date is well founded, while for the other two, this date represents the most appropriate possibility.

At the end of the conference, the participants agreed to unite the single destruction dates ex-SODLQHGLQWKHGL൵HUHQWFRQWULEXWLRQVLQWRRQHFKURQRORJLFDOWDEOH7DE:HWKRXJKWLWZRXOGEH useful to add some more destruction contexts to that table in order to provide a wider framework for the results achieved at this conference. Some of these additional contexts were excavated at

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 22 11.11.2022 08:59:42

Fig. 1 Sites discussed in the present volume and in Tab. 1 (cartography: M. Börner).

WKHVDPHVLWHVDVWKRVHGLVFXVVHGLQWKHERRNZKLOHRWKHUV UHSUHVHQWHYHQWVLQGL൵HUHQW\*UHHN regions not treated in the form of dedicated contributions. We then sent out this table to the conference participants, who commented on the synchronisms contained therein and also asked us WRDGGVRPHPRUHVLWHVDQGGHVWUXFWLRQFRQWH[WV7KH¿QDOYHUVLRQRIWKLVWDEOHJLYHQKHUHUHVXOWV from this discussion, in which many authors of the volume have participated. However, we do not want to give the impression that it represents the unanimous opinion of all of the authors. Some of them, for instance, have published diverging dates for certain contexts. The destruction contexts discussed in the present book (Fig. 1) are given in bold letters in the table; the other contexts are those added for comparative reasons (Tab. 1). This table only presents strata resulting from the GHVWUXFWLRQRIEXLOGLQJVHLWKHULQYROYLQJ¿UHRUQRW,QWKHODWWHUFDVHWKHFODVVL¿FDWLRQDVGHVWUXFtion (as opposed to abandonment) is based on the judgement of the excavators. The contexts listed are primary deposits datable by pottery unless stated otherwise. Secondary deposits are marked as dumps.

**Acknowledgments:** The conference was held in the framework of the stand-alone project P 28023-G25 funded by the Austrian Science Fund (FWF). We gratefully acknowledge the technical support of OREA for conducting the conference, and we wish to warmly thank Ulrike Schuh for her editing work.

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 23 11.11.2022 08:59:43

Tab. 1 Mycenaean destruction deposits of the developed to late Palatial and earliest Post-palatial period. – Bold letters = destruction of buildings discussed in this volume; normal let- WHUV GHVWUXFWLRQRIEXLOGLQJVPHQWLRQHGLQFRPSDULVRQ
MRLQWFKURQRORJLFDOER[HVQRGL൵HUHQWLDWLRQEHWZHHQWZRVXESKDVHVSRVVLEOHEDVHGRQH[LVWLQJSXEOLFDWLRQVV\QFKURQLVPV

J u n g\_ Ka rd a m a ki . i n d b 2 4


1 1 . 1 1 . 2 02 2 0 8 : 5 9 : 4 3

24 R. Jung – E. Kardamaki



J u n g\_ Ka rd a m a ki . i n d b 2 5 1 1 . 1 1 . 2 02 2 0 8 : 5 9 : 4 3

#### 26 R. Jung – E. Kardamaki

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Iakovidis 1986

6(,DNRYLGLV'HVWUXFWLRQKRUL]RQVDW/DWH%URQ]H\$JH0\FHQDHLQȆǽȑʌȠȢ±ȃȆȜȐIJȦȞ±īȈĮțİȜȜĮȡȐțȘȢ± ǿȉȡĮȣȜȩȢ±ȂȋĮIJȗȘįȐțȘȢHGVĭȚȜȓĮȑʌȘİȚȢīİȫȡȖȚȠȞǼȂȣȜȦȞȐȞįȚȐIJĮȑIJȘIJȠȣĮȞĮıțĮijȚțȠȪIJȠȣȑȡȖȠȣ\$ǯ ǺȚȕȜȚȠșȒțȘIJȘȢİȞǹșȒȞĮȢǹȡȤĮȚȠȜȠȖȚțȒȢǼIJĮȚȡİȓĮȢ\$WKHQV±

#### Iakovidis 1989

ȈǼǿĮțȦȕȚįȘȢīȜĮȢǾĮȞĮıțĮijȒ±ǺȚȕȜȚȠșȒțȘIJȘȢİȞǹșȒȞĮȚȢǹȡȤĮȚȠȜȠȖȚțȒȢǼIJĮȚȡİȓĮȢ\$WKHQV

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ȈǼǿĮțȦȕȓįȘȢīȜĮȢǾĮȞĮıțĮijȒ±ǺȚȕȜȚȠșȒțȘIJȘȢİȞǹșȒȞĮȚȢǹȡȤĮȚȠȜȠȖȚțȒȢǼIJĮȚȡİȓĮȢ\$WKHQV

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#### Introduction 29

#### Iakovidis 2007

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\$ȀİȡĮȝȩʌȠȣȜȜȠȢǾȠȚțȓĮIJȠȣȀȐįȝȠȣǼijȘȝİȡȓȢǹȡȤĮȚȠȜȠȖȚțȒ±

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Kountouri 2020b

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Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 32 11.11.2022 08:59:43

#### Introduction 33

#### **Table**

Tab. 1 Mycenaean destruction deposits of the developed to late Palatial and earliest Post-palatial period. – **Bold letters** = destruction of buildings discussed in this volume; normal letters = destruction of buildings mentioned in compar-LVRQ
MRLQWFKURQRORJLFDOER[HVQRGL൵HUHQWLDWLRQEHWZHHQWZRVXESKDVHVSRVVLEOHEDVHGRQH[LVWLQJSXEOLFDWLRQV synchronisms; ? = no secure dating possible based on existing publications/synchronisms. – Mycenae: Petsas House (contribution by K. Shelton); Ivory Houses (see n. 19); Panagia House I (see n. 30); Cult Center, Service Areas, Phase VII (French – Taylour 2007); Cult Center, Temple, Phase VII (Moore – Taylour 1999); South House Annex, Phase VIII (see n. 27); Cult Center, Temple, Phase VIII (see n. 27); Artisans' Quarter (see n. 26); House of the Tripod Tomb (see n. 28); Plakes House (see n. 29); Cult Center, Area 36, R. XXXIV (French 2007; French 2011). – Tiryns: Lower Citadel Hor. 16a6–16a7 (Schönfeld 1988; Damm-Meinhardt 2015); palace, Western Staircase Dump, Zone 2 (Kardamaki 2009; Kardamaki 2015); Lower Citadel Hor. 17a5–18 (Podzuweit 2007; Damm-Meinhardt 2015; contribution by S. Wirghová); Western Staircase Dump, Zone 1 (Kardamaki 2009; Kardamaki 2015). – Midea: West Gate Area and Lower West Terraces (Demakopoulou 2003; Demakopoulou 2007). – Pylos: Ano Englianos, Horizons A and B (see contribution by S. Vitale, Sh. Stocker and J. Davis). – Iklaina: Cyclopean Terrace Building Phase 3 (see contribution by C. Shelmerdine). – Ayios Vasileios, palace (contribution by A. Vasilogamvrou, E. Kardamaki and N. Karadimas). – Athens, Acropolis, Northeast Ascent pathway dump (see n. 7). – Thebes: House of Kadmos in Pindar St. (see n. 37 and 38); Workshop in 29 Pindar St. (see n. 39); Municipal Conference Center, Deposit II (see contribution by E. Andrikou); Pelopidas St., Linear B archive (see n. 39; contribution by E. Andrikou); Epaminondas/Democritus St., Linear B archive (see n. 39; contribution by E. Andrikou); 14 Oedipus St., Room B (see n. 39). – Glas: buildings inside the citadel (see n. 9). – Dimini: Megaron A (Adrimi-Sismani 2014, 129–167, 342–344, 425–461); Megaron B (Adrimi-Sismani 2014, 185–195, 201–224, 341–342, 348–424); North Megaron (Adrimi-Sismani 2014, 177–181, 462–496). – Chania: 1 Katre St., palatial court (see n. 64); Ayia Aekaterini Square, settlement (see n. 60 and 66). – Enkomi: City Quarters 1 West and 4 West, Level IIB (see contribution by R. Jung). – Alassa-Palaiotaverna: Phase 1 (see contribution by R. Jung). – Ugarit, palace and town (see contribution by R. Jung). – Tell Kazel: Areas II and IV, Phase K1. – Tell Tweini, Phase 7A (see contribution by R. Jung).

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 33 11.11.2022 08:59:43

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 34 11.11.2022 08:59:43

## **On Shaky Ground: Petsas House and Destruction at Mycenae in LH IIIA2**

#### *Kim Shelton*<sup>1</sup>

**Abstract:** This paper presents results of the Archaeological Society's excavation (2000–2013) of the structure known as 'Petsas House' in Mycenae's settlement. The building complex, destroyed late in the LH IIIA2 period, was used for habitation, ceramic production and storage, and is one of the few examples, so far excavated, of multi-use space in a palatial settlement during this period of expansion and centralization. In particular, this paper examines the nature of the destruction of Petsas House, and its immediate aftermath, along with a presentation of the extensive ceramic evidence for dating this event. Based on this, evidence for destruction and rebuilding elsewhere at Mycenae during this period, LQFOXGLQJWKHSDODFHLVFULWLFDOO\GHWDLOHGLQRUGHUWRGH¿QHDSRVVLEOHGHVWUXFWLRQKRUL]RQDWWKHVLWHDQGLQYHVWLJDWH the potential impact on and historical implications for the center, its inhabitants, and their sociopolitical and economic trajectory.

**Keywords:** Mycenae, LH IIIA2, pottery, mudbrick, well, earthquake

### **Introduction**

The excavation of the building complex, located in the settlement of Mycenae to the northwest RIWKHFLWDGHOZDV¿UVWXQGHUWDNHQDVDUHVFXHH[FDYDWLRQE\,RDQQLV3DSDGLPLWULRXDQG)RWLV Petsas during a brief period in 1950, followed by several months of more systematic investigation in 1951.2 They uncovered a series of building foundations divided into rooms, which were PRVWO\¿OOHGZLWKFHUDPLFV VLWXDWHG URXJKO\QRUWKHDVWVRXWKZHVWDORQJDWHUUDFHG VORSH7KH current excavation program, under the aegis of the Archaeological Society of Athens, was initiated in 2000 to complete the work of the previous excavators for publication and to expand the excavation area for a better contextual understanding of the architectural complex, its pottery, and the settlement of Mycenae during the LH IIIA2 period. The excavation during each season since, up to 2013, has revealed a large, well-built structure of several foundation levels set on and built into the sloped hillside, and that all or part of that ground level was originally covered with an upper story (Fig. 1).3

The earliest use of the rooms as understood by the excavators in the 1950s was primarily for pottery storage, based on the number of vases uncovered and their arrangement as they were found, fallen from shelves where they had been grouped by size and shape. The vases also consistently appeared to be new, or at least unused. Then, during the course of the current excavation project, there emerged, slowly and systematically, evidence for ceramic production as well as storage, elements of industrial complexity, and purely domestic contexts of varying degrees or characters. As a result of the project, we understand that the so-called 'Petsas House' was constructed at the very end of LH II and towards the beginning of LH IIIA, over the foundations of

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 35 11.11.2022 08:59:43

<sup>1</sup> University of California, Berkeley, USA; e-mail: sheltonk@berkeley.edu.

<sup>2</sup> Papadimitriou – Petsas 1951, 203–233; Papadimitriou – Petsas 1952, 192–196.

<sup>3</sup> Iakovidis 2003; Iakovidis 2004; Iakovidis 2005, 18; Iakovidis 2006, 23–24; Iakovidis 2007a, 24–26; Iakovidis 2007b, 28–32; Iakovidis 2008, 26–29; Iakovidis 2010a, 18–21; Iakovidis 2010b, 27–30; Shelton 2010; Petrakos 2013, 15–16; Iakovidis 2015, 21–25; Shelton 2015a; Shelton 2016.

Fig. 1 Petsas House plan (N. Mitrovgenis, K. Chronis; © Petsas House Excavations and K. Shelton).

Fig. 2 Petsas House plan with areas color-coded by function (© Petsas House Excavations and K. Shelton).

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 36 11.11.2022 08:59:45

an earlier structure of similar plan.4 In addition, the overall character of the architectural design indicates, in concert with the building's contents, a highly developed spatial organization and extensive use for ceramic production, storage, and distribution on a large scale (Fig. 2). The pottery recovered from all the excavation periods provides overwhelming and secure dating evidence that VLWXDWHVWKHEXLOGLQJ¶VGHVWUXFWLRQGXHWRDQHDUWKTXDNHDQGORFDOL]HG¿UHVWRZDUGVWKHHQGRIWKH LH IIIA2 period.5

### **Petsas House and its Pottery**

Current research on the material excavated at Petsas House emphasizes the project's contribution to the study of pottery produced and utilized during the LH IIIA2 period, stylistically, technically, and functionally, as well as to the study of industrial production installations and storage procedures and practices within a settlement context.6 7KHEXLOGLQJFRPSOH[LVDOVRVLJQL¿FDQW as an example of LH IIIA2 domestic architecture. Due to the extensive building programs of the following 13th century BC, within the LH IIIB period,7 few physical remains of 14th-century BC architecture have survived or been accessed archaeologically, even fewer of those with a plan that can be reconstructed to any great extent.8 The preliminary results of the current excavations have DOVRVKRZQ3HWVDV+RXVHWREHVLJQL¿FDQWIRURXUXQGHUVWDQGLQJRIWKHSRWHQWLDOUHODWLRQVKLSRI the settlement to the palace at Mycenae, the use of Linear B, and the organization of domestic and workshop space in the LH IIIA2 period.9

The material recovered from the excavation of Petsas House, mostly ceramic, seems almost RYHUZKHOPLQJLQTXDQWLW\DQGTXDOLW\ZLWKKXQGUHGVRI¿JXULQHVDQGWKRXVDQGVRIYDVHV6XFK a rich corpus of ceramic objects reveals an amazing amount about the style, technology, and chronology of production from a closed destruction context. Since its initial discovery it has been recognized that one of the building's primary uses was for the storage of mass quantities of pottery in a range of wares and production qualities. Most of the rooms excavated in the 1950s were ground-level storerooms for new vases, clearly without use-marks or wear, that were found EURNHQRQWKHHDUWKHQÀRRUVDQGKDGRULJLQDOO\EHHQSODFHGRQZRRGHQVKHOYHVVWDFNHGDQGRU arranged by shape and size.10\$SRWKHNH\$OSKDWKH¿UVWGHSRVLWGLVFRYHUHGDQGLQYHVWLJDWHGLQ 1950, was the most completely excavated storeroom and was relatively well recorded. The room FRQWDLQHGDSSUR[LPDWHO\YDVHVLQGL൵HUHQWVKDSHVRYHURIWKHPSURGXFHGLQGHFRUDW-HG¿QHZDUHDOOZLWKDVWURQJSLULIRUPRUSHGHVWDOOHGSUR¿OHLQFOXGLQJVWLUUXSDQGSLULIRUPMDUVRI at least three graduated sizes/scales. The vases exhibit high-quality production in clay, form, and decoration. Generally, the majority of these vases represent the work and output of a single potter, who must have been a specialist in or innovator of this characteristic LH IIIA2 shape.11 There are ERWKFORVHGDQGRSHQYHVVHOVDQGDIHZLQXQGHFRUDWHG¿QHZDUHRIWKHDQDORJRXVVKDSHV7KH stirrup jar was used for oil, often scented, and wine12– two liquids certainly of interest to and likely

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 37 11.11.2022 08:59:45

<sup>4</sup>3UHOLPLQDU\HYLGHQFHVKHUGVDQGHDUO\¿JXULQHVPD\LQGLFDWHFHUDPLFVSURGXFWLRQLQWKHHDUOLHUVWUXFWXUHZKLFK allows for the possibility of a multi-generational 'family' industry.

<sup>5</sup> Shelton 2008; Shelton 2010; Shelton 2014.

<sup>6</sup> French 2009, 55–61; Shelton 2015a; Shelton 2016.

<sup>7</sup> Wace 1953, 9–15; Wace 1954, 267–291; Iakovidis 1983, 55–57; Mylonas Shear 1987; Tournavitou 1995, 1–68; Iakovidis – French 2003, 14, 48; French 2009, 57–61; Shelton 2009.

<sup>8</sup> French 2002, 57–61; Iakovidis – French 2003, 14–15.

<sup>9</sup> Shelton 2005, 387–396; Shelton 2010.

<sup>10</sup>3DSDGLPLWULRX±3HWVDV±WKHPDMRULW\RIWKHURRPVH[FDYDWHGLQ±ZHUHLGHQWL¿HGFRUUHFWO\DV storage areas, based on both the number of vases recovered and on their original organization by ware, shape, and size. Production areas include features for the processing of clay, water supply, and a working space.

<sup>11</sup> Papadimitriou – Petsas 1951, 207–212; Mountjoy 1986, 67.

<sup>12</sup> Established through residue analysis, see Mountjoy 1986, 30–31, 67, 163–177, 203; Mountjoy 1993, 71; Negbi – Negbi 1993; Tzedakis – Martlew 1999.

Fig. 3 Piriform and stirrup jars in relative scales from Apotheke Alpha (© Petsas House Excavations and K. Shelton).

controlled to some extent by the palace, but in addition, products which play a very obvious and SUROL¿FUROHLQWUDGHHVSHFLDOO\RYHUVHDVH[KLELWHGE\WKHODUJHQXPEHUVRIVWLUUXSMDUVUHFRYHUHG in foreign contexts. The high production quality of these vases is in direct relationship both to their potential market appeal/value and to the strict parameters necessary for volume, strength, functionality, etc. At Petsas House, the stirrup jar was produced in very large numbers – almost mass-produced with a minimum of 128 small-scale piriform examples alone (FS 166) in only Apotheke Alpha, together with many larger capacity examples (Fig. 3). There is a striking similarity to stirrup jars found at Amarna in Egypt and those recovered from the Uluburun shipwreck, which, at the very least, is evidence for a chronological horizon across these contexts.13

7KHRSHQVKDSHVVWRUHGLQ\$SRWKHNH\$OSKDZHUHPRVWO\GHFRUDWHG¿QHZDUHDQGVKDUHZLWK the closed vases the sharply incurving lower bodies of the jars, like the kalathos (FS 300) (Fig. 4) or the slender concave stems of the kylix (FS 257). The highly organized storage space had pots placed on wooden shelves around three sides of the room, arranged by shape and size, where open vessels were stacked one inside another and smaller closed shapes were placed between the narrow stems of larger examples, organized in this manner either as a form of inventory control, for ease of retrieval, or to maximize room capacity. Inventory was also counted using a simple EXWH൵HFWLYHPDUNLQJ V\VWHPWKDWFRQVLVWHG RID VLQJOH EUXVKVWURNH RI SDLQW XQGHUWKH EDVH RI otherwise unpainted shapes.

Fig. 4 Kalathos 50<211> BE 797 (drawing in scale 1:4) (© Petsas House Excavations and K. Shelton).

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 38 11.11.2022 08:59:47

<sup>13</sup> Hankey 1997; Halstead 2007, 68–70; French – Shelton 2009, 197.

Fig. 5 a. Carinated kylikes (scale ca. 1:3); b. variety of kylix shapes (a–c. carinated, FS 267; d. rounded bowl, FS 257; e. rounded bowl with handles on bowl, FS 269) (scale 1:4) (© Petsas House Excavations and K. Shelton).

\$SRWKHNH(SVLORQDGMDFHQWWRWKHQRUWKRI\$SRWKHNH\$OSKDRQWKHRWKHUKDQGZDV¿OOHGZLWK YHVVHOVLQXQGHFRUDWHG¿QHZDUH)LJDOPRVWDOOIRUGULQNLQJDQGVHUYLQJSULPDULO\N\OLNHV and stemmed bowls, and many of those in an extra-large size. There was also a huge number of rather casually or even carelessly produced carinated kylikes (FS 267).

At Petsas House and among its pottery corpus, the proportion of predominantly undecorated a±WRRQO\DIHZGHFRUDWHGYDVHVDQGRIPRVWO\N\OLNHVWRDZLGHYDULHW\RIRWKHUVKDSHV matches well with proportions observed in most contexts culture-wide.14 Among a rather diverse corpus of LH IIIA2 drinking vessels, the kylix stands out as the most abundant, both in quantity DQGWKHQXPEHURIGL൵HUHQWYHUVLRQVRIWKHEDVLFIXQFWLRQDOVKDSHWKDWZHUHPDGH7KHN\OL[ZDV simultaneously one of the most beautiful and one of the ugliest, least functional vases recovered

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 39 11.11.2022 08:59:48

<sup>14</sup> Mountjoy 1993; Shelton 2008, 221–224; Shelton 2010, 192, 193–195; Shelton 2014. The relative proportions were calculated from whole and restorable vases while the same proportions are obvious among sherd material. Kylix numbers are supplemented by whole stem counts.

Fig. 6 Variety of one-handled bowls, FS 283 (a. 50<255> BE 606; b. <60>06/16614 BE 33190; c. <139>06/16557 BE 35220 (scale 1:4) (© Petsas House Excavations and K. Shelton).

from Petsas House. At the time of its destruction, the building contained perhaps as many as 8000 kylikes, only a small percentage of which survived intact. The vast majority of these kylikes were XQGHFRUDWHG¿QHZDUHDQGURXJKO\WZRWKLUGVRIWKRVHZHUHRIWKHFDULQDWHGRUDQJXODUYDULHW\)6 ZKLFKLQWXUQPDGHXSDERXWRIDOORSHQVKDSHVLQWKHEXLOGLQJ

Ultimately, the functional quality of these carinated kylikes does not seem to have been of primary concern since even those without holes are the least impermeable of the kylix types and PDQ\GRQRWVWDQGXSULJKW6WDQGDUGVFDOHN\OLNHVZKHWKHUGHFRUDWHGRUXQGHFRUDWHG¿QHZDUH examples, were likely intended for individual use and have rather standardized volumes. Communal undecorated vessels included many extra-large rounded bowl kylikes (20+ cm height) and stemmed bowls/krateriskoi with heights of c. 20cm and an average volume of 2.75 liters.15

The deep bowl (FS 284) is missing from among the open-shape corpus and helps narrow our dating criteria for the destruction of Petsas House. No example of the shape, even fragmentary, was found in the destruction debris. The pottery in use or in storage overall indicates a destruction date late in the LH IIIA2 period, but one that is prior to the shape's introduction at the very end of the period.16 Instead, there are numerous examples of the deep bowl's functional predecessor, the one-handled bowl (FS 283) (Fig. 6), which Penelope Mountjoy describes as a small shape only, and of which, up to now, very few examples have been found in LH IIIA2 contexts, especially in the Argolid.17 At Petsas House, the one-handled bowl is relatively common and exhibits a great variety RIFKDUDFWHULVWLFHOHPHQWVVXFKDVVL]HSUR¿OHDQGUDQJHRIPRWLIWKDWFRXOGOHDGWRPLVLGHQWL¿FD-WLRQRIWKHVKDSHLQVKHUGPDWHULDO7KHZHOOGHSRVLWIURP5RRP3LȆVHHEHORZKDVSURGXFHG numerous examples of the one-handled bowl in various scales, some quite large, that conform to WKHJHQHUDOPRUSKRORJLFDOGH¿QLWLRQVWUDLJKWSUR¿OHULQJEDVHDQGVLQJOHURXQGKRUL]RQWDOKDQ-GOHKRZHYHUZLWKDVLJQL¿FDQWUDQJHRIULPW\SHVDQGGHWDLOV7KHUDQJHRIVL]HVULPVKDSHVDQG decorative schemes indicates that the shape may have served a wide audience of consumers who utilized these bowls for a variety of purposes, and because neither the use nor the user was regular or predictable, the vessels themselves were not standardized, unlike the deep bowl that quickly became VWDQGDUGL]HGUHSODFHGWKHRQHKDQGOHGERZODQGWRRNR൵LQSRSXODULW\LQ/+,,,%

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 40 11.11.2022 08:59:48

<sup>15</sup> Shelton 2014, 19–28; Shelton 2015a, 32.

<sup>16</sup> Mountjoy 1986, 91.

<sup>17</sup> Mountjoy 1986, 90–91.

)LJ 5RRP6LJPDȈZLWKPXGEULFNZDOOUHPDLQVRIIRXQGDWLRQ3HWVDV+RXVH([FDYDWLRQVDQG.6KHOWRQ

### **Destruction Contexts**

### 5RRP3LȆWKH:HOO

The greatest quantity of ceramic material from the excavation came from the context of a well located in Room Pi. The extensive deposit that was excavated from 2001–2007 is clearly related to the pottery vessels in storage, as demonstrated through ceramic joins between the well and the other rooms in the building. The well was excavated to a depth of 12.35m and the deposit ZDVFKDUDFWHUL]HGE\D¿OORIPRLVWUHGEURZQVRLOWRJHWKHUZLWKIUDJPHQWVRIFKDUFRDOEXUQHG mudbrick, and frescos18 – debris from the building itself – mixed with animal bone, clay, a vast TXDQWLW\RISRWWHU\DQGRWKHUVPDOO¿QGVRIVWRQHLYRU\JODVVDQGFHUDPLFLQFOXGLQJIUDJPHQWV of Linear B tablets. The massive and complex deposit was the result of a single event, an extended clean-up following the destruction of the building. It extended through the entire depth of the well, over 20m³ of debris and remarkable pottery content, including more than 250,000 sherds, WKDWUHSUHVHQWPDWHULDOIURPWKH¿QDOSHULRGRIWKHZRUNVKRS¶VRSHUDWLRQ7KHGHSRVLWDOVRSUH-VHUYHGDQLQWHUQDOVWUDWLJUDSK\RIOHYHOVZLWKGL൵HUHQWYDVHW\SHVTXDOLWLHVDQGIXQFWLRQDOFDWHgories, alternating with building debris, illustrating the depositional sequence. Many thousands of whole and restorable vases were recovered from the well deposit, the majority of which were XQGHFRUDWHG¿QHZDUHHVSHFLDOO\N\OLNHVDQGVKDOORZDQJXODUERZOV)6WRJHWKHUZLWKGHForated pieces and cookware in two distinct fabric types.19 The range of materials from this deposit represents the breadth of activities in the structure: frescos on timber-frame walls; pottery of all W\SHVZDUHVDQGFODVVHV¿JXULQHVDQGRWKHUVPDOO¿QGVGRPHVWLFGHEULVVXFKDVIRRGUHPDLQV An ongoing study of the faunal material from the well20 has revealed in its bottom levels several fully articulated dog remains, of various sizes and at least two species, which were likely victims RIWKHHDUWKTXDNHGHVWUXFWLRQDQGWKH¿UVWWREHGLVSRVHGRILQWKLVGHSRVLWMXVWDERYHVWRQHVIURP the collapsed well head.

The well in Room Pi and its excavated contents have been essential for the reconstruction of Petsas House and its use for habitation and as a workshop (Fig. 2). It has also been an important and convincing witness to the severity of the destruction that befell Petsas House late in

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 41 11.11.2022 08:59:49

<sup>18</sup> Shelton 2015b.

<sup>19</sup> Trusty 2016.

<sup>20</sup> Shelton 2015a, 32; Price et al. 2017.

/+,,,\$(OVHZKHUHLQWKHEXLOGLQJZHIRXQGZDOOVWKDWKDGMXPSHGR൵RIWKHLUIRXQGDWLRQVDQG IRXQGDWLRQVWKDWKDYHFUDFNHGDQGEHHQNQRFNHGR൵RIWKHLURULHQWDWLRQ)LUHVVWDUWHGLQPDQ\ areas of the building – some reaching a high enough temperature to not only carbonize the timber frame, hard-bake collapsing mudbrick (Fig. 7) and a few tablets, but also to vitrify the fabric of DWULSRGFRRNLQJSRWWKDWH[SORGHGDFURVVWKHZLGWKRI5RRP6LJPDȈ7KHGHVWUXFWLRQRIWKH EXLOGLQJZDVWRWDO±WKHVWRUDJHURRPVVSLOOHGWKHLUEUHDNDEOHFRQWHQWVRQWRWKHÀRRUDQGWKHXSSHU ÀRRUURRPVDQGWKHLUFRQWHQWVFDPHFUDVKLQJGRZQWKURXJKWKHÀRRUVDQGGRZQWKHVORSHLQWRWKH lower levels. Following the destruction, thousands of vases and other objects originating from the house, together with segments of paint-covered walls, were deposited in the well in an attempt to clear out the destruction debris and presumably in order to recover the use of the structure. The internal stratigraphy of the deposit indicates the dumping of debris loads from alternating sources of pottery from all over the building, household waste, and the house itself.21

#### The Black Soil Dump (BSD)

Above the destruction level of Room Pi, a mass of dumped ceramic material covered in thick black soil was excavated, believed to be the excess spillover of debris accumulated above and outside the well, once it was full. This pile of primarily broken pottery had been covered with an accelerant, probably oil, and burned post-deposition, resulting in a greasy black soil that stubbornly adhered to the surfaces of everything in the deposit. The burned and consolidated SLOHZDVWKHQWDPSHGGRZQDQGVSUHDGRXWLQDFLUFXODUSDWWHUQWRÀDWWHQLW IXUWKHU7KURXJK many pottery joins across the site, it is possible to identify that the material in the BSD, and that from the well deposit, originated in other rooms of the building, in storage contexts, and had been removed and dumped into the well or over the ruins of Room Pi during a recovery or FOHDQXSH൵RUWIROORZLQJWKHGHVWUXFWLRQ)RUH[DPSOHDPRQJWKHSUHGRPLQDQWO\XQGHFRUDWHG sherds and vases (kylikes and bowls) in the BSD an important and unique piece of pictorial decoration with a sphinx motif was found that joins a squat stirrup jar, one of three in graduated sizes, found in Room Gamma during the 1951 excavation, and now on exhibit in the National Archaeological Museum in Athens.22 Other examples of joins between the well deposit and across the site include a one-handled bowl from Apotheke Alpha (BE 606 see Fig. 6a) and the pictorial Duck Krater (MM 1514) found in an upper level in Room Delta, both from the 1950 excavation.23

The well deposit is evidence for a catastrophic destruction of the structure and the total loss of LWVFRQWHQWVDQGIRUDYHU\ODERULQWHQVLYHH൵RUWWRUHVFXHZKDWHYHUZDVORVWLQVRPHSDUW7KHUH was an attempt to dig out and reclaim the structure at least, even though the products themselves were not salvageable. No room in the structure, however, was totally cleared of debris; only partial contents were removed. Not until the truly overwhelming nature of the recovery became clear, RUWKH\IRXQGZKDWWKH\ZHUHORRNLQJIRUZDVWKHH൵RUWDEDQGRQHGDQGWKHEXLOGLQJZLWKLW7KH nature of the destruction, the building collapse, and the mass of debris meant that the recovery was too much of an undertaking and yet, even though the area could have been 'bulldozed' over and the structure rebuilt on a mighty terrace, as was done elsewhere (see below),24 this did not happen and the site was abandoned. There is no way to know why the area was never reoccupied and as yet, we cannot know if this was an isolated example or part of an abandoned neighborhood of structures. The lack of redevelopment may indicate private rights to the building and a relocated industry.

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 42 11.11.2022 08:59:49

<sup>21</sup> Shelton 2009; Shelton 2015.

<sup>22</sup>3DSDGLPLWULRX±3HWVDV¿J9HUPHXOH±.DUDJHRUJKLV6DNHOODUDNLV±

<sup>23</sup>3DSDGLPLWULRX±3HWVDV¿J

<sup>24</sup> See, for example, the House of the Wine Merchant and the Ivory Houses, Wace 1954; Tournavitou 1995.

Fig. 8 Court/Yard to west of the middle terrace (© Petsas House Excavations and K. Shelton).

#### Court/Yard

In another part of the site, an extensive deposit that is also integral to understanding the destruction sequence of the house was in the large yard or court to the west of the storerooms on the middle WHUUDFH\$UHD%HWDZDV¿UVWH[FDYDWHGLQZKHQWKHIXOOSUHVHUYHGH[WHQWRIWKHHDVWZDOOZDV exposed down to bedrock at the bottom of the trench. The west side of the trench was found to con-VLVWRIDGHHSVFDUSRI3RVW0\FHQDHDQ¿OODQGXQVWUDWL¿HGGHVWUXFWLRQGHEULVRQWRSRIDGDUNEXUQW layer near the trench bottom. This layer was rich in organic material, which occurred in scattered patches of carbon-rich soil, indicating that wood building material, possibly from walls or the roof, had burned and fallen down onto the surface, a thin, very hard-packed earth layer over bedrock. 7KHZRUNLQJOLYLQJVXUIDFHKDGPDVVHVRIVKHUGVSUHVVHGÀDWLQWRLWDQGZDVFRQWHPSRUDU\ZLWKWKH WLPHRIWKHGHVWUXFWLRQ7KHFRQWLQXRXVEXUQWOD\HUFRQ¿UPVWKDW\$UHD%DORQJZLWK7UHQFKDQG Area K to the north, was an open yard or court along the west wall of Petsas House, into which a VLJQL¿FDQWDPRXQWRIGHVWUXFWLRQGHEULVIHOOLQFOXGLQJDQXPEHURIZKROHSRWVIURPWKHVWRUHURRPV and then burned in spots. The discovery of channels washed through loose gravel and sand in the XSSHUOHYHOVRIWKHVHGHVWUXFWLRQ¿OOVLQGLFDWHVWKDWWKHGHEULVZDVOHIWH[SRVHGWRWKHHOHPHQWVIRUDQ extended period, which allowed for the wash of soils and artifacts downslope (Fig. 8).

#### Elsewhere at Mycenae

The destruction of Petsas House was not an entirely local event. Evidence for substantial disruption at that time is found all over Mycenae, under the extensive later building remains. Around the VLWHPRVWO\SRWWHU\VKHUGVDQGIUHVFRIUDJPHQWVDUHIRXQGLQWHUUDFH¿OOLQDPRXQWVWKDWLQGLFDWH both extensive occupation in all areas of the citadel and over the slopes of the settlement during /+,,,\$DQGWKDWDFDWDVWURSKLFHYHQWZLWKDVVRFLDWHG¿UHVOLNHO\RFFXUUHGD൵HFWLQJVWUXFWXUHV both inside and outside of the citadel. Due to the abandonment of the site post destruction, Petsas House is so far unique at Mycenae, with substantial accessible architectural remains from the 14th century and preserved evidence of the destruction event in situ. Other examples of architectural

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 43 11.11.2022 08:59:50

UHPDLQVLQWKHFLWDGHOZLWKD/+ ,,,\$ GDWHLQFOXGH VWUHWFKHV RIWKH QRUWKDQGHDVW IRUWL¿FDWLRQ walls – with the old gates demolished at the northwest and northeast corners of the citadel; the earliest foundations of the Shrine Gamma from the Cult Centre; in the area of the Palace there are two walls, one behind the north wall of the great court along the south side of the south corridor DQGWKHVRFDOOHGµROGZDOO¶LQWKHZHVWWHUUDFHZDOODQGWKH¿UHGDPDJHGDUHDDQG¿OOLQWKH3LOODU Basement.25 All of these are ruins of structures that very quickly were covered over by or incorporated into other buildings. Other evidence of LH IIIA occupation and destruction consists only of pottery deposits in various locations around the citadel hill, such as from below the Artists' Quarters, and wall painting fragments below the Ramp House.26 Outside of the citadel, only the remains of the so-called House of the Wine Merchant date to the LH IIIA2 period but this structure was represented only by a storage area containing pithoi and 50 transport stirrup jars. The building itself, completely eradicated by the overbuilding of the South Megaron of the Cyclopean 7HUUDFH%XLOGLQJZDVDSSDUHQWO\GHVWUR\HGE\¿UHDWWKHHQGRIWKHth century BCE,27 and would indeed have been a neighbor of Petsas House, a contemporary structure dating to LH IIIA2, and was destroyed at the same time – likely by the same destruction event – and then overbuilt by the massive building terrace in LH IIIB.

The apparent catastrophic event that occurred late in the LH IIIA period brings, in the fol-ORZLQJSHULRG±/+,,,%±ZLGHVSUHDGEXLOGLQJDQGVLJQL¿FDQWFKDQJHVLQDUFKLWHFWXUH28 Some-WKLQJVLJQL¿FDQWKDSSHQHGZKLFKFDXVHGVXFKDJUHDWGHDORIGHVWUXFWLRQDQGD൵HFWHGVWUXFWXUHV both within the walled citadel and on multiple slopes of the settlement. The great extent of new construction that easily and totally obliterated pre-existing structures, mostly to the point where only fragmentary material elements and debris remained, further indicates how wholesale and catastrophic the event must have been; it was easier to consolidate and build over than it was to UHSDLUDQGUHFRQVWUXFW7KHPDWHULDOFXOWXUHZDVDOVRD൵HFWHGE\WKHFDWDVWURSKH7KHFKDQJHVLQ the stylistic/ceramic period from LH IIIA2 to LH IIIB represent a real division, for example, and the tremendous amount of necessary new construction brought about major changes and innovation in engineering, architectural design, and building techniques. By early LH IIIB, construction had taken place everywhere at Mycenae with new buildings both inside and outside of the citadel, EXWFRQVWUXFWLRQRIDUDWKHUGL൵HUHQWNLQGIURPZKDWKDGEHHQXQGHUWDNHQSUHYLRXVO\LQFOXGLQJ µ+RXVHV¶VWURQJO\EXLOWXVXDOO\RQPDVVLYHDUWL¿FLDOWHUUDFHVWKDWDOORZHGWKHDYDLODEOHVSDFHWR be expanded and contributed considerably to the strength of the structures – and to the destruction or eradication of earlier remains. It seems likely that some large-scale disaster had occurred late in the previous period, which led to changes in building practice and may have allowed for or facilitated other elements of change as well. I would suggest that something catastrophic had occurred and if Petsas House was a victim of that destruction, then it must have been an earthquake event. An earthquake destruction could also have resulted in the altered construction methods that were HPSOR\HGLQPRVWRIWKHQHZEXLOGLQJVZKLFKLQGLFDWHVDQDWWHPSWWREXLOGLQDGL൵HUHQWPDQQHU± perhaps more anti-seismic, although the widespread destruction during the LH IIIB period clearly shows these construction techniques were not foolproof.

The nature of the destruction of Petsas House and its immediate aftermath provides multiscale evidence for an earthquake event and the extensive ceramic evidence in the workshop context dates this event to late in the LH IIIA2 period.29 Evidence for widespread destruction and extensive rebuilding at Mycenae during this same period, including in and around the palace, indicates a destruction horizon at the site, which impacted the center, its inhabitants, and very likely, the sociopolitical and economic trajectory of the Palatial period.

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 44 11.11.2022 08:59:50

<sup>25</sup> French 2002, 57–61; Iakovidis – French 2003, 14–15; Shelton 2009, 636; Shelton 2022.

<sup>26</sup> Shaw 1996; French 2002, 98–99.

<sup>27</sup> Wace 1953, 9–15; Wace 1954, 267–291; French 2002, 64–66; Iakovidis – French 2003, 48.

<sup>28</sup> Tournavitou 1995; Shelton 2009, 636–638.

<sup>29</sup> The stratigraphy and destruction and depositional sequences recorded at Petsas House, and at Mycenae more generally, do not provide evidence for further division of the LH IIIA2 period.

#### **Bibliography**

#### French 2002

E. French, Mycenae. Agamemnon's Capital. The Site in its Setting (Stroud 2002).

French 2009

E. French, Town planning in palatial Mycenae, in: S. Owen – L. Preston (eds.), Inside the City in the Greek World. Studies of Urbanism from the Bronze Age to the Hellenistic Period, University of Cambridge Museum of Classical Archaeology Monograph 1 (Oxford 2009) 55–61.

#### French – Shelton 2009

E. French – K. Shelton, Archaeologists and scientists: bridging the credibility gap, in: S. Manning – M. Bruce (eds.), Tree Rings, Kings & Old World Archaeology and Environment. Cornell Dendrochronology-Archaeology Conference in Honor of Peter Ian Kuniholm (Oxford 2009) 195–217.

#### Halstead 2007

P. Halstead, Towards a model of Mycenaean palatial mobilization, in: M. L. Galaty – W. A. Parkinson (eds.), Rethinking Mycenaean Palaces II. Revised and Expanded Second Edition, The Cotsen Institute of Archaeology, University of California, Los Angeles, Monograph 60 (Los Angeles 2007) 66–73.

#### Hankey 1997

V. Hankey, Aegean pottery at El-Amarna: Shapes and decorative motifs, in: J. Phillips (ed.), Ancient Egypt, the Aegean, and the Near East. Studies in Honour of Martha Rhoads Bell (San Antonio 1997) 193–218.

Iakovidis 1983

S. E. Iakovidis, Late Helladic Citadels on Mainland Greece, Monumenta Graeca et Romana 4 (Leiden 1983).

Iakovidis 2003

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Iakovidis 2004

ȈǼǿĮțȦȕȓįȘȢǹȞĮıțĮijȒȂȣțȘȞȫȞȆȡĮțIJȚțȐIJȘȢİȞǹșȒȞĮȚȢǹȡȤĮȚȠȜȠȖȚțȒȢǼIJĮȚȡİȓĮȢ±

Iakovidis 2005

ȈǼǿĮțȦȕȓįȘȢǹȞĮıțĮijȒȂȣțȘȞȫȞȆȡĮțIJȚțȐIJȘȢİȞǹșȒȞĮȚȢǹȡȤĮȚȠȜȠȖȚțȒȢǼIJĮȚȡİȓĮȢ±

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#### Iakovidis 2007b

ȈǼǿĮțȦȕȓįȘȢǹȞĮıțĮijȒȂȣțȘȞȫȞȆȡĮțIJȚțȐIJȘȢİȞǹșȒȞĮȚȢǹȡȤĮȚȠȜȠȖȚțȒȢǼIJĮȚȡİȓĮȢ±

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### Iakovidis 2010a

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S. E. Iakovidis – E. B. French, The excavated areas within the citadel, in: The Archaeological Society at Athens (ed.), Archaeological Atlas of Mycenae, The Archaeological Society at Athens Library 229 (Athens 2003) 10–18.

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#### 46 K. Shelton

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O. Negbi – M. Negbi, Stirrup-jars versus Canaanite jars. Their contents and reciprocal trade, in: C. Zerner – P. Zerner – J. Winder (eds.), Wace and Blegen. Pottery as Evidence for Trade in the Aegean Bronze Age 1939–1989. Proceedings of the International Conference Held at the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Athens, December 2–3, 1989 (Amsterdam 1993) 319–329.

Papadimitriou – Petsas 1951

ǿ ȆĮʌĮįȘȝȘIJȡȓȠȣ ± ĭ ȆȑIJıĮȢ ǹȞĮıțĮijĮȓ İȞ ȂȣțȒȞĮȚȢ ȆȡĮțIJȚțȐ IJȘȢ İȞ ǹșȒȞĮȚȢ ǹȡȤĮȚȠȜȠȖȚțȒȢ ǼIJĮȚȡİȓĮȢ 105/1950, 1951, 203–233.

#### Papadimitriou – Petsas 1952

ǿ ȆĮʌĮįȘȝȘIJȡȓȠȣ ± ĭ ȆȑIJıĮȢ ǹȞĮıțĮijĮȓ İȞ ȂȣțȒȞĮȚȢ ȆȡĮțIJȚțȐ IJȘȢ İȞ ǹșȒȞĮȚȢ ǹȡȤĮȚȠȜȠȖȚțȒȢ ǼIJĮȚȡİȓĮȢ 107/1951, 1952, 192–196.

Petrakos 2013

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G. C. Price – J. Krigbaum – K. Shelton, Stable isotopes and discriminating tastes: Faunal management practices at the Late Bronze Age settlement of Mycenae, Greece, Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 14, 2017, 116–126 (doi: 10.1016/j.jasrep.2017.05.034).

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K. S. Shelton, A new Linear B tablet from Petsas House, Mycenae, Minos 37–38/2002/2003, 2005, 387–396.

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K. S. Shelton, Drinking, toasting, consumption and libation: Late Helladic IIIA pottery and a cup for every occasion, LQ/\$+LWFKFRFN±5/D൶QHXU±-&URZOH\HGV'DLV7KH\$HJHDQ)HDVW3URFHHGLQJVRIWKHth International Aegean Conference, University of Melbourne, Centre for Classics and Archaeology, 25–29 March 2008, Aegaeum 29 (Liège, Austin 2008) 221–228.

#### Shelton 2009

K. S. Shelton, Bringing down the house: changing construction techniques in LH IIIA2 and IIIB Mycenae, in: ǻǻĮȞȚȘȜȓįȠȣHGǻȫȡȠȞȉȚȝȘIJȚțȩȢȉȩȝȠȢȖȚĮIJȠȞțĮșȘȖȘIJȒȈʌȪȡȠǿĮțȦȕȓįȘǹțĮįȘȝȓĮǹșȘȞȫȞȀȑȞIJȡȠȞǼȡİȪȞȘȢ IJȘȢǹȡȤĮȚȩIJȘIJȠȢȈİȚȡȐȂȠȞȠȖȡĮijȚȫȞ\$WKHQV±

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Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 48 11.11.2022 08:59:50

## **Turning Points in the Ceramic Sequence of the Northern Tip of the Lower Citadel at Tiryns**

#### *6RĖD:LUJKRYi*<sup>1</sup>

**Abstract:** During the excavations of the northern tip of the Lower Citadel of Tiryns by Klaus Kilian2 in 1982–1983 and by Joseph Maran (campaigns 2000–2003),3 a sequence of late Palatial and Post-palatial Mycenaean layers and architectural structures was uncovered. They provide evidence for several turning points in the history of this location, ZKLFKDOORZXVWRUHFRQVWUXFWDGHWDLOHGSRWWHU\VHTXHQFHIURP/+,,,%(DUO\WRWKH¿QDO3RVWSDODWLDOSHULRG,QWKLV paper, based on the pottery sequence in the area of Building XI and the Passageway to the North Gate the development of the painted Mycenaean wares from LH IIIB Early–Middle to LH IIIC Early will be outlined. The results of the study of the pottery found during the 2000–2003 campaigns will be supplemented by the material found in this area by Kilian. The focus will be on the local painted Mycenaean pottery. Preliminary observations on the development of local unpainted and local and Aeginetan cooking wares from this area will be given as well. Since the non-local ceramic vessels from this area provide important evidence for international goods exchange in the Palatial period, one section will be devoted to pottery of foreign origin. From the methodological point of view, the monocausal method was used to date stratigraphic contexts. In addition to this method, the polycausal method4 will be presented here based on the example of painted deep bowls.

**Keywords:** Tiryns, Lower Citadel, pottery sequence, LH IIIB Early–Final, LH IIIC Early

### **Introduction**

At the northern tip of the Lower Citadel at Tiryns (Fig. 1) an extraordinary situation is encountered, allowing us to combine the newest observations on stratigraphy and pottery sequences according to the excavations carried out from 2000 to 2003 together with the architecture and material found during the 1982–1983 campaigns.5 The ceramic study presented in this paper is based on the current knowledge of the stratigraphy in this area according to Joseph Maran (excavations 2000–2003) and Tobias Mühlenbruch (excavations 1982–1983).

The focus of this paper is the ceramic material retrieved during the 2000–2003 campaigns in the area of Building XI and the Passageway leading to the North Gate. In addition, pottery from this area excavated by Klaus Kilian and some vessels from Building XV are included in this study to provide more information about the ceramic sequences. The architectural remains are dated

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 49 11.11.2022 08:59:50

<sup>1</sup> Institute for Prehistory, Protohistory and Near Eastern Archaeology, University of Heidelberg, Germany; e-mail: sonicka.wirghova@gmail.com.

<sup>2</sup> Kilian 1988, 105–151.

<sup>3</sup> Maran 2008, 35–111.

<sup>4</sup>7KHVHDSSURDFKHVDUHWREHXQGHUVWRRGDVGH¿QHGLQ6WRFNKDPPHUYRO±,QWKHPRQRFDXVDOPHWKRG WKHSUHVHQFHRIµ/HLWIRUPHQ¶GH¿QLQJWKDWSKDVHLVGHFLVLYHDVZHOODVWKHDEVHQFHRIµ/HLWIRUPHQ¶FKDUDFWHULVWLF IRUD\RXQJHUSKDVH%\FRQWUDVWWKHTXDQWLWDWLYHUHODWLRQVKLSRIGL൵HUHQWµ/HLWIRUPHQ¶WRHDFKRWKHULVFUXFLDOLQ the polycausal approach.

<sup>5</sup> During Kilian's campaigns of 1982–1983 in the northern tip of the Lower Citadel roughly half of Building XI was uncovered and excavation of the area of the Passageway was undertaken (Kilian 1988). Only one wall of Building ;9ZDVGLVFRYHUHGE\.LOLDQ¿JE'XULQJWKH±FDPSDLJQVDQDUURZVWULSDORQJWKH westernmost part of Building XV was excavated (Maran 2008, 41, 48–49, 57–59).

#### 50 S. Wirghová

Fig. 1 Tiryns, Lower Citadel. Plan with the preserved structures from the northern tip of the Citadel (plan M. Kostoula).

WRWKHIROORZLQJSRWWHU\FKURQRORJLFDOVXESKDVHVDVGH¿QHGE\0DUDQ<sup>6</sup> LH IIIB Early–Middle,7 LH IIIB Developed, LH IIIB Final, and LH IIIC Early 1 and 2. The ceramic content of these phases is introduced in the study presented here. This article emphasizes the development of the shapes of the local painted and unpainted pottery as well as the cooking wares. Vessels believed to be of foreign origin, which are particularly frequent in this area, will be discussed as well.

First, the stratigraphic phases mentioned above will be introduced with their architectural structures, installations (such as ovens) and burials. Afterwards, a short section on methodology will follow. Starting with a general picture of pottery shapes, the ceramic content of each architectural phase will be presented as the main part of the paper. One separate section will be devoted to the evidence of international contacts in the ceramic material introduced here. The monocausal approach of dating pottery will be used. Since deep bowls are the most suitable vessels for dating purposes and are well represented in the sherd material, their relationship will be presented, using WKHSRO\FDXVDOPHWKRG\$SUHOLPLQDU\DVVHVVPHQWRIWKHXQSDLQWHG¿QHZDUHDQGORFDODQG\$HJLQetan cooking pots will follow.8

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 50 11.11.2022 08:59:50

<sup>6</sup> Maran 2008, 38–65.

<sup>7</sup>7KHVHWZRSKDVHVDUHFRPELQHGGXHWRWKHSRRUSUHVHUYDWLRQRIDUFKLWHFWXUDODQGRWKHUUHPDLQVIURPWKH¿UVW half of LH IIIB in the studied area of the citadel. See also Maran 2008, 38. 'Due to the superimposition of the DUFKLWHFWXUDOUHPDLQVRIODWHU0\FHQDHDQSKDVHVIHDWXUHVRIWKH¿UVWKDOIRI/+,,,%ZHUHRQO\XQFRYHUHGLQWLQ\ areas of the excavation, which did not allow a clear-cut separation of the subphases LH IIIB Early and Middle' (additional information provided by Joseph Maran). The pottery found beneath Building XI and the Passageway only permits assumptions about the precise dating (see below, section 'Painted Fine Ware of the Palatial Period').

<sup>8</sup> This article is a preliminary report of the results on the ceramic study of material from the northern tip of the Lower Citadel. More details will follow in my PhD thesis.

Fig. 2 Tiryns, Lower Citadel. Entrance to the postern gate (N-Gang, Befund-Nr. 20/02) (photo J. Maran).

#### **Architectural Development and Other Remains**

From LH IIIB Early–Middle, remains of a building and an oven (Befund-Nr. 46/03) were encountered beneath Building XI,9 while in the area of the later Passageway, the remains of two walls were discovered. Next to one of them, a small piriform jar came to light.10

'XULQJ/+,,,%'HYHORSHGDSKDVHRIVLJQL¿FDQWDUFKLWHFWXUDOFKDQJHVEHJDQ7KHFRQVWUXFtion of the Cyclopean wall and the erection of the 'narrow postern gate, which formed the only connection between the northern Lower Citadel and the Lower Town'11 (Nord-Gang, 7.80–8.00m long, Fig. 2) can be considered the highlights of this time. Several supporting walls under Building XI were erected and a stone platform (Befund-Nr. 37/03) was built beneath Room 78c in Building XI. This stone construction could possibly have functioned as a platform for building activities linked to the Cyclopean wall.12

Building XI to the west of the Passageway and Building XV to the east were constructed in the LH IIIB Final phase. At the same time, the North Gate became the point of connection between the Lower Citadel and the Lower Town. Between the two buildings, the Passageway started to be used.13\$VWRQH¿OO%HIXQG1ULQWHUSUHWHGDVDOHYHOLQJOD\HUZDVIRXQGXQGHU5RRP and, according to the latest study, dates to the beginning of LH IIIB Final.14 The next turning point was the destruction of the palace at the end of LH IIIB Final.

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 51 11.11.2022 08:59:51

<sup>9</sup>0DUDQ±¿JV±\$FFRUGLQJWR0DUDQSHUVRQDOFRPPXQLFDWLRQ:DOOLV\RXQJHUWKDQWKHÀRRU WKDWLVFRQQHFWHGWRWKHRYHQDQGDFFRUGLQJO\WZRSKDVHVFRXOGEHGL൵HUHQWLDWHGZKLFKDUHHLWKHUERWKGDWHGWR LH IIIB Early–Middle, or the earlier one to LH IIIB Early and the later one to LH IIIB Middle.

<sup>10</sup>0DUDQ¿JV±

<sup>11</sup>'DYLVHWDO6HHDOVR0DUDQ±¿JV±

<sup>12</sup>0DUDQ±¿J0DUDQSHUVRQDOFRPPXQLFDWLRQ

<sup>13</sup>0DUDQ±¿JV±

<sup>14</sup>0DUDQ±¿J'DYLVHWDO0RUHSUHFLVHO\%HIXQG1UGDWHVWRKRUL]RQD0DUDQ personal communication).

#### 52 S. Wirghová

There is no architectural evidence from the northern tip of the Lower Citadel from the earliest 3RVWSDODWLDOSHULRG'DWHGWRWKLV¿UVWDUFKLWHFWXUDOSKDVHRI/+,,,&15 is a large pit (Befund-Nr. 123/02)16 with at least six skeletons.17 The pit cut the walls of the Rooms 78b and 78c of Building XI.

During the 2003 excavation, a pit (Grube 3/03) in the southwestern corner of Room 78c was LGHQWL¿HG18 According to the stratigraphy, the pit is dated to the later phase of LH IIIC Early, EXWVWLOOSDUWRI0DUDQ¶V¿UVWDUFKLWHFWXUDOSKDVHRI/+,,,&19,QWKH¿UVWSKDVHRILWVXVHLWKDG probably served as an oven or a hearth.20 According to Maran, starting in the second architectural phase21 of LH IIIC22 in the western part of the excavations, a new building was constructed (Building Complex Raum 78a–c.2/02).23

#### **Stratigraphic Analysis**

The pottery analysis presented in this paper was carried out based on the stratigraphic analysis undertaken by Maran and Mühlenbruch. Each square meter of excavated sediment24 was thus dated according to its position in the corresponding layer sequence. For squares clearly found between WZRÀRRUVSUHFLVHGDWLQJWRRQO\RQHFKURQRORJLFDOSKDVHZDVSRVVLEOH2QO\WKHVHVTXDUHVDUH SDUWRIWKHVWXG\SUHVHQWHGKHUHWRJHWKHUZLWKLQVLWX¿QGV25 One exception is the stratigraphic SKDVH/+,,,%(DUO\±0LGGOHDVGH¿QHGE\0DUDQ26 where no such assignment was possible.

After the excavation by Maran, some squares from the 1982–1983 and 2000–2003 campaigns ZHUHLGHQWL¿HGDVSDUWVRIWKHSLW%HIXQG1U)RUWKHFHUDPLFDQDO\VLVRQO\VTXDUHVFOHDU-O\GDWHGWRWKH¿UVWDUFKLWHFWXUDOSKDVHRI/+,,,&DQGEHORQJLQJWRWKLVSLWZHUHFRQVLGHUHGLQWKLV VWXG\'XULQJ.LOLDQ¶VH[FDYDWLRQWKHSLWKDGQRW\HWEHHQLGHQWL¿HG

Regarding the stratigraphic sequence, the upper part of the pit Grube 3/03 had not yet been LGHQWL¿HGLQWKHRYHUO\LQJOD\HUV\$GGLWLRQDODVVLJQPHQWRIVTXDUHVEHORQJLQJWRWKLVSLWZDVGRQH E\0DUDQDIWHUWKHH[FDYDWLRQ\$JDLQRQO\VTXDUHVFOHDUO\LGHQWL¿HGDVSDUWRIWKLVSLWZHUHFRQsidered in the analysis.

,QD¿UVWVWHSWKHFHUDPLF UHSHUWRU\RIHDFKVWUDWLJUDSKLFSKDVHOD\HUZDVGH¿QHG8VLQJD FRPSDUDWLYHDSSURDFKLQWKHQH[WVWHSWKH¿UVWDSSHDUDQFHRIFHUDPLFVKDSHVIRUHDFKSKDVHVWXGied was analyzed (monocausal method). Vessels found in situ will be highlighted in the upcoming pottery analysis.

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 52 11.11.2022 08:59:51

<sup>15</sup> Maran 2008, 60. This architectural phase corresponds to LH IIIC Phase 1 or LH IIIC Early 1, Hor. 19a1, at Tiryns (Podzuweit 2007, 7, 213, Beil. 84).

<sup>16</sup>0DUDQ±¿J

<sup>17</sup> For photos and a discussion of the skeletons from the pit Befund-Nr*.*VHH0DUDQ±¿JV±

<sup>18</sup>7KLVSLWZDVLGHQWL¿HGLQ)ORRU9,-VTXDUHPHWHUV/;,,

<sup>19</sup> Maran 2008, 60.

<sup>20</sup> Maran 2008, 65.

<sup>21</sup>0DUDQGLYLGHGWKH3RVWSDODWLDORU/+ ,,,&SHULRGLQWR¿YHVWUDWLJUDSKLFRUEXLOGLQJSKDVHVFRUUHVSRQGLQJZLWK /+,,,&(DUO\WR/+,,,&\$GYDQFHGRUHYHQ/+,,,&/DWH0DUDQ±µ7KH¿YHSKDVHVRIWKH0\FHQDHDQ Post-palatial period (LH IIIC) are based on stratigraphical and architectural evidence. The second LH IIIC phase GDWHGWR/+,,,&'HYHORSHGZDVWKHRQHWKDWFRYHUHGWKHEXULDOSODFHRIWKH¿UVWSKDVH/+,,,&(DUO\7KHDUFKLtecture of the third building phase was superimposed in the western half of the excavation on the one of the second phase' (additional information provided by Joseph Maran).

<sup>22</sup> LH IIIC Developed according to Kilian (1982, 395, 399; Podzuweit 2007, 7) or LH IIIC Middle 1 (Stockhammer 2008, vol. 1, 60).

<sup>23</sup> Maran 2008, 65.

<sup>24</sup> For more on the methodology of the excavation see Podzuweit 2007, 6; Mühlenbruch 2013, 11.

<sup>25</sup> Only representative examples of the recognized vessel shapes are published in this article. The remaining ceramic material is part of my PhD thesis.

<sup>26</sup> Maran 2008, 38–41.

#### **Pottery Analysis**

First, a brief summary of the number of diagnostic sherds analyzed will be given (Tab. 1). This statistic includes only ceramic material excavated during the 2000–2003 campaigns in the area of Building XI and the Passageway. As mentioned above, for this article, Kilian's material27 and some local and foreign shapes uncovered in the area of Building XV were used as an additional source of information to get a more complete picture of the ceramic repertory for each phase.

,WKDVWREHSRLQWHGRXWWKDWWKHUHLVDVLJQL¿FDQWGL൵HUHQFHEHWZHHQWKHQXPEHURIGLDJQRVWLF sherds in each phase (LH IIIB Early–Middle with 132 diagnostic sherds, in comparison to 2344 pieces from LH IIIB Final, Tab. 1287KLVIDFWFHUWDLQO\KDGDQLQÀXHQFHRQWKHQXPEHURIVKDSHV LGHQWL¿HG IURP VLQJOH SKDVHV(DUO\0\FHQDHDQ VKHUGVDUHLQFOXGHGLQWKHFRXQW%RWKFORVHG VKDSHVDQGVKDSHVWKDWDUHQRWLGHQWL¿DEOHDVRSHQDUHFRXQWHGDVFORVHG


Tab. 1 Number of diagnostic sherds per chronological phase (2000–2003 excavations)

(\* – including early Mycenaean sherds; \*\* – open/closed vessels counted to closed).

)RUWKLVVWXG\WKHW\SRORJ\RIGHHSERZOVDVGH¿QHGE\(OHIWKHULD.DUGDPDNLZDVXVHG.DU-GDPDNLLGHQWL¿HGWZRQHZW\SHVRIGHHSERZOV\*URXS&GHHSERZO29 and a large Group A deep ERZODQGFOHDUO\GH¿QHG\*URXS%GHHSERZOVDQGWKH\*URXS\$GHHSERZOZLWKPRQRFKURPH interior.30 Philipp Stockhammer's terminology is used for deep bowls, cups FS 215 and kraters with monochrome interior and stemmed bowl type of banding, which he describes as 'deep bowl SB, cup SB, krater SB'.31 Stockhammer's study of the Post-palatial pottery from the Northeastern /RZHU7RZQVHUYHGDVDEDVLVIRUWKHDQDO\VLVRIVKDSHV¿UVWDSSHDULQJLQWKHVWUDWLJUDSKLFSKDVH (so-called 'Leitform').

The minimum number of individuals (MNI) analysis in this study is based on the count of rims. In exceptional cases another part of a vessel was taken into account when this represents

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 53 11.11.2022 08:59:51

<sup>27</sup> The pottery from the area of Building XI and the Passageway excavated by Kilian was only partially studied during my stay at Tiryns.

<sup>28</sup> Tab. 1 considers only the counted diagnostic sherds from the 2000–2003 excavations. Vessels coming from Kilian's excavation are not included in this statistic. Ceramic wares of foreign origin are also excluded with the exception of Aeginetan cooking ware.

<sup>29</sup> The discussed deep bowls are of FS 284.

<sup>30</sup>.DUGDPDNL±%DVHGRQWKHGH¿QLWLRQRI6WRFNKDPPHUYRO¿JKLVGHHSERZO\$% would correspond to Kardamaki's deep bowl Group A with monochrome interior.

<sup>31</sup> Stockhammer 2008, vol. 1, 31, 51–52. Kardamaki's deep bowls with monochrome interior and linear decoration type 9.3 correspond to deep bowls SB by Stockhammer (Kardamaki 2009, tab. 1).

the only example of a vessel type in a single period. Such cases are clearly indicated in the corresponding tables.

#### Painted Fine Ware

According to the monocausal method, the absence/presence of characteristic types is of importance for the dating of a given context. Following this approach, an overview of the existing shapes in each phase had to be established. The result of this work is the list of open and closed IRUPVDVUHFRJQL]HGLQHDFKSKDVHIRUWKHSDLQWHG¿QHZDUH7DEV±<sup>32</sup>

An attempt to answer the following questions was therefore made possible: 1) when a form ¿UVWDSSHDUHGDQGZKDWWKHIRUP¶VOLIHVSDQZDV7RDQVZHUWKHVHFRQGTXHVWLRQRWKHUSXElished material from Tiryns will serve as reference.


<sup>32</sup> Mug FS 225 is decorated with ridges on the rim and/or waist. Mug FS 226 is without these ridges.

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 54 11.11.2022 08:59:51


7DE 3DLQWHG¿QHZDUHRSHQVKDSHVDQGWKHLURFFXUUHQFHLQFKURQRORJLFDOSKDVHV

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 55 11.11.2022 08:59:51

(X – at least one diagnostic sherd of a shape found in the phase; X – found in situ;

\* – form only attested in the material from Klaus Kilian's excavations).


7DE 3DLQWHG¿QHZDUHFORVHGVKDSHVDQGWKHLURFFXUUHQFHLQFKURQRORJLFDOSKDVHV

(X – at least one diagnostic sherd of a shape found in the phase; X – found in situ;

\* – form only attested in the material from Klaus Kilian's excavations).

#### Painted Fine Ware of the Palatial Period

Because of the dense building activities in the more recent phases, there is not much evidence about what the area underneath Building XI looked like in LH IIIB Early–Middle. The total number of diagnostic sherds available is relatively small (Tab. 1), resulting in a lower number of FHUDPLFVKDSHVLGHQWL¿HGIRUWKLVSHULRG7KH¿QHZDUHSDLQWHGVKDSHVLGHQWL¿HGDQGGDWHGWRWKLV phase included a spouted conical bowl FS 300 or FS 301 found in situ near Wall 6/03 (Fig. 3.6), probably a Group A deep bowl (Fig. 3.1), the stemmed bowl FS 305 (Fig. 3.2), miscellaneous FRQLFDOERZOVFXSVIRXQGLQWKHEXUQHGDVK\ÀRRURIWKHRYHQ%HIXQG1U)LJN\OL[ type FS 258B (Fig. 3.4; 3.9) and krater FS 7–9 or FS 281 (Fig. 3.5). It seems that the shallow cup FS 219 or FS220 was still in use (Fig. 3.7). No other deep bowl types were attested in this period. Another open vessel represented is a well-preserved one-handled cup FS 283 with ridged rim )LJFRPLQJIURPWKHDUHDDERYHWKHEXUQWÀRRURIWKHRYHQ7KHULGJHGULPVDUHNQRZQLQ LH IIIA2 and LH IIIB1, especially on mugs. Because of the good state of preservation, I assume that this vessel belongs to the repertory of this stratigraphic phase.

Closed shapes which are present include a piriform jar found in situ,33 alabastra (Fig. 3.11–12), probably the jug FS 11034 (Fig. 3.10) without a hollowed rim, and stirrup jar FS 171, etc. (Fig. 2QWKHFOD\ÀRRUUHODWHGWRWKHEXLOGLQJDWWHVWHGE\:DOOVDQGXQGHUWKH/+,,,%

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 56 11.11.2022 08:59:51

<sup>33</sup>0DUDQ¿J)RXQGWRWKHQRUWKRIDFOD\ÀRRUDWWHVWHGEHORZWKH3DVVDJHZD\0DUDQ

<sup>34</sup> Diameter 7.4cm.

)LJ /+,,,%(DUO\±0LGGOHSDLQWHG¿QHZDUH6FDOH±±GUDZLQJV6:LUJKRYi 1, 4–8, 13: drawings R. Tsembera; digitization S. Wirghová).

)LQDO3DVVDJHZD\WZRGL൵HUHQWODUJHERG\IUDJPHQWVRIDSUREDEOHDPSKRUDMXJK\GULDRQHRI them shown in Fig. 3.14) were found. It has to be emphasized that a further study of additional material is needed to reach a more conclusive picture of this stratigraphic and ceramic phase. As for the material context underneath Building XI, I am assuming an early phase of LH IIIB, probably dating only to LH IIIB Early (missing Group B and the rosette deep bowl,35 occurrence of FS 283 in a LH IIIA2 tradition, kylix FS 258B, stemmed bowl FS 305 and probably a Group A deep bowl).

Due to the investigation of the supporting walls and the supporting platform Befund-Nr. 37/03, the excavated area of the LH IIIB Developed phase was larger than in the previous phase. This resulted in a quantitatively better basis of ceramic material to study.

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 57 11.11.2022 08:59:51

<sup>35</sup> There is no clear evidence of a rosette deep bowl being present in the material dated to LH IIIB Early–Middle from an area of a later Building XV.

)LJ /+,,,%'HYHORSHGSDLQWHG¿QHZDUH6FDOH±±GUDZLQJV6:LUJKRYi 2–3, 5, 7, 10: drawings R. Tsembera; digitization S. Wirghová).

,QWKLVSKDVHQRLQVLWXFHUDPLF¿QGVZHUHSUHVHQWLQWKHZHVWHUQSDUWRIWKHH[FDYDWHGDUHD The Group A deep bowl (Fig. 4.1, 12) and Group A deep bowl with monochrome interior (Fig. 4.2) were recognized together with the rosette deep bowl36 (Fig. 4.3) and the deep bowl with wavy

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 58 11.11.2022 08:59:52

<sup>36</sup>\$QRWKHUURVHWWHGHHSERZO1UZDVIRXQGRQWKHÀRRUOHYHOGDWHGWR/+,,,%'HYHORSHGXQGHU%XLOGLQJ;9 Rosette deep bowls with three splashes on the handle were recognized in Kilian's material and are dated to LH IIIB Final. The type with multi-splashed handles was attested in LH IIIB Developed–Final, LH IIIB Final and LH IIIC Early 1 (Befund-Nr*.* 123/02).

line (Fig. 4.4). Except for the latter, all these deep bowl types are characteristic shapes of Vitale's LH IIIB2 Early (or LH IIIB Developed at Tiryns).37 However, the presence of the Group B deep ERZODOVRSRVWXODWHGE\6DOYDWRUH9LWDOHIRUWKDWFKURQRORJLFDOKRUL]RQGRHVQRW¿QGVXSSRUWLQ the material studied here dating to LH IIIB Developed.38 The large Group A deep bowl FS 284 or stemmed bowl FS 305 (Fig. 4.11) with stemmed bowl type of banding and with three bands on the EHOO\GLDPHWHUFPZDVDWWHVWHGIRUWKH¿UVWWLPHLQWKLVSKDVH39 No linear shapes were identi- ¿HGLQWKLVSKDVH7KLVPLJKWEHWKHUHVXOWRIWKHVPDOOVL]HRIWKHVKHUGPDWHULDOZKLFKGRHVQRW allow the study of whole vessels. No shallow bowls FS 296 with white painting were recognized. This is the reason why all shallow bowls with horizontal handles were assigned to the globular type FS 295B (example of FS 295B, Christian Podzuweit's Type 140 shown in Fig. 4.5). One rim of a ring-based krater FS 281 (Fig. 4.6) with probably monochrome interior and a stemmed bowl W\SH RI EDQGLQJWKH VRFDOOHG ULQJEDVH NUDWHU 6% ZDV DOUHDG\ IRXQGLQWKLV SKDVH7KH ¿UVW miniature vessels41 (Fig. 4.10) from the studied material are dated to this period. Most miniature vessels from LH IIIB Developed and Final are handmade. One almost completely preserved min-LDWXUHMXJZDVIRXQGLQWKHDUHDRI5RRPELQ%XLOGLQJ;,7KH¿QGLVQRWVWUDWL¿HG42 but it appears to be in a handmade tradition of the LH IIIB period (Fig. 7.10). It seems that mugs were VWLOOLQXVHWRJHWKHUZLWKDVWHPPHGERZO)LJ)XUWKHUPRUHLQWKLVSKDVHZH¿QGDVPDOO open vessel (Fig. 4.8) and a krater FS 7–9 (Fig. 4.7).

Closed shapes are represented by the rounded stirrup jar FS 167 (Fig. 4.15), straight-sided alabastron FS 94 (Fig. 4.13), and amphora/jug/hydria (Fig. 4.14). Neither collar-necked jars nor hollowed rims on large, closed shapes were observed in this phase.

7KH/+,,,%)LQDOSKDVHZLWKLWVGHYHORSHGSDODWLDORUJDQL]DWLRQRQWKHRQHVLGHDQGWKH¿QDO destruction on the other side, constitutes the next turning point of historical development. This is UHÀHFWHGLQWKHFHUDPLFPDWHULDOE\DZLGHUDQJHRIVKDSHVVRPHRIZKLFKDUHRIDVSHFLDOFKDUDFter (chalice FS 278, Fig. 6.4 and spouted cup43 FS 253, Fig. 6.6). However, not only local shapes but also foreign forms found in Building XI, Building XV and in the Passageway are of interest in this phase.44 In addition to the area excavated by Maran, the area of the Passageway excavated by Kilian yielded supplementary information regarding the ceramic repertory of this period.

From the local shapes that were already known and attested in situ, there are Group A (Fig. 5.1–2) and Group B deep bowls45 (Fig. 5.4), which, together with the spouted cup already mentioned, comprise a part of the inventory of Room 78c in Building XI. The Group A deep bowl with

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 59 11.11.2022 08:59:52

<sup>37</sup> Vitale 2006, 197, tab. 1. Stockhammer concludes that the phase LH IIIB2 Early corresponds to LH IIIB Middle at Tiryns and also sees Group B deep bowls as being one of the characteristic forms of this phase (2008, vol. 1, 46–47, ¿JV±6HHDOVR)UHQFK±6WRFNKDPPHUWDE.DUGDPDNLDJUHHVZLWK9LWDOHLQV\QFKURQL]LQJ/+,,,% (DUO\ZLWK/+,,,%'HYHORSHGDW7LU\QV¿J

<sup>38</sup>7KHDVVHVVPHQWRIWKHVWUDWLJUDSK\RI.LOLDQ¶VH[FDYDWLRQE\0DUDQIRUWKH¿QDOSXEOLFDWLRQRIWKHDUFKLWHFWRQLF and stratigraphic sequence in the northernmost part of the Lower Citadel revealed that Kilian's excavation did not reach the strata dating to LH IIIB Developed in the area of the Passageway (Maran, personal communication). Kilian's material from this area thus does not add to the knowledge of the ceramic repertory of LH IIIB Developed. Additionally, there is also no clear indication of the presence of Group B deep bowls in the material of LH IIIB Developed found beneath Building XV.

<sup>39</sup> The rim shape is reminiscent of deep bowls rather than stemmed bowls. All other characteristics are the same as a stemmed bowl.

<sup>40</sup> Podzuweit 2007, 73–74.

<sup>41</sup> See also Damm 1997, pl. 44.628; Podzuweit 2007, pl. 111.8. For further miniature vessels see Damm 1997, pls. 9.119; 13.198. According to the stratigraphy reviewed by Maran, all these vessels are dated to LH IIIB Final.

<sup>42</sup> The jug was found during cleaning activities in 2003 (Säuberung Kiliangrabung) in an area secondarily disturbed by animals (LXII 34/86).

<sup>43</sup> The handle is placed at 90° to the spout.

<sup>44</sup> See below, section 'Evidence of Foreign Contacts in the Ceramic Material from the Northern Tip of the Lower Citadel'.

<sup>45</sup>)RUDQRWKHU\*URXS%GHHSERZOIRXQGLQWKHGHVWUXFWLRQOD\HURI%XLOGLQJ;9VHH0DUDQ¿J7KH complete inventory of the rooms of Building XI will be discussed in my PhD thesis.

)LJ /+,,,%)LQDOSDLQWHG¿QHZDUH6FDOH±±GUDZLQJV6:LUJKRYi 2, 5, 7: drawings R. Tsembera; 6: Kilian's excavation archive; digitization S. Wirghová).

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 60 11.11.2022 08:59:52

)LJ /+,,,%)LQDOSDLQWHG¿QHZDUH6FDOH±±GUDZLQJV6:LUJKRYi 4, 8: drawings R. Tsembera; 9: Kilian's excavation archive; digitization S. Wirghová).

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 61 11.11.2022 08:59:52

monochrome interior (Fig. 5.9–10) and a rosette deep bowl are earlier shapes that are still present (Fig. 5.3).The Group C deep bowl (Fig. 5.11), deep bowl SB46 (Fig. 5.13), medium band cup FS 215 (Fig. 5.14)47 and deep semi-globular cup FS 21548 (linear, Figs. 5.15; 6.8) together with the already mentioned Group B deep bowl were recognized as new shapes in the ceramic repertory. According to Vitale, linear decorated shapes seem to be more typical for the LH IIIB Final phase than for LH IIIB Developed.49 A new technological feature is a reserved circle in the center base on deep bowls with monochrome interior (Fig. 6.7). A monochrome deep bowl FS 284, described as a problematic form for this period by Stockhammer,50ZDVLGHQWL¿HGDVZHOO)LJ2QH conical linear painted rim (Fig. 5.16) comes from a deep conical bowl FS 242 or a conical kylix FS 274. It remains questionable whether this is the older or the newer type, since a similar rim was also found in the LH IIIB Early–Middle. In the material from the Western Staircase, this shape is found only in Zone 1 (LH IIIC Early 1).51 Reliable examples of this form come from LH IIIC Early.52 The repertory of shapes further includes the shallow globular bowl (probably FS 295B, Podzuweit's Type 1, Fig. 5.17), the dipper FS 236 (Fig. 6.5), the krater FS 7–9 (Fig. 6.2) and the ring-based krater FS 281 (Fig. 6.1,53\$VPDOORSHQYHVVHOZLWKGRWWHGULPZDVFODVVL¿HGDVD shallow cup FS 220 or dipper FS 236 (Fig. 5.18). The basin FS 294 with monochrome interior was attested as well (Fig. 5.19) and since we have no examples of this shape from previous phases LQWKHVWXGLHGPDWHULDOLWV¿UVWDSSHDUDQFHUHPDLQVXQFOHDU\$ZHOOSUHVHUYHGVWHPPHGERZO)6 305 (Fig. 5.6) found in the Passageway attests to the continuity of this shape in this phase54 together with two other examples, one of them monochrome (Fig. 5.7–8). Another well-preserved ODUJH\*URXS\$GHHSERZOIRXQGLQWKH¿OORI5RRPFRPHVIURPWKLVSKDVH)LJ)RUWKH IROORZLQJ/+,,,&(DUO\SKDVHVDQGWKLVW\SHRIGHHSERZOZDVQRWUHOLDEO\LGHQWL¿HGLQWKLV material, which stands in contrast to the number of large Group A deep bowls in Zone 1 in the Western Staircase, where this type has its peak.55

Regarding closed shapes, the amphora with hollowed rim56 (Fig. 6.10) and the collar-necked jar (FS 63 and FS 64,57 Fig. 7.2–3) were introduced in this phase. Also, amphoriskoi (Fig. 7.4) VHHPWRDSSHDUDVDQHZW\SHLQWKLVSKDVHWKRXJKWKLVPLJKWQRWEHWKH¿QDOFRQFOXVLRQDQG IXUWKHUUHVHDUFKLVQHHGHG,QVLWX¿QGVIURP5RRPFDUHDVWUDLQHUMXJ)6ZLWKDSLFWRULDO decoration (Fig. 7.8) and an amphora/jug/hydria (Fig. 7.1). From Kilian's excavation comes a well-preserved example of a jug FS 11058 (Fig. 6.9, area of Room 78c). A body fragment decorated with side triglyph with wavy line FM 53 and probably chevron FM 58 (Fig. 7.5) most probably

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 62 11.11.2022 08:59:52

<sup>46</sup> Because of its diameter, 16cm, I decided not to classify this vessel as a large Group A deep bowl with monochrome interior.

<sup>47</sup> Podzuweit 2007, 113–114, Beil. 56, saw the beginning of medium band cups in LH IIIB Developed. See also the discussion on medium band cups in Kardamaki 2009, 243–244.

<sup>48</sup> Diameter 10cm.

<sup>49</sup> Vitale 2006, 197–199, tab. 1.

<sup>50</sup> Stockhammer 2008, vol. 1, 52–53.

<sup>51</sup> Kardamaki 2009, 257, pl. 29.619–621.

<sup>52</sup> See Kardamaki 2009, 258 n. 688.

<sup>53</sup>7KH ULQJEDVHGNUDWHUZLWKYHUWLFDO¿OOHGZKRUOVKHOOV)0 ¿JKDVMRLQV IURPD/+ ,,,%)LQDOFRQWH[W together with the LH IIIC Early 1 pit Befund-Nr. 123/02. These joins come from both excavations (2002 and 1982–1983). The assumption is that the sherds found in the mentioned pit are only cast ups from the LH IIIB Final OD\HUDQGWKXVWKHNUDWHULVGDWHGWR/+,,,%)LQDO\$OOZKRUOVKHOOVZHUHRULJLQDOO\FRPSOHWHO\¿OOHG,QWKHXSSHU part, the slip is not so well-preserved.

<sup>54</sup> Found in the Passageway during Kilian's excavation.

<sup>55</sup>.DUGDPDNL\$YHU\SODXVLEOHUHDVRQLVWKHVWXGLHGFRQWH[WLQZKLFKRQO\¿QGVIURPDSLW%HIXQG1U 123/02 are available to study the earliest Post-palatial phase in the northern tip of the Lower Citadel.

<sup>56</sup> A bottom of a big amphora/jug/hydria was found in situ in the destruction horizon of Building XV (Maran 2008, ¿J

<sup>57</sup> The smaller collar-necked jar FS 64 comes from Kilian's excavation from the Passageway.

<sup>58</sup> Diameter 8cm. The other side of the rim was not preserved and thus we do not know if there was another handle. Because of the diameter, the vessel was assigned to the smaller FS 110.

)LJ /+,,,%)LQDOSDLQWHG¿QHZDUHQRQVWUDWL¿HG6FDOH±GUDZLQJV6:LUJKRYi 1, 9–10: drawings R. Tsembera; 8: drawing B. Konnemann; 3: Kilian's excavation archive; digitization S. Wirghová).

comes from a narrow-necked jug FS 120.59 A round stirrup jar comes from Room 78c (Fig. 7.7).60 To make the picture of the ceramic repertory for this phase even more complete, a straight-sided alabastron FS 94, which originates from the destruction horizon of Room 4/01 in Building XV61 (Fig. 7.9, another example on Fig. 7.6), has to be mentioned.

,QWKHPDWHULDOIURPWKH/+,,,%)LQDOSKDVHWKHIROORZLQJVKDSHVZHUHQRWLGHQWL¿HGLQWKH material studied: deep bowls with monochrome interior and linear outside (FS 284) and medium

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 63 11.11.2022 08:59:52

<sup>59</sup> One almost completely preserved jug FS 120 decorated with vertical whorl shells comes from Room 4/01 in Building XV (found in situ).

<sup>60</sup>7KLVYHVVHOKDVMRLQVWRWKHVKHUGVIRXQGLQ.LOLDQ¶VH[FDYDWLRQV1RLQVLWX¿QG

<sup>61</sup>0DUDQ¿J

band deep bowls (FS 284).62 The deep semi-globular cup SB (FS 215), lip-band cup FS 215 or bowl63 and carinated cup FS 240 were not attested in this phase either.

From the ceramic material, the LH IIIB Final period at Tiryns turned out to be the most interconnected phase, including long-distance contacts ranging from Aegina to the Near East. In the following section a brief overview of the foreign wares found at the northern tip of the Lower Citadel will be given.

### **Evidence of Foreign Contacts in the Ceramic Material from the Northern Tip of the Lower Citadel**

As one of the most important Mycenaean palaces, Tiryns was part of an international exchange network in the Late Bronze Age. During this period, there is evidence of 'diplomatic embassies and royal exchanges in addition to low-level commercial activity, dispatching of troops',64 inter-dynastic marriages and the exchanging of 'specialist personnel'.65 The palaces also controlled the collection of taxes and tributes in the form of commodities.66 Possibly luxuries and other exotic objects were also exchanged in the form of a gift.67 Although wall brackets with their 'origin in the Cypriot or Levantine region'68 could be considered such an exotic object, the two wall brackets found in Room 78a of Building XI and in the LH IIIB Final destruction horizon in the Passageway69 are of local origin70 and thus became a local interpretation of an originally exotic object.

According to the material presented in this paper, during the Palatial period the community of Tiryns maintained a vivid international goods exchange,71 reaching from Aegina72 in the west to

64 Cline 1999, 121; Cline 2003, 362–364.

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 64 11.11.2022 08:59:53

<sup>62</sup> See Kardamaki 2009, 233–234, for discussion on linear painted deep bowls. Her assumption that the beginning of WKHOLQHDUSDLQWHGPHGLXPEDQGGHHSERZOVFDQEHGDWHGWR/+,,,&(DUO\VHHPVWR¿QGVXSSRUWLQWKHPDWHULDO presented here. This would correspond to the observations by Vitale, who considers lip band (medium band) and linear deep bowls with monochrome interior to 'become very common' in the early Post-palatial phase (Vitale 2006, 199). Podzuweit 2007, 49–50, Beil. 13, 33–34, saw the appearance of the medium band deep bowls and cups (decoration type 9.1) already in LH IIIB Final with a tendency towards more linear painted deep bowls in LH IIIC Early. In the general overview of diagnostic features for LH IIIB2 Late (LH IIIB Final) Stockhammer 2008, vol. 1, 51, lists medium band deep bowls as characteristic feature for this phase. In Phase 1 in the Northeastern Lower Town, the medium band deep bowl is attested (Stockhammer 2008, vol. 1, 137; Stockhammer 2008, vol. 2, pl. 20.418).

<sup>63</sup> 7KHOLSEDQGFXSDVGH¿QHGE\6WRFNKDPPHUYRO¿JZLWKDULPEDQGOHVVWKDQFPWKLFNDQGPRQRchrome interior (Podzuweit 2007, Beil. 78g [decoration type 9.2]).

<sup>65</sup> Sherratt – Sherratt 1991, 371.

<sup>66</sup> Sherratt – Sherratt 1991, 371.

<sup>67</sup> Cline 1999. Objects such as wall brackets could have been highly valued as exotic objects because of the 'distance they were travelled' (Cline 1999, 123). Contrary to this, based on its fabric, only one example from Tiryns could be FRQVLGHUHGLPSRUWHG7KHRWKHUH[DPSOHVDUHORFDOLPLWDWLRQVZLWKVSHFL¿FLGHRORJLFDOYDOXHXVHGLQKRXVHKROGVDV religious 'paraphernalia' (Rahmstorf 2008, 110). Such objects were used as lamps, lamp holders or incense burners ('Räuchergefäße'), as suggested by the burn marks on some of them (Cline 1999, 120; Rahmstorf 2008, 109). The number of wall brackets with burn marks is quite small, so it was not necessary that the liquid (oil, well-scented essences) or incense ('Räucherkügelchen') was burnt (Rahmstorf 2008, 109).

<sup>68</sup> See the discussion on their origin in Maran 2004, 11–12.

<sup>69</sup>0DUDQ±¿JV±0DUDQ¿JV±

<sup>70</sup> Maran 2008, 12; Rahmstorf 2008, 108, 110–111.

<sup>71</sup> For Canaanite jars the assumption is that 'commodities once contained, transported, or stored in these jars were ZLQHDOHEHDQVEHHUFXUGVIDW¿VKIRZOIUXLWJUDLQKRQH\PHDWPLONPXWWRQRLOH\HSDLQWJXPLQFHQVH myrrh, purple dye, and unguent' (Leonard 1996, 251). Chemical analysis of the organic residues in Canaanite jars KDVLGHQWL¿HGGL൵HUHQWVSHFLHVRI*Pistacia* (Knapp 1991; Serpico – White 2000).

<sup>72</sup> In the studied material, the only evidence of contacts with Aegina during LH IIIB and LH IIIC Early phases are the FRRNLQJSRWVIRXQG\$OWKRXJKWKHUHZHUHVRPH\$HJLQHWDQSRWWHU\VKDSHVRID¿QHZDUHUHFRJQL]HGLQWKHVWXGLHG material, these seem to be cast ups from LH IIIA or even older phases.


Crete in the south, as well as to Kythera, the islands of the Dodecanese, Cyprus and the Levant in the east.

Tab. 4 Evidence of foreign ceramic wares in the area of the northern tip of the Lower Citadel throughout the Palatial and early Post-palatial periods (X – at least one diagnostic sherd of a foreign ware found in the phase; X – found in situ).

As shown in Tab. 4, according to the studied material, contacts with Aegina and Kythera were ¿UVWDWWHVWHGLQ/+,,,%(DUO\±0LGGOH,QWKLVSKDVH\$HJLQHWDQFRRNLQJSRWVZLWKJROGPLFD73 and a coarse ware with a dense concentration of silver mica (muscovite) in the clay were attested. This feature is known in the pottery from the Cyclades and Kythera.74 Based on parallels from Kythera, both micaceous wares presented here were assigned to this region. The best evidence of a Kytheran ware with applied vertical coils with notched impressions comes from LH IIIB Developed out RID¿OOIURPXQGHU5RRPLQ%XLOGLQJ;9)LJ75 A very similar Kytheran coarse ware pithos from Kommos dated to LH IIIB was published by Jeremy Rutter.76

Another example of a coarse ware vessel from Kythera containing silver mica, painted lighton-dark (Fig. 8.2), was uncovered in Room 78a in Building XI and dates to LH IIIB Final.77 This ware was already attested in LH IIIB Early–Middle from the area of Building XV and sporadically also in the Post-palatial layers. Although a relatively well-preserved rim with silver mica and a pale colored stripe under the rim dated to architectural Phase 4 of the LH IIIC sequence (LH IIIC Advanced) was found in the area of Building XV,78 it cannot be excluded that the rim is a cast up from the Palatial period. From the Northeastern Lower Town (Phase 1, LH IIIC

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 65 11.11.2022 08:59:53

<sup>73</sup> See also below, section 'Local and Aeginetan Cooking Wares of the Palatial and Early Post-Palatial Periods', where the presence of Aeginetan cooking ware is discussed in more detail for all other studied phases as well. At Kolonna, \$HJLQDDPDFURVFRSLFJURXS0\*ZDVLGHQWL¿HGE\\*DX±.LULDW]L±WDEDVDORFDOFRRNLQJZDUH characterized by golden, black, sparkling, and chalky-white inclusions. For a detailed macroscopic description of Aeginetan fabrics see Maran 1992, 323–328.

<sup>74</sup> See Coldstream 1972. Hilditch 2008, 111, 290, characterized the raw material clay deposits found in the western Cycladic islands such as Kea, Siphnos, Seriphos and even on the Attic coast as 'red, mica-rich fabrics from the metamorphic deposits'. For micaceous fabrics from Attica see Gilstrap et al. 2016, 503–504. See also the results of petrographic analysis of MM pottery found on Cycladic islands, especially micaceous Macroscopic Groups C and G and Fabric C (Hilditch 2008, 146–147). Petrographic analysis of transport stirrup jars conducted by Peter 'D\RQ&UHWDQDQGRWKHUVWLUUXSMDUVIURPGL൵HUHQWJHRJUDSKLFDOUHJLRQVLGHQWL¿HG)DEULF\*URXSFKDUDFWHUL]HG by 'dominant inclusions of laths of white mica (probably *muscovite*)' and other minerals, to be a local Kytheran fabric (Haskell et al. 2011, 76). For Kytheran fabrics represented in the group of the transport stirrup jars imported WR7LU\QVVHH.DUGDPDNLHWDO¿J

<sup>75</sup> Body fragments of this Kytheran coarse ware with mostly plastic decoration were also found in the Post-palatial phases (Phases 2–5) in the northern tip of the Lower Citadel, but none of them is as well preserved as the example from LH IIIB Developed published here.

<sup>76</sup>+HDOVRPHQWLRQVDQRWKHUVXFKSLWKRVRIDQHYHQODUJHUVL]H IURP3\ORV 5XWWHU±¿J7KLVNLQG RISODVWLFGHFRUDWLRQZDVDOVRDWWHVWHGRQFRDUVHZDUHYHVVHOVIURP.\WKHUDLQ'HSRVLWȡGDWHGWR/+,,,\$±% (Coldstream 1972, 159, pl. 43.74). For further examples see Rutter 2005, 36.

<sup>77</sup> Coarse ware cooking vessels characterized by micaceous inclusions, red clay and white paint coming from Kythera ZHUHIRXQGLQ'HSRVLWȡGDWHGWR/+,,,\$±%&ROGVWUHDP±SO±

<sup>78</sup> Befund-Nr*.* 33/01, Floor IIIA.

66 S. Wirghová

(2–4: drawings S. Wirghová; 1, 5: drawings R. Tsembera; digitization S. Wirghová).

Early 1–2) only one body fragment of probably Cycladic or Kytheran coarse ware with an octopus decoration was published.79 Other vessel fragments with a high ratio of silver mica were attested

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 66 11.11.2022 09:00:00

<sup>79</sup> Stockhammer 2008, vol. 1, 152; Stockhammer 2008, vol. 2, pl. 40.972.

Fig. 9 Cretan-type stirrup jars. Scale 1:3 (1: drawing R. Tsembera; 2–4: drawings S. Wirghová; digitization S. Wirghová).

in Phase 2 (LH IIIC Early 2).80 I assume that, similarly to the Cretan-type stirrup jars,81 these Kytheran coarse wares were present only during the Palatial period or slightly beyond (LH IIIC Early 1).

Cretan-type82 and/or Cretan-provenance stirrup jars were already recognized in LH IIIB Developed layers.83 Two body fragments, probably of the same vessel with Linear B signs (Fig. 8.3),

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 67 11.11.2022 09:00:00

<sup>80</sup> Stockhammer 2008, vol. 1, 190; Stockhammer 2008, vol. 2, pl. 63.1384. After Phase 2 in the Northeastern Lower Town the origin of all other fragments with much silver mica in the clay was hypothetically assigned to the Eastern \$HJHDQ,ZDVQRWDEOHWR¿QGDQ\&\FODGLFVKHUGZLWKSODVWLFGHFRUDWLRQLQWKHFDWDORJXHSXEOLVKHGE\6WRFNKDPmer (2008, vol. 2).

<sup>81</sup> Maran 2005.

<sup>82</sup> Petrographic analyses undertaken by Day on coarse stirrup jars from the Argolid proves that many vessels were produced locally, although morphological, decorative and production technique features would categorize them as Cretan. For a short comment on the fabric of the locally produced transport stirrup jars see Kardamaki et al. 2016, 150.

<sup>83</sup> Only one dark-on-light body fragment and one handle of probably the same ware dated to LH IIIB Developed come from the area under Building XI. More evidence of this ware in this early phase comes from the area of Building XV (all fragments are of the dark-on-light type). From LH IIIB Early–Middle there is no evidence of Cretan-type stirrup jars in the studied area (not even in the area of Building XV).

ZHUHGLVFRYHUHGLQWKH/+,,,%'HYHORSHG¿OOXQGHU5RRPLQ%XLOGLQJ;984 In LH IIIB Final two types of these jars existed in parallel: the dark-on-light version85 (Fig. 8.4) and the lighton-dark version (Fig. 8.5). One well-preserved jar with a typical octopus decoration comes from the Passageway; it was discovered during the 1982–1983 campaign (Figs. 9.1; 11.1) and dates to LH IIIB Final. These foreign vessels were also attested sporadically in the early Post-palatial period from the pit Befund-Nr. 123/02 dated to LH IIIC Early 1 (Fig. 9.2–3) and the pit Grube 3/03 dated to LH IIIC Early 2 (Fig. 9.4). As discussed by Maran,86 evidence from the Northeastern and Northwestern Lower Town suggests continuity of Cretan-type stirrup jars until the end of the LH IIIC Early phase. The latest petrographic analyses of light-on-dark and dark-on-light stirrup MDUV IURP 7LU\QV LGHQWL¿HG WZR PDLQ UHJLRQV RI RULJLQ IRU WKHVH YHVVHOV &KDQLD DQG ZHVWHUQ Mesara.87 According to the chemical and petrographic analysis, the Cretan-type stirrup jar with an unusual geometric decoration from Room 78a dated to LH IIIB Final88 (Figs. 10.4; 11.2) turned out to be a vessel produced on the Greek mainland (Argolid).89

The petrographic analysis of two transport vessels with a black metallic slip on their surface dated to LH IIIB Final (Figs. 10.1–2; 12.1–2) showed that the origin of these vessels should probably be sought in the Dodecanese, most likely on the island of Kos.90 One hydria and one amphora of this foreign ware were uncovered in the destruction layer in the Passageway,91 together with another hydria (Figs. 10.3; 13.1) of red clay with black slip and gold mica in the clay. Gold mica is mainly known from Aegina, but also on the island of Kos.92 One can assume that the presence of this mineral may suggest that the hydria probably comes from Kos, like the other two vessels.

There is rather limited evidence of Cypriote pottery in the excavations at the northern tip of the Lower Citadel. According to Maran, the neck of a large jug93DOVRGDWHGWRWKH¿QDO3DODWLDOSKDVH (Figs. 10.5; 13.2), which probably had a transport function, could be such an example.94

Fragments from Canaanite jars were attested in the Passageway. Besides one already published base95DQGD SDUWO\ SUHVHUYHG&DQDDQLWHMDUZLWK&\SUR0LQRDQ SRVW¿ULQJ VLJQV RQWKH handle,96 in 2002 the rim and other body fragments with the second handle coming from the same vessel (Fig. 13.3) were discovered in the southern part of the Passageway, next to the vessels

<sup>94</sup>0DUDQ±¿JV±7KHMXJLVRQHRIWKHYHVVHOVIRXQGLQWKH/+,,,%)LQDOGHVWUXFWLRQKRUL]RQRI Room 4/01 in Building XV.

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 68 11.11.2022 09:00:00

<sup>84</sup>0DUDQ¿J

<sup>85</sup>6HHDOVRD&UHWDQW\SHVWLUUXSMDU IURP%XLOGLQJ;9 /+ ,,,%)LQDOLQ0DUDQ¿JV0DUDQ ±¿J4XLWHODUJHERG\IUDJPHQWVRID&UHWDQW\SHVWLUUXSMDU%HIXQG1U*.* 8/02) were found on Floor IVf, Room 4/01 in Building XV.

<sup>86</sup> Maran 2005, 419–420. See also Stockhammer 2008, vol. 1, 216.

<sup>87</sup> Kardamaki et al. 2016.

<sup>88</sup>0DUDQ±¿J

<sup>89</sup> Information provided by Peter Day and Eleftheria Kardamaki. An additional rim with attached handle and false neck was found during the 2005 campaign during the preparation for the conservation works in the area of Building XI led by Melissa Vetters.

<sup>90</sup> Information provided by Day and Kardamaki. For Koan fabrics represented in the group of the transport stirrup jars LPSRUWHGWR7LU\QVVHH.DUGDPDNLHWDO¿J

<sup>91</sup>0DUDQ¿J

<sup>92</sup> Information by Toula Marketou. See also Marthari et al. 1990 on the analysis of LB I vessels with gold mica found at Akrotiri, Thera, originally coming from Kos. Gold mica is also known from Troy 'as an indication of a local prove-QDQFH¶IRUH[DPSOH%7UR\FKHPLFDOJURXSIRXQGDPRQJRWKHUVRQ/HVERVDQG.RV0RXQWMR\¿J

<sup>93</sup> The following observations were made on the fabric of this coarse ware jug: the rough surface is of very pale brown color outside (10YR 8/2, 2.5Y 8/3) and pink inside (7.5YR 7.4; Munsell Soil Color Chart 2009), on the surface very IHZVLOYHUPLFDSDUWLFOHVYHU\VPDOOWRVPDOOZKLWHEULJKWSDUWLFOHVTXDUW]"YHU\VPDOOWRVPDOOQRWEULJKW black elements.

<sup>95</sup> One of them is the bottom of a Canaanite jar from the so-called 'Torkammer' already published by Kilian (1988, ¿J%DVHGRQWKHPRVWXSWRGDWHNQRZOHGJHRIWKHVWUDWLJUDSK\WKLVYHVVHOFRPHVIURPD/+,,,&\$GYDQFHG layer, Hor. 21a0–21b0 in the North Gate (chronology by Mühlenbruch 2013), but we are probably dealing with a FDVWXSDOORZLQJWKHYHVVHOWREHGDWHGWR/+,,,%)LQDOWRJHWKHUZLWKWKHZDOOIUDJPHQWSUHVHQWHGKHUH¿J DQGZLWKWKH&DQDDQLWHMDUZLWK&\SUR0LQRDQSRVW¿ULQJVLJQV¿J'DYLVHWDOLQSUHVV

<sup>96</sup>.LOLDQ2OLYLHU±¿JV&OLQHQR+LUVFKIHOGWDE

Fig. 10 1–3. Transport vessels from the Dodecanese; 4. local transport stirrup jar; 5. coarse ware jug from Cyprus; 6. Canaanite jar. Scale 1:6 (1–3: drawings B. Konnemann; 4: drawing R. Tsembera and Kilian's excavation archive; 5–6: drawings R. Tsembera; digitization S. Wirghová).

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 69 11.11.2022 09:00:00

Fig. 11 Cretan-type stirrup jars. 1. Scale 1:3; 2. Scale 1:6 (photos M. Kostoula).

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 70 11.11.2022 09:00:04

Fig. 12 Transport vessels from the Dodecanese. Scale 1:6 (photos M. Kostoula).

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 71 11.11.2022 09:00:06

Fig. 13 1. Transport vessel from the Dodecanese; 2. coarse ware jug from Cyprus; 3. Canaanite transport jar. Scale 1:6 (photos M. Kostoula).

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 72 11.11.2022 09:00:12

from the Dodecanese.97 The newly uncovered handle was again marked with one Cypro-Mino-DQSRVW¿ULQJVLJQ98 Somewhat more to the south of the Passageway, another body sherd of a coarse Canaanite jar was discovered (Fig. 10.6). According to the stratigraphy, this vessel is dated to LH IIIB Developed–Final. Recently undertaken petrographic analysis provided more precise information on the origin of this vessel, identifying it to be an import from the North Lebanon region (Akkar on the Syrian border).99 The ongoing study showed that the Canaanite jar with Cy-SUR0LQRDQSRVW¿ULQJVLJQV)LJDQGWKHERWWRPIRXQGGXULQJ.LOLDQ¶VH[FDYDWLRQLQWKH 'Torkammer' are fragments of the same vessel. Although both vessels are of Canaanite type, different macroscopic descriptions for Fig. 13.3 and Fig. 10.6 mean that we cannot assume that they come from the same vessel. To conclude that they come from the same region is in my opinion UDWKHUGL൶FXOWDQGIXUWKHUDQDO\VLVDQGUHVHDUFKQHHGVWREHFDUULHGRXW<sup>100</sup>

#### **Painted Fine Ware of the Early Post-Palatial Period**

As mentioned above, the early Post-palatial period is represented by two pits (Befund-Nr. 123/02 and Grube 3/03). According to the stratigraphy, Befund-Nr. 123/02 predates the pit Grube 3/03. As shown in this section, the pottery supports the observations concluded through stratigraphy.

The linear shallow angular bowl FS 295A is mentioned by Stockhammer101 as a new shape in the LH IIIC Early 1 phase. In Befund-Nr. 123/02 it was not possible to identify this type. The conical kylix or conical bowl (FS 274 or FS 242) with linear decoration inside and out was not LGHQWL¿HG102 but one preserved conical rim seems to be completely monochrome (Fig. 14.1). Another conical rim comes from a possible conical bowl decorated with a triangular patch hanging from the rim (Fig. 14.2).103 In this phase the deep semi-globular cup with dotted rim FS 215 was attested (Fig. 14.3). Furthermore, a possible linear deep bowl with a rim band inside (Fig. 14.5) DQGDOLSEDQGFXSERZOZLWKDPRQRFKURPHLQWHULRUZHUHLGHQWL¿HG)LJ7KHSRVVLEOHOLS band cup/bowl might represent a new decoration type in this Post-palatial phase.104 In addition, ZHDOVR¿QGKHUHWKHZHOONQRZQVKDSHV\*URXS\$)LJ\*URXS\$ZLWKPRQRFKURPHLQWHrior (Fig. 14.7), Group B105 (Fig. 14.11), rosette deep bowl (Fig. 14.8) and two types of stemmed bowl FS 305: one with bands inside and another one monochrome (Fig. 14.9–10). Kraters

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 73 11.11.2022 09:00:12

<sup>97</sup>0DUDQ¿J

<sup>98</sup> Davis et al. in press.

<sup>99</sup> Day et al. 2020, 49, 54, tab. 6 (sample T112, Fabric E).

<sup>100</sup> Davis et al. in press. See Day et al. 2020, for the analysis on Canaanite jars mainly from the Upper Citadel that provide evidence for a wider range of provenances and production centers for these vessels.

<sup>101</sup> Stockhammer 2008, vol. 1, 55.

<sup>102</sup> In the material from the Northeastern Lower Town at Tiryns the linear painted conical kylix/bowl was attested in Phase 1 (LH IIIC Early 1–2) (Stockhammer 2008, vol. 1, 132, 157–158; Stockhammer 2008, vol. 2, pl. 12.225– 235). Stockhammer 2008, vol. 1, 55, listed this shape under the questionable shapes for the LH IIIC Early 1 phase. Kardamaki 2009, 257, pl. 29.619–621, published some examples of FS 242 or FS 274 from her Zone 1 in the Western Staircase and thus dated them to LH IIIC Early 1 (Kardamaki 2009, 397).

<sup>103</sup> A similar rim with a joining semicircles motif from Zone 1 (i.e. the LH IIIC Early 1 layer) in the Western Staircase was published by Kardamaki 2009, 257, pl. 29.618) Another example of a decorated conical bowl with vertical ZDY\OLQHV)0ZDVIRXQGLQWKH7LU\QVǼʌȓȤȦıȚȢ9RLJWOlQGHUSO6&DQGDW0LGHD7UHQFK1D Stratum 5) with 'a pattern that resembles a ladder' (Giering 1998, 129, pl. 85.605), the latter certainly, the former possibly, dated to LH IIIB Final.

<sup>104</sup>\$FFRUGLQJWR6WRFNKDPPHUYROWKHEHJLQQLQJRIWKHOLSEDQGFXSLVQRWFOHDUO\GH¿QHGSUREDEO\ LH IIIB Final. Lip band deep bowls FS 284 were already attested in the Northeastern Lower Town Phase 1 (Stockhammer 2008, vol. 1, 137; Stockhammer 2008, vol. 2, pls. 17.326; 22.453) together with lip band cups FS 215 (Stockhammer 2008, vol. 1, 130; Stockhammer 2008, vol. 2, pl. 10.166–168). Medium band cups are securely found in Zone 1 in the Western Staircase, some of them with a lip band up to 1.49cm, decoration type 15 (Kardamaki 2009, 242, pl. 27.573, 577).

<sup>105</sup>7KH\*URXS%GHHSERZORQ¿JKDVDULPEDQGRIFPDQGWKXVVKRXOGEHDVVLJQHGWR\*URXS&RIGHHS bowls, but because of the diameter of 21–22cm this piece falls into Group B.

)LJ /+,,,&(DUO\SDLQWHG¿QHZDUH6FDOH±±GUDZLQJV57VHPEHUD 2–4, 6–11, 14, 16, 19: drawings S. Wirghová; digitization S. Wirghová).

(Fig. 14.12–13), mugs FS 226 (Fig. 14.15), basins FS 294, a spouted bowl FS 288 or FS 289 (Fig. 14.14) and a spouted conical bowl FS 301 (Fig. 14.16) are present in this phase as well.

The amphoriskos FS 59 with a horizontal wavy line (FM 53:17, Fig. 14.18); large, closed shapes with a hollowed rim106 (Fig. 14.17) and stirrup jars (Fig. 14.19) were still present in this phase.

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 74 11.11.2022 09:00:12

<sup>106</sup> Closed forms without a hollowed rim are present in this phase as well.

When observing the spectrum of shapes in LH IIIB Final and LH IIIC Early 1, it is obvious that many shapes continued until this phase (Tabs. 2–3). There was only one rim of a Group B deep bowl attested; the deep bowl SB and Group C deep bowl could not be recognized in this early LH IIIC phase. This might be due to the fact that these shapes are relatively rare even in LH IIIB Final. Stockhammer considers the Group B deep bowl to be still popular in the Early LH IIIC Phase.107 Conversely, Vitale sees the Group B and rosette deep bowls as non-existent in this phase.108 In the ceramic material from the area of the Western Staircase, the Group B deep bowl is found in higher numbers in Zone 2 (LH IIIB Final). In LH IIIC Early, this shape seems to be rare.109 Based on the material studied here, it is not possible to say whether the Group B deep bowl also continued to be produced in LH IIIC Early, or if the piece mentioned here is just a cast up coming from an older layer. In this phase we miss the carinated cup FS 240 as well as the shallow angular bowl FS 295A, thus dating Befund-Nr. 123/02 to LH IIIC Early 1.

The pit Grube 3/03 was smaller compared to Befund-Nr. 123/02. The number of diagnostic pieces was only approximately one third of that of the bigger pit. Nevertheless, it was possible to identify completely new shapes appearing in this phase: the carinated cup FS 240 (Fig. 15.1), the medium band deep bowl (FS 284, Fig. 15.2) and a conical kylix FS 274 with monochrome interior (Fig. 15.3). There is one linear rim, probably from a shallow angular bowl FS 295C (Fig. 15.4). Ac-FRUGLQJWR6WRFNKDPPHUWKHFKURQRORJLFDODSSHDUDQFHRIWKLVVKDSHLVQRW\HWFODUL¿HG110 but looking at the material studied here, this shape seems to begin already in a later stage of LH IIIC Early. The Group A deep bowl with monochrome interior was also recognized in this period (Fig. 15.5).111 \*URXS&GHHSERZOVZHUHQRWGLUHFWO\LGHQWL¿HGEXWPLJKWKDYHEHHQXVHGFRQWLQXRXVO\VLQFHULPV categorized as Group C or medium band deep bowl were still attested (Fig. 15.7).112 According to the results presented here, it seems that the medium band bowl is very rare and probably became more popular in the Post-palatial period. One rare example of a possible linear rosette deep bowl with a rosette placed high under the rim (Fig. 15.8) comes from this phase. Group A deep bowls (Fig. 15.12), stemmed bowls (Fig. 15.10) and a conical kylix or conical bowl (FS 274 or FS 242, Fig. 15.9) were also found in the pit, together with a kalathos (Fig. 15.17), a ring-based krater FS 281 with a pictorial decoration (Fig. 15.14–15) and a basin FS 294 with monochrome interior (Fig. 15.11). Regarding the material presented here, it seems that only LH IIIB Final and LH IIIC Early 2 provided vessels with pictorial decoration. This would correspond to the observations from Mycenae, where this type of decoration was also attested in LH IIIC Early 2.113 It is possible that rosette deep bowls continued until the later LH IIIC Early phase (Fig. 15.13).

Closed shapes are represented only by an amphora/jug/hydria (Fig. 15.18) and a globular stirrup jar (Fig. 15.19). Technological features like a monochrome interior and a reserved circle in the center base on deep bowls (Fig. 15.16) and hollowed rims on large, closed shapes also continued to be popular in this Post-palatial phase.

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 75 11.11.2022 09:00:12

<sup>107</sup> Stockhammer 2008, vol. 1, 137.

<sup>108</sup> Vitale 2006, 199.

<sup>109</sup> Kardamaki 2009, 227, tabs. 5–6.

<sup>110</sup> Stockhammer 2008, vol. 1, 58. Podzuweit 2007, 80, Beil. 50, saw the beginning of these bowls in LH IIIB Final, but they became more common by LH IIIC Early 2. One rim fragment with handle of a possible shallow angular bowl 295A was found in a disturbed area of Zone 3 in the Western Staircase und thus no certain dating can be made. No such fragments were found in either Zone 1 or Zone 2 (Kardamaki 2009, 254–255). A shallow angular bowl probably assignable to FS 295A was recognized among the material of the Northeastern Lower Town only once in Phase 1 (Stockhammer 2008, vol. 1, 139; Stockhammer 2008, vol. 2, pl. 23.511). In Phase 2 of that area there is no example for either FS 295A or FS 295C (Stockhammer 2008, vol. 1, 162–164, 184).

<sup>111</sup>\$QRWKHUSRVVLEOHH[DPSOHRIDGHHSERZO\$ZLWKPRQRFKURPHLQWHULRURUPHGLXPEDQGGHHSERZOLVVKRZQRQ¿J 15.6.

<sup>112</sup> Dated to Phase 2 and Phase 2 or 3 (LH IIIC Middle), there are two well-preserved rim fragments from a Group C deep bowl in the material from the northern tip of the Lower Citadel. This might be a sign that they were still produced in Phase 2 (LH IIIC Middle 1).

<sup>113</sup> French 2011, 83.

)LJ /+,,,&(DUO\SDLQWHG¿QHZDUH6FDOH±±±GUDZLQJV6:LUJKRYi 9, 11–12, 14, 17: drawings R. Tsembera; digitization S. Wirghová).

The material from the pit Grube 3/03 does not include any of the typical LH IIIC Middle 1 ceramic shapes and features (FM 48 scroll on the large, closed shapes, conical kylix FS 274 with a stem swollen in the middle and 'reserved band' on the open shapes)114 and thus still dates to LH IIIC Early 2.

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 76 11.11.2022 09:00:13

<sup>114</sup> Stockhammer 2008, vol. 1, 60–61.

#### **Percentage of Deep and Stemmed Bowls**

According to the available data (Tab. 5), it seems that the Group A deep bowl is the most popular type of deep bowl during LH IIIB Developed until LH IIIC Early 2 (Tab. 6). In LH IIIB Final, the Group A deep bowl is followed by the rosette and Group B deep bowls. When compared to stemmed bowls, stemmed bowls would become the second most popular type after the Group A deep bowl. It is possible that rosette deep bowls were also still more popular than Group B and Group C deep bowls in LH IIIC Early 1. The Group B deep bowl was attested in the LH IIIC Early 1 phase only once, compared to the previous phases with its possible peak in LH IIIB Final.115 This does not correspond to the observation of Kardamaki for the material in other areas of the Tiryns Citadel.116 The high percentage of linear painted deep bowls with monochrome or unpainted/linear painted interior from the Lower Citadel as presented by Podzuweit117¿QGVQR FRPSDULVRQLQWKHPDWHULDOSUHVHQWHGKHUH)RU/+,,,%'HYHORSHGDQG)LQDOLWZDVYHU\GL൶FXOW WRLGHQWLI\WKLVW\SHRIGHFRUDWLRQDWDOO7KHRQO\FOHDUO\LGHQWL¿DEOHPHGLXPEDQGGHHSERZO FRPHVIURP/+,,,&(DUO\)LJDQGRQHULPLGHQWL¿HGDVDSRVVLEOHOLQHDUGHHSERZOZLWK rim band inside was attested in LH IIIC Early 1 (Fig. 14.5). The tendency towards more linear decoration in LH IIIC Early as observed by Podzuweit can also be noted in the material from the northern tip of the Lower Citadel.118 Although the number of sherds analyzed for LH IIIC Early 2 is very small, the tendency towards a larger number of Group A deep bowls with monochrome interior and medium band deep bowls was observed.


Tab. 5 Number of rims of deep and stemmed bowls per chronological phase

(\* – form only attested in the material from Klaus Kilian's excavations; \*\* – other than a rim fragment).

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 77 11.11.2022 09:00:13

<sup>115</sup> It has to be emphasized that the total number of analyzed rims from LH IIIB Developed (9 versus 160 in LH IIIB Final, Tab. 5) was very small and this might be the reason for the absence of Group B deep bowls in the LH IIIB Developed phase in the studied material.

<sup>116</sup> For Tiryns, Kardamaki (2009, 227) sees the peak of Group B deep bowls in LH IIIB Developed. In the discussed material from the northern tip of the Lower Citadel (area of Building XI and the Passageway) no Group B deep bowl sherds were found in phase LH IIIB Middle–LH IIIB Developed, and only one wall fragment dated to LH IIIB Developed–Final could be assigned to this shape.

<sup>117</sup> Podzuweit 2007, Beil. 34. In this supplement Podzuweit provides statistics of painted deep bowls with motif and linear decoration for LH IIIB Developed, Final and LH IIIC Early. There is no subdivision of LH IIIC Early to Hor. 19a1 and 19b1 in these statistics.

<sup>118</sup> Podzuweit 2007, 50, Beil. 33–34. Kardamaki 2009, 234, made a similar observation regarding the Western Staircase.

#### 78 S. Wirghová


Tab. 6 Percentage of deep and stemmed bowls per chronological phase based on the count of rims as shown in Tab. 5.

#### **Unpainted Fine Ware of the Palatial and Early Post-Palatial Periods**

,QWKH3DODWLDOSHULRGEXWDOVRLQWKHHDUO\3RVWSDODWLDOSHULRGVWKHUDWLRRIXQSDLQWHG¿QHZDUHLQ FRPSDULVRQWRSDLQWHG¿QHZDUHLVDSSUR[LPDWHO\DFFRUGLQJWRWKHVKHUGFRXQWV119 Unpainted ¿QHZDUHWKXVFRQVWLWXWHVWKHEHVWUHSUHVHQWHGJURXSRIDOOORFDO0\FHQDHDQSRWWHU\JURXSVDQG deserves further analysis. The most frequent shapes will be discussed in more detail in this section, for less frequent forms, a short overview of recognized shapes per phase will be provided.

Beginning in LH IIIB Developed, the repertory of the unpainted open shapes stays relatively constant (Tab. 7). The one-handled carinated kylix FS 267 is attested already in LH IIIB Early– Middle (Fig. 16.1); it was found together with a smaller unpainted body sherd120 of a closed shape ZLWK UHPDLQVRIDKDQGOH SUREDEO\K\GULD)LJRQDÀRRU UHODWHGWR:DOO\$QRWKHU carinated kylix found in situ in the Passageway comes from LH IIIB Final (Fig. 17.1).121 In each studied phase the most popular shapes are the carinated kylix FS 267 (Figs. 16.12; 19.2) and shallow angular bowl FS 295C (Figs. 16.3, 10; 17.4; 19.3, 15). These were attested with certainty in all of the presented phases. Their popularity is illustrated in MNI statistics for LH IIIB Final, where carinated kylikes appear twice as often as the conical pendant (Tab. 8). The count of kylix stems/kylix bowls versus small open bottoms, which could represent bowls or cups, speaks for a FOHDUSUHIHUHQFHLQIDYRURIN\OLNHVLQWKLV¿QDOSKDVH<sup>122</sup>

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 78 11.11.2022 09:00:13

<sup>119</sup>,OOXVWUDWHGE\DOOFRXQWHGVKHUGVRISDLQWHGDQGXQSDLQWHG¿QHZDUHVIURPWKH/+,,,%)LQDOSKDVHDUHDRI%XLOGLQJ ;,DQGWKH3DVVDJHZD\H[FDYDWLRQV±XQSDLQWHGSDLQWHG¿QHZDUH\$VOLJKWGHFUHDVHLQXQSDLQWHG ¿QHZDUHZDVREVHUYHGIRU/+,,,&(DUO\ZLWKWKHUDWLRIRUSLW\*UXEH 3/03. A similar picture was obtained by analyzing the same using all diagnostic sherds (not MNI, Tab. 1) only for these two phases. In LH IIIB Final the UDWLRRIXQSDLQWHGWRSDLQWHG¿QHZDUHLVDQGIRUSLW\*UXEH

<sup>120</sup> One cannot exclude the possibility that the vessel was originally painted, since the fragment is too small.

<sup>121</sup> Other carinated and conical kylikes found in situ from the LH IIIB Final phase will be published in my PhD thesis.

<sup>122</sup> Dated to LH IIIB Final, 67 unpainted kylix stems/kylix bowls from excavations in 2003 (western part) and 1982– 1983 versus 20 unpainted bottoms with diameter up to 3.5cm were counted.


7DE 8QSDLQWHG¿QHZDUHRSHQVKDSHVDQGWKHLURFFXUUHQFHLQFKURQRORJLFDOSKDVHV

(X – at least one diagnostic sherd of a shape found in the phase; X – found in situ;

\* – form only attested in the material from Klaus Kilian's excavations).


7DE /+,,,%)LQDO7KHPLQLPXPQXPEHURILQGLYLGXDOV01,IRUVHOHFWHGVKDSHVRIXQSDLQWHG¿QH ware based on the count of rims (excavations 2000–2003).

A conical kylix FS 274 (Fig. 17.2) found in situ in Room 78c comes from LH IIIB Final. This kylix type was also attested in LH IIIB Developed (Fig. 16.11). In the earliest phase represented in the excavation (LH IIIB Early–Middle) we have no conical kylikes/conical bowls from the area, in which Building XI would have been built later. This is caused by the limited number of sherds studied from this area. In the eastern part, the area of Building XV, Room 4/01, there is at least one certain rim of an unpainted conical shape documented for the LH IIIB Early–Middle phase. When examining the attested conical rims, one notes that some of them have a diameter of only 11cm, which suggests they belong to conical cups rather than kylikes.123 One could assume that

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 79 11.11.2022 09:00:13

<sup>123</sup> An almost completely preserved conical bowl/cup (without handle) (diameter 11.4cm) comes from a LH IIIB Developed–Final context.

)LJ 8QSDLQWHG¿QHZDUH±/+,,,%(DUO\±0LGGOH±/+,,,%'HYHORSHG/+,,,%'HYH loped– Final. Scale 1:3 (1–4, 6–8, 10, 13–15, 17–18: drawings S. Wirghová; 5, 9, 11–12, 16: drawings R. Tsembera; digitization S. Wirghová).

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 80 11.11.2022 09:00:13

they probably replaced, or existed in parallel to, the shallow cups FS 220. One almost completely preserved shallow cup dates to LH IIIB Early–Middle124 (Fig. 16.2) and another rim (Fig. 16.14) to LH IIIB Developed. The percentage of shallow cups FS 220 is very small overall, but in the HDVWHUQSDUWRIWKHH[FDYDWLRQRQHFRPSOHWHSUR¿OHRIVXFKDFXSZDVIRXQGGDWHGWR/+,,,% Final and an additional one was found in the area of Room 78b in Kilian's excavation (Fig. 17.8). Although there is one almost completely preserved kylix FS 258 or FS 273 with high-swung strap handle (Fig. 17.3)125 in the material of Kilian's excavation dated to LH IIIB Final from Room 78a, the overall quantity of rims assigned to FS 258 (Fig. 16.5) is very small.126 Almost completely preserved representatives of the unpainted shallow cup FS 220 and the kylix FS 258 or FS 273 from LH IIIB Final could be a hint that these vessels remained in use to a small extent till the end of the Palatial period. One quite well-preserved fragment of a shallow cup FS 220 comes from the Northeastern Lower Town dated to Phase 1 or 2 (LH IIIC Early 1–2), which led Stockhammer to the conclusion that these cups were still produced in this Post-palatial phase.127

The unpainted basin FS 294 is one of the shapes attested in all studied phases (Figs. 16.4, 16; 17.10, 13; 19.9, 13).128 The rim dated to LH IIIB Final (Fig. 17.13) has an extraordinary, angu-ODUSUR¿OH%HFDXVHRILWVODUJHGLDPHWHUFPDQGWKHWKLFNQHVVRIWKHERG\ZDOO,DVVLJQHG it to FS 294. On the other hand, the kalathos FS 291 seems to be a shape which was popular mostly in LH IIIB Final (Fig. 17.12). A possible base of an unpainted mug or kalathos (Fig. ZDVLGHQWL¿HGLQ%HIXQG1U7KHVKDOORZJOREXODUERZO)6%ZDVDWWHVWHG in phase LH IIIB Developed, LH IIIB Final and in LH IIIC Early 1 (Figs. 16.15; 17.11; 19.5). The unpainted variant of this shape is represented only very occasionally in the vessel repertory of the unpainted vessels.

7KHXQSDLQWHGGHHSVHPLJOREXODUFXS)6ZDVQRWLGHQWL¿HGLQWKHSKDVHVVWXGLHGKHUH :LWKRXWDKDQGOHLWLVYHU\GL൶FXOWWRLGHQWLI\DQGWKHVHVKHUGVZHUHFDWHJRUL]HGDVGLSSHUFXS or cup, shallow or deep. The dipper is represented by one rim with attached handle in LH IIIB Developed129 (Fig. 16.13), by a well-preserved example in LH IIIB Final130 (Fig. 17.5) and from Befund-Nr. 123/02 (Fig. 19.6). Unpainted miniature vessels seem to be present in the studied material only in the early Post-palatial period. A LH IIIC Early 1 handmade cup is shown in Fig. 19.11. From the pit Grube 3/03 we have examples of both a handmade closed shape (Fig. 19.17) and a wheelmade body fragment with attached fragmentary handle, probably of a deep bowl.131

Considered as an extraordinary unpainted shape, deep bowls (Fig. 17.14–15) coming from Kilian's excavation in the area of the later Gateway together with the rim illustrated in Fig. 17.9 and with an almost completely preserved example of an unpainted deep bowl (Fig. 18.1) from the area of Room 3/01 in Building XV show the existence of this unpainted shape in LH IIIB Final. The example in Fig. 17.14 (diameter 16cm) has an unusual handle form, in which a round horizontal handle is close to the body. Also originating from the 1982 excavation is a well-pre-VHUYHGXQSDLQWHGVWHPPHGERZO )LJ IRXQGLQWKHVXEVHTXHQWO\LGHQWL¿HG%HIXQG1U 123/02 and thus dated to LH IIIC Early 1. Another example of an unpainted stemmed bowl

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<sup>124</sup> Another rim of FS 220 was found on the surface level by oven Befund-Nr*.* 46/03.

<sup>125</sup> Weight: 470 grams.

<sup>126</sup> Two examples in LH IIIB Early–Middle, two rims in LH IIIB Developed, 17 rims in LH IIIB Final and nine rims from LH IIIC Early 1.

<sup>127</sup> Stockhammer 2008, vol. 1, 155; Stockhammer 2008, vol. 2, pl. 43.1099.

<sup>128</sup> Contrary to Jung 2002, 126, 136, who sees the boundary between basin FS 294 and FS 295 at 25cm, I decided to follow the study of Stockhammer, who sets the boundary to distinguish between FS 294 and FS 295 at 20cm (Stockhammer 2008, vol. 1, 110–111).

<sup>129</sup> From LH IIIB Early–Middle there is only one rim of an open shape with high-swung strap handle from a dipper or kylix in the western part of the excavation. A similar observation was made for the pit Grube 3/03 in LH IIIC Early 2, where three unpainted rims (two of them with part of a high-swung handle preserved) are part of a mixed category FS 236 or FS 258, FS 236 or FS 215.

<sup>130</sup>2QHGLSSHUEDVHIRXQGRQWKH¿QDO3DODWLDOVXUIDFHLQWKH3DVVDJHZD\FRPHVIURPWKH±H[FDYDWLRQV

<sup>131</sup> The diameter measured on the body is 11cm.

)LJ /+,,,%)LQDOXQSDLQWHG¿QHZDUHRSHQVKDSHV6FDOH±±GUDZLQJV6:LUJKRYi 4: drawing R. Tsembera; 14–15: Kilian's excavation archive; digitization S. Wirghová).

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 82 11.11.2022 09:00:13

)LJ /+,,,%)LQDOXQSDLQWHG¿QHZDUHRSHQDQGFORVHGVKDSHV6FDOH (1, 3–6: drawings S. Wirghová; 2: drawing B. Konnemann; digitization S. Wirghová).

derives from LH IIIB Final (Fig. 17.7). These unpainted shapes are very rare in the ceramic PDWHULDO2QWKHEDVLVRIVPDOOVKHUGVLWLVGL൶FXOWWRGLVWLQJXLVKEHWZHHQDGHHSERZODQGD deep cup or kylix.


7DE 8QSDLQWHG¿QHZDUHFORVHGVKDSHVDQGWKHLURFFXUUHQFHLQFKURQRORJLFDOSKDVHV (X – at least one diagnostic sherd of a shape found in the phase; X – found in situ).

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 83 11.11.2022 09:00:13

)LJ 8QSDLQWHG¿QHZDUH±/+,,,&(DUO\±/+,,,&(DUO\6FDOH (1–2, 4–5, 7–8, 10–17: drawings S. Wirghová; 3, 6, 9: drawings R. Tsembera; digitization S. Wirghová).

7KHXQSDLQWHGULQJEDVHGNUDWHU)6LVYHU\UDUHLQWKHFHUDPLFPDWHULDO7KH¿UVWH[ ample was attested in LH IIIB Developed (a body fragment with attached horizontal handle). The best example comes from LH IIIB Developed–Final (Fig. 16.17). Similarly, this shape is also rare in the early Post-palatial phase (possible ring-based krater FS 281 or basin FS 294 in Fig. 19.8).

Closed shapes in an unpainted variant are limited to only a few shapes (Tab. 9). In almost every phase, the amphora/hydria/jug (Fig. 16.7, LH IIIB Early–Middle; Fig. 18.2, found in situ in the Gateway, LH IIIB Final) and jug FS 110 were attested (Fig. 16.18, LH IIIB Developed). Several unpainted bases of large, closed vessels dated to LH IIIB Developed and Final (Fig. 18.5, LQ VLWX5RRPFZHUHLGHQWL¿HGWRJHWKHUZLWKDERWWRPRIDPHGLXPFORVHG VKDSHGDWHGWR LH IIIB Early–Middle (Fig. 16.9). Originally, these bases could have been part of an amphora/

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 84 11.11.2022 09:00:13

hydria/jug.132 An unpainted hydria FS 128 or belly-handled amphora FS 58 was found in situ in Room 78c dated to LH IIIB Final (Fig. 18.6). From other phases (LH IIIB Early–Middle [Fig. 16.8], LH IIIB Developed–Final, LH IIIB Final–IIIC Early 1) only a body fragment with an attached handle could be assigned to FS 128 or FS 58. Unpainted bases of the straight-sided alabastron occurred in the LH IIIB Final layer (Fig. 18.4) and in Befund-Nr. 123/02 (Fig. 19.12). An unpainted rim assigned to an alabastron/amphoriskos (Fig. 18.3) is dated to LH IIIB Final.

#### **Local and Aeginetan Cooking Wares of the Palatial and Early Post-Palatial Periods**

2IVSHFLDOLQWHUHVWZKHQVWXG\LQJORFDOFRRNLQJSRWVIURPWKH3DODWLDOSHULRGLVWKH¿UVWDSSHDUance of cooking pot FS 66 (cooking pots with 'low and wide spreading neck with a handle from the rim'133). In this part I will attempt to clarify this issue according to the evidence from the studied material, and I will introduce other cooking shapes attested here, which supplement the inventory for each phase. Finally, I will give a brief overview of shapes of Aeginetan cooking ZDUHLGHQWL¿HGWKURXJKRXWWKHSHULRGXQGHUVWXG\

Beginning with LH IIIB Early–Middle, there was no rim with a handle preserved, which would prove the existence of local cooking pot FS 66 with a handle from the rim (Tab. 10). A possible candidate may be a rim illustrated in Fig. 20.2 (FS 66 or FS 67). Two thin rims could come from FS 67 (cooking pots with a 'long, thin rim and a handle from below the rim'134, Fig. 20.3–4). In the next phase, LH IIIB Developed, it seems that shapes FS 74 (cooking pots with a 'low and wide neck and a handle just below neck to broadest part of body',135 Fig. 20.7) and FS 67 (Fig. 20.8) predominate.136 Only one short, thick rim might be from a cooking pot FS 66 or a tripod FS 320 (Fig. 20.6).137 This also seems to be the case in the LH IIIB Final phase, in which three almost completely preserved local cooking pots were found in situ in the Gateway138 – FS 67 shown in Figs. 21.1–2; 22.1, and FS 74 in Fig. 21.3. The last example with a short neck and a handle from below the rim has an intentionally drilled hole in the bottom (Fig. 22.2) and thus could have been used as a sieve, or for libation purposes. The fragment with a handle preserved from the rim, FS 66 illustrated in )LJLVWKHRQO\RQHIURPWKH¿QDO3DODWLDOOD\HULQWKHDUHDRI%XLOGLQJ;,139 This picture corresponds to observations made on local cooking ware from the Western Staircase. There is one fragment with handle from the rim FS 66 coming from Zone 2, but it has joins in Zone 1, thus the dating of this piece is uncertain.140 One published example from LH IIIB2 comes from Mycenae.141 It seems that the development of this shape of local cooking ware in the Argolid is similar to its development in Attica, where in Kontopigado this shape is attested in LH IIIB2 Late.142

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 85 11.11.2022 09:00:13

<sup>132</sup> It cannot be excluded that some of these bases were initially part of painted vessels.

<sup>133</sup> Furumark 1992 [1941], pl. 41, Type 66.

<sup>134</sup> See Furumark 1992 [1941], pl. 41, Type 67.

<sup>135</sup> Furumark 1992 [1941], pl. 45, Type 74.

<sup>136</sup> In this phase no certain example of FS 66 was found. Only in the phase LH IIIB Developed–Final is there one rim with a handle beginning at the rim.

<sup>137</sup> From the eastern part of the excavation under the LH IIIB Final surface of Room 4/01 in Building XV, two larger, thick, short rims without handle of possible FS 66 cooking pot(s) were found (dated to LH IIIB Developed). A rim with handle, probably from the rim, was also found in this area and might be an example of an FS 66 local cooking pot for this phase.

<sup>138</sup> The larger ones (Figs. 21.1 and 21.3) come from Kilian's excavation and were found on Floor Va; the smaller one (Fig. 21.2) has a diameter of 9cm and was lying on Floor V as determined by Kilian. The rim shown in Fig. 20.13 LVDQLQVLWX¿QGIURP5RRPFH[FDYDWHGLQ

<sup>139</sup> The rim with an applied coil in the transition from the neck to the body in Fig. 20.15 might be another example of FS 66 from the last Palatial period. The same may apply for the rim Fig. 20.14.

<sup>140</sup> Information provided by Kardamaki.

<sup>141</sup> French – Taylour 2007, CD-367, CD-420.

<sup>142</sup>.DUGDPDNL±.D]D3DSDJHRUJLRX¿J7KHVDPHVWDWHPHQWZDVPDGHE\%DUWáRPLHM/LVâWČSiQ Rückl, Maria Choleva in their article on the mobility of Aeginetan potters, where they state that 'only by the

#### 86 S. Wirghová

This trend also continues in LH IIIC Early 1, in which no example of a possible FS 66 with a handle from the rim is attested from Befund-Nr. 123/02. One possible example of this Furumark shape is illustrated in Fig. 23.6. A fragment of a cooking pot, probably FS 74, is shown in Fig. 23.7. A thick, short rim, possibly of the FS 66-type cooking pot, was found in the pit Grube 3/03 (Fig. 23.16). Because of the limited number of sherds of local cooking ware in this phase, no further conclusions can be drawn. Cooking pots FS 66 found in situ were published from a second phase of the excavation in the Northeastern Lower Town dating to LH IIIC Early 2;143 thus, it seems that during this phase, at the latest, cooking pots FS 66 predominate. To conclude, according to the material presented, it seems that in LH IIIB cooking pots FS 67 and FS 74 were the most popular shapes in circulation. Probably during LH IIIB Developed or LH IIIB Final (LH IIIB2), the type FS 66 was introduced into the repertory of the local cooking ware and became the most frequent type in LH IIIC Early.


Tab. 10 Forms of local cooking ware and their occurrence in chronological phases

(X – at least one diagnostic sherd of a shape found in the phase; X – found in situ;

\* – form only attested in the material from Klaus Kilian's excavations).

Local tripod cooking pots were attested in all studied phases (Figs. 20.11, 22; 23.8, 15).144 The H[DPSOHVIRXQGLQVLWXIURPWKH¿QDO3DODWLDOSKDVHKDYHDQXQXVXDOWULIROLDWHVHFWLRQ)LJV 21.5145); most of the legs found are round or oval in section. Dated to LH IIIB Final, an angular tripod cooking pot (Fig. 20.19) of local fabric was found in the material excavated in 2003. A similar tripod cooking pot (Fig. 23.14) came to light during Kilian's excavation and dates to LH IIIC Early 1 (Befund-Nr. 123/02). It may be that this is a cast up from the Palatial period.146 An unusual tripod cooking pot or other closed vessel with horizontal handle dates to LH IIIB Final (Fig. 20.20).

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 86 11.11.2022 09:00:13

beginning of the LH IIIC period did a shift towards rim-handled shapes among the "Mycenaean" cooking pots occur' (Lis et al. 2015, 67).

<sup>143</sup> Stockhammer 2008, vol. 2, pl. 52.1204, 1206 etc. Examples of the cooking pot FS 67 or FS 74 are described by Stockhammer as cast ups in his Phase 1 (LH IIIC Early 1–2), since fragments of shape FS 66 predominate (Stockhammer 2008, vol. 1, 146).

<sup>144</sup> Legs of local tripod cooking pots were found already in LH IIIB Early–Middle (not published here). The majority of local and Aeginetan tripod cooking pots had vertical handles. One example from Midea with horizontal handles belongs to cooking ware and has been restored as a tripod (Dalinghaus 1998, 136, pl. 88.668).

<sup>145</sup> This tripod Befund-Nr*.* ZDVIRXQGRQWKH¿QDO3DODWLDOVXUIDFHRI5RRPLQ%XLOGLQJ;9

<sup>146</sup> There is only this drawing available for this study. I was not able to examine this vessel in person.

Fig. 20 1. LH IIIB Early–Middle: Aeginetan cooking ware; 2–5. LH IIIB Early–Middle: local cooking ware; 9. LH IIIB Developed: Aeginetan cooking ware; 6–8, 10–12. LH IIIB Developed: local cooking ware; 13–22. LH IIIB Final: local cooking ware. Scale 1:3 (1–6, 10–21: drawings S. Wirghová; 7–9, 22: drawings R. Tsembera; digitization S. Wirghová).

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 87 11.11.2022 09:00:14

Fig. 21 LH IIIB Final: local cooking ware. Scale 1:3 (1, 3: Kilian's excavation archive; 2, 4: drawings S. Wirghová; 5: drawing R. Tsembera; digitization S. Wirghová).

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 88 11.11.2022 09:00:14

Fig. 22 1. Local cooking pot; 2. local cooking pot with an intentionally drilled hole in the bottom. 1. Scale 1:3; 2. Scale 1:6 (photos M. Kostoula).

The baking pan was recognized in LH IIIB Developed (Fig. 20.12) and Final layers (Fig. 21.4). All sherds were found secondarily burnt on the side without dimples. In my opinion, this PDNHVWKHPDSRUWDEOH¿UHSODFHSUREDEO\XVHGLQERWKFXOWDQGGRPHVWLFDFWLYLWLHV147 The ladle or brazier FS 311 or FS 312 is attested in LH IIIB Developed, Final and in Befund-Nr.123/02 (Figs. 20.10, 18; 23.10–11); the torch, only in LH IIIB Final (Fig. 20.17) and LH IIIC Early 1 (Fig. 23.9). In LH IIIC Early 1, a cooking ware dipper (Fig. 23.12) was found as well. The variety of the shapes of the local cooking ware seems to be almost the same as in the previous phase (Tab. 10). The very limited amount of studied ceramic material148 did not allow us to acquire a better picture of the cooking ware repertory for the LH IIIC Early 2 phase (Fig. 23.15–16).

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 89 11.11.2022 09:00:15

<sup>147</sup>\$SRVVLEOHXVHDVD¿UHSODFHWREDNHÀDWEUHDGPXVWEHFRQVLGHUHGDVZHOO+UXE\6WRFNKDPPHU vol. 1, 322). On other possible functions of such vessels see Hruby 2006, 140. My interpretation is based on the tripod found at Tiryns with preserved legs with a plain, burned surface at the top and dimples on the opposite ('bot-WRP¶VLGHGLVSOD\HGLQWKHPXVHXPLQ1DISOLR\*UHHFH7KLVYHVVHOLVLOOXVWUDWHGLQ+LHVHO±¿J

<sup>148</sup> Seven diagnostic sherds of local cooking ware, two sherds Aeginetan.

Fig. 23 1–5. LH IIIB Final: Aeginetan cooking ware; 6–12, 14. LH IIIC Early 1: local cooking ware; 13. LH IIIC Early 1: Aeginetan cooking ware; 15–16. LH IIIC Early 2: local cooking ware; 17. LH IIIC Early 2: Aeginetan cooking ware. Scale 1:3 (1–2, 4–6, 8–9, 11–13, 15–17: drawings S. Wirghová; 3, 7, 10: drawings R. Tsembera; 14: Kilian's excavation archive; digitization S. Wirghová).

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 90 11.11.2022 09:00:16

Examples of an Aeginetan cooking pot FS 66 or tripod FS 320149 (Fig. 20.1; Tab. 11) were DOUHDG\LGHQWL¿HGLQWKHSKDVH/+ ,,,%(DUO\±0LGGOH7KLVVKDSHZDVDOVRWKHRQO\RQHLGHQ-WL¿HGLQDOORIWKHSKDVHVVWXGLHG )LJV±8QXVXDOPROGLQJGHFRUDWLRQ SUREDEO\PDGHE\¿QJHUVZDVREVHUYHGRQDQ\$HJLQHWDQYHVVHOIURPD/+,,,%)LQDO¿OOIURP Room 78a excavated by Kilian (Fig. 23.5). This kind of decoration is very rare, and the examples could be counted on one hand.150 Legs of an Aeginetan tripod FS 320 were attested in LH IIIB Developed,151 Final (Fig. 23.3), and LH IIIC Early 1.1527KHUHZDVQRVXFK¿QGLQWKHSLW\*UXEH 3/03. One body sherd yields a potter's mark, found on an Aeginetan cooking pot in the LH IIIB Developed layer (Fig. 20.9). Another example of such a sign comes from an attached handle dat-HGWR/+,,,%)LQDO)LJ\$FFRUGLQJWR%DUWáRPLHM/LVâWČSiQ5FNODQG0DULD&KROHYD Aeginetan cooking pots were widely distributed between LH IIIA2 and LH IIIB2 and the mass H[SRUWDWLRQRI\$HJLQHWDQFRRNLQJSRWVVLJQL¿FDQWO\GHFUHDVHGLQWKHEHJLQQLQJRI/+,,,&153 This LVUHÀHFWHGLQWKHPDWHULDOSUHVHQWHGKHUHDVZHOO


Tab. 11 Forms of Aeginetan cooking ware and their occurrence in chronological phases (X – at least one diagnostic sherd of a shape found in the phase; X – found in situ).

### **Conclusions**

As noted at the beginning of this paper, when it comes to the Palatial and Post-palatial period architecture as well as interventions of the Post-palatial period, we have a rich history in this area RIWKH/RZHU&LWDGHO7R¿QGD UHÀHFWLRQRIWKLVGHYHORSPHQWLQWKHFHUDPLFPDWHULDOZDVQRW always easy.

,QWURGXFLQJWKH¿UVWSKDVHVWXGLHG/+,,,%(DUO\±0LGGOHRQO\DIHZSDLQWHG¿QHZDUHVKDSHV were attested: a Group A deep bowl, a stemmed bowl FS 305, a kylix FS 258 and a shallow cups )67KHFDULQDWHGN\OL[LVWKHPRVWSRSXODUVKDSHDPRQJWKHXQSDLQWHG¿QHZDUH&RRNLQJ pots are mainly represented by the form with a handle below the rim (FS 67 and FS 74), and Aeginetan cooking ware is attested as well. According to the material presented here, the pref-HUHQFHIRU)6DQG)6FDQEHREVHUYHGXQWLO/+,,,&(DUO\)RUWKH¿UVWWLPHYHVVHOVRI .\WKHUDQFRDUVHZDUHZHUHLGHQWL¿HGLQWKHVWXGLHGDUHD

When we keep in mind that in LH IIIB Developed some new shapes such as a Group A deep bowl with monochrome interior, a rosette deep bowl, a deep bowl with a wavy line, possibly a large Group A deep bowl, and a ring-based krater SB (FS 281) were introduced, we can consider WKLVSKDVHDVWKH¿UVWWXUQLQJSRLQWLQWKHFHUDPLFVHTXHQFHLQWKLVDUHD,QWKLVSKDVHWKH¿UVW imports of Cretan character were attested in the area of the northern tip of the Lower Citadel. The unpainted carinated kylikes and/or angular shallow bowls (FS 267, FS 295C) are the most popular unpainted shapes, followed by conical kylikes/bowls.

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 91 11.11.2022 09:00:16

<sup>149</sup> One Aeginetan cooking pot FS 66 or FS 320 with handle from the rim was found on a LH IIIB Early–Middle surface in the area of the later Building XV (Befund-Nr*.* 97/02).

<sup>150</sup> Most of these vessels with plastic decoration were revealed in the LH IIIC Layers.

<sup>151</sup> One Aeginetan leg from this period was found in the area of the subsequently erected Building XV.

<sup>152</sup> One leg found during the excavation by Kilian.

<sup>153</sup> Lis et al. 2015, 71. See also Gauß – Kiriatzi 2011, 248.

#### 92 S. Wirghová

In LH IIIB Final, some new shapes such as a Group B deep bowl, a Group C deep bowl, a deep bowl SB, a deep semi-globular cup with dotted rim FS 215 or a dipper FS 236, a medium band cup FS 215, a linear deep semi-globular cup FS 215, a collar-necked jar (FS 63 and FS 64), and an amphoriskos were added to the ceramic repertory. It seems that the Group B deep bowl has its SHDNLQWKLVSKDVH+ROORZHGULPVRQODUJH¿QHZDUHFORVHGVKDSHVDQGDUHVHUYHGFHQWHURQWKH interior of painted deep bowls with monochrome interior are the new technological features intro-GXFHGLQWKH¿QDO3DODWLDOSKDVH8QSDLQWHGFDULQDWHGN\OLNHVDQGDQJXODUVKDOORZERZOVUHPDLQ WKHPRVWSRSXODUDPRQJXQSDLQWHG¿QHZDUHDQGLWVHHPVWKDWWKHXQSDLQWHGVKDOORZFXS)6 DQGN\OL[)6RU)6DUHVWLOOLQXVH\$WWHVWHGIRUWKH¿UVWWLPHLQWKHVWXGLHGDUHDLVWKH unpainted deep bowl. The most frequent shapes of the local cooking ware did not change, but the ¿UVWFOHDUHYLGHQFHIRUORFDOFRRNLQJSRWVZLWKDKDQGOHIURPWKHULP)6ZHUHDWWHVWHGDW7LU\QV in LH IIIB Final. On the one hand, there is a certain degree of continuity in the ceramic repertory during LH IIIB Developed and Final. On the other hand, it seems that with a more complexly organized community surrounding the expanding palace, a need for new vessel functionality arose DVZHOODVLWLVLOOXVWUDWHGE\VKDSHVVXFKDVGL൵HUHQWW\SHVRIFXSVH[WUDRUGLQDU\VKDSHVVXFKDV chalices or spouted vessels, collar-necked jars, and clear evidence of FS 66 in local cooking ware.

7KH¿QDO3DODWLDOSKDVHZDVWKHPRVWH[FLWLQJDVUHJDUGVLQWHUQDWLRQDOFRQWDFWV)RUHLJQRE-MHFWVLQWKHIRUPRIVPDOO¿QGVDQGJRRGVLQWKHFRUUHVSRQGLQJYHVVHOVDVIRXQGLQWKHQRUWKHUQ tip of the Lower Citadel, are witnesses of contacts with Aegina, Kythera, Crete, the Dodecanese, Cyprus, and the Levant. The inscribed Canaanite amphora (TIRY Avas 001), the inscribed local ¿QHZDUHMXJ7,5<\$YDVWKHORFDOO\LPLWDWHGZDOOEUDFNHWVWKHKHDGVKDSHGIDLHQFHYHVVHOV LQWKHVKDSHRIDPRQNH\RUWKH1HDU(DVWHUQGHPRQ+XPEDEDDQGRWKHUVPDOO¿QGVIURPWKLV area provide 'evidence for the presence of people with an intimate knowledge of Cypriot cultural practices in the area of the northern tip of the Lower Citadel of Tiryns'.154

At the transition to LH IIIC Early, most of these special items with Cypriot/Near Eastern connections disappear, and this seems to suggest a dramatic 'turning point'. By contrast, when observing the repertory of the ceramic shapes in the earliest Post-palatial phase, we are mostly dealing with continuity. In the LH IIIC Early 1 phase, all shapes seem to continue, although in DGL൵HUHQWSHUFHQWDJHUDWLRWKDQE\WKHHQGRI/+,,,%7KHWHQGHQF\WRZDUGVPRUHOLQHDUGHF-RUDWLRQLVSUREDEO\DWWHVWHGE\WKH¿UVWDSSHDUDQFHRIVKDSHVVXFKDVWKHOLSEDQGFXSERZODQG possibly the linear deep bowl with rim band inside. The spectrum of foreign wares decreased radically. Only fragments of Cretan-type, Aeginetan and Kytheran ware are still present. At this point it has to be emphasized that the chronology of Befund-Nr. 123/02, dated to LH IIIC Early 1, is based solely on the stratigraphy and it might be that all of the material in this pit is secondarily deposited ceramic material originally dated to LH IIIB Final. The small size of PRVWVKHUGVIURP%HIXQG1UDQGFHUDPLFMRLQVLGHQWL¿HGZLWK/+,,,%)LQDODQG'Hveloped layers could support this hypothesis. With the introduction of the painted carinated cup FS 240 and painted conical kylix FS 274, the presence of the linear rosette bowl with a rosette placed high under the rim, the increasing popularity of linear shapes such as medium band deep bowls and the shift from shapes FS 67 and FS 74 to FS 66 by local cooking ware, the LH IIIC Early 2 phase constitutes one of the more striking turning points in the ceramic development. This is also the last Post-palatial phase, in which Cretan-type and/or Cretan-provenance pottery is still attested.

**Acknowledgements:** Many thanks to Joseph Maran and Tobias Mühlenbruch for providing the dating of cultural layers found in this area for both the 2000–2003 and the 1982–1983 campaigns. The drawings were done by the author, by Rebekka Tsembera and by Birgit Konnemann to whom I am very thankful. Many thanks to Maria Kostoula for providing photographs and plans. For the discussions on ceramic material and shared knowledge on pottery, I am very grateful to Joseph Maran, Eleftheria Kardamaki, Maria Kostoula, Melissa Vetters, Susanne Prillwitz, Ursula Damm-Meinhardt, 9DVFR+DFKWPDQQ3KLOLSS6WRFNKDPPHU5HLQKDUG-XQJDQG%DUWáRPLHM/LV

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 92 11.11.2022 09:00:16

<sup>154</sup>'DYLVHWDO±6HHWKHVDPHIRUIXUWKHUOLWHUDWXUHRQWKHPHQWLRQHG¿QGV

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## **Kadmeia, Thebes: The Pottery from a Storeroom Destroyed at the End of the Mycenaean Palatial Period**

### *Eleni Andrikou*<sup>1</sup>

**Abstract:** In 1997, in the plot of the Municipal Conference Centre (MCC) of Thebes on the N-NW part of the Kadmeia Hill, the contents of a Mycenaean storeroom were partially excavated, about 250m N-NW of the Kadmeion. It comprised a bronze corselet, an agate seal depicting a cow suckling her calf, traces of melted lead and pottery. All the LWHPVKDGIDOOHQIURPDKLJKHUOHYHODQGZHUHIRXQGLQD¿OORIUHGHDUWKSUREDEO\GHULYLQJIURPWKHGLVLQWHJUDWHGPXG-EULFNV\$UHDVRIEODFNHDUWKZLWKFKDUUHGZRRGDQGVLJQVRIEXUQLQJRQVHYHUDORIWKH¿QGVLQGLFDWH¿UHDVWKHFDXVHRI GHVWUXFWLRQ7KLUW\¿YHYDVHVZHUHFRPSOHWHRUQHDUO\FRPSOHWHWZHQW\IRXURIFRDUVHRUSODLQZDUHVWRUDJHYHVVHOV lamps, a small amphora, shallow cups, ladles, kylikes), ten decorated closed vessels (stirrup jars, jugs, a hydria, a based askos, a small amphora), and one Group A deep bowl. The pottery is dated to the end of the LH IIIB period, when some features of the LH IIIC Early pottery had already appeared. The pottery from the storeroom is discussed in connection with pottery groups from other sites in Thebes as well as from other Mycenaean palatial centers.

**Keywords:** Mycenaean pottery, Thebes, Kadmeia, end of Mycenaean palaces

After the House of Kadmos was revealed by Antonios Keramopoullos2 in the period between 1906 and 1929 on top of the Kadmeia Hill (Fig. 1.1), intense excavations from 1960 onwards brought to light several parts of the Mycenaean settlement at Thebes. The picture gained is fragmentary, not only due to the rescue character of the excavations represented by random trenches in the entire town following modern building activity but also because it is mainly based on preliminary reports.

In 1995–1997 the plot where the Municipal Conference Center (MCC) of Thebes was later erected had been excavated (Fig. 1.6). The plot is situated on the N-NW slope of the Kadmeia +LOORQ/RXNDVǺHOORVDQG7KUHSVLDGLV6WVDERXWPIURPWKH.DGPHLRQ2QWRSRIWKHKLOO above the excavated area, stands the church of Ayios Georgios in the homonymous square, 9.16m KLJKHUWKDQ/RXNDVǺHOORV6W

7KH FHUDPLF FRQWHQWV RI D VWRUHURRP GHVWUR\HG E\ ¿UH ZLOO EH SUHVHQWHG DQG FRPSDUHGWR other pottery groups from Thebes and other – mainly palatial – Mycenaean sites. The deposit was GHYRLGRIODWHULQWUXVLRQVDQGUHSUHVHQWVWKHVWDJHRIWKH¿QDOFROODSVHRIWKH0\FHQDHDQ3DODWLDO system in Thebes. For comparison, three excavations in Thebes have been selected, where the palatial character is clear and publication or more detailed references to the pottery exist. These sites are situated at a distance of 100–250m to the SE and SW of the Kadmeion. The two most remote sites (MCC plot, 1 Oedipus St. plot) are approximately 450m apart:


Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 97 11.11.2022 09:00:16

<sup>1</sup> Head of the Ephorate of Antiquities of East Attica – Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports, Greece; e-mail: eandrikou@culture.gr.

<sup>2</sup> Keramopoullos 1909; Keramopoullos 1930.

<sup>3</sup> Spyropoulos – Chadwick 1975.

<sup>4</sup> Piteros 1988; Piteros 1989.

Fig. 1 Map of Kadmeia Hill. 1. Old Kadmeion; 2. New Kadmeion; 3. Epaminondas and Democritus Sts. Plot; 4. 1 Oedipus St. plot; 5. Pelopidas St. excavation; 6. MCC plot.

HDUOLHUGHVWUXFWLRQOHYHODOVRFDXVHGE\¿UHGDWLQJWR/+,,,%\$JURXSRIFOD\VHDOLQJV 56 of them inscribed in Linear B, is connected to this earlier destruction.5

– The excavation below the surface of Pelopidas St. (Fig.1.5), where another Linear B tablet archive has been revealed.6 The study of the pottery led to the dating of the archive to the end of LH IIIB2. Habitation levels from LH IIIA2, LH IIIC Early and LH IIIC Middle also existed.7

On the MCC plot (Fig. 2), dense occupation with substantial architectural remains from all Byzantine periods was attested by the 1st Ephorate of Byzantine Antiquities.8 Pottery from the Classical and Hellenistic periods indicates that some of the fragmentary walls date to these periods.9 The Mycenaean layer was attested in the south and in the central part of the excavation. 0LGGOH+HOODGLFDUFKLWHFWXUDO¿QGVZHUHUDWKHUSRRUDQGUHVWULFWHGWRWKHVRXWKHUQSDUWDQGWKH central-eastern border of the excavated area.10 The Early Helladic period was well attested, including a big apsidal house in a good state of preservation, again in the southern part of the plot.11

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 98 11.11.2022 09:00:16

<sup>5</sup> Piteros et al. 1990.

<sup>6</sup> Aravantinos et al. 2001; Aravantinos et al. 2002; Aravantinos et al. 2005.

<sup>7</sup> Andrikou 2006.

<sup>8</sup> Koilakou 1992, 118–119; Koilakou 2000, 77–80.

<sup>9</sup> Andrikou 2000a, 291–292; Karakitsou 2000; Sabetai – Karakitsou 2016. Our late colleague Elissavet Stassinopoulou excavated the relics of a sanctuary, possibly the Thesmophorion referred to by Pausanias (IX.6.5), on Ayios Georgios Square, during the 1980s.

<sup>10</sup> Andrikou 2000a, 294; Deligianni 2003.

<sup>11</sup> Andrikou 2000a, 294; Andrikou 2000b.

Fig. 2 MCC plot, Thebes. Ground plan of the excavation (Archive of the Ephorate of Antiquities of Boiotia).

In the Mycenaean layer, six lots were discerned named Deposits I–VI.12 Deposit II is the con-WHQWVRIDVWRUHURRPDWWKH6:FRUQHURIWKHWHUUDLQGH¿QHGE\:DOOțȕǯDQGH[WHQGLQJWRWKHZHVW (Figs. 2, 3). The pottery is of LH IIIB2 Late date.13 Deposit V in the central part of the terrain also dates to this phase, while Deposits I and IV date to LH IIIC Early, immediately after the destruc-WLRQ(DUOLHURFFXSDWLRQLQ/+,,,\$%LVDWWHVWHGE\WKHVPDOO'HSRVLW,,,EHWZHHQWKH:DOOVțȕǯ DQGțİǯ)LJD±E

2IWKHEXLOGLQJWRZKLFKWKHVWRUHURRPEHORQJHGRQO\WKHH[WHULRUHDVWZDOO:DOOțȕǯKDV been revealed at a length of 4.50m, extending from N-NE to S-SW.14 Its total preserved height is 1.80–1.92m. The lower part, 1.35–1.42m in height, constitutes the foundation, 1m wide. The upper 0.50m is the wall itself. The walls on the other three sides were not discovered (Fig. 3a–b).

The contents of the storeroom were excavated over an area of almost 4m² and most likely extend further to W below the modern street level. The level at which it was found corresponds to the basement of that time. Given that all the items had fallen into the place where they were found and that the basement is too short in height to be of proper use, it is suggested that the actual VWRUHURRPZDVRQDKLJKHUOHYHORIWKHJURXQGÀRRU7KHXSSHUPRIWKHGHSRVLW)LJ 3b) were composed of dark brown earth with burnt areas, and the remaining 1.10m till the lowest FRXUVHRIWKHIRXQGDWLRQRIWKH:DOOțȕǯRIEULJKWUHGHDUWKSUREDEO\IURPWKHGLVVROXWLRQRIXQbaked bricks, with black burnt areas.15 That the dark and the red layer belong together is proven by the jug II.250, which was found in the dark layer. However, matching sherds were also found in the lowest 0.40m. The level connected to the actual wall was disturbed when the area was reused after the destruction (Deposit I).

The contents of the storeroom comprised various ceramic vessels and a few individual items, such as a steatite conulus, some stone tools and lead sheets or wires. Among them, a deformed

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 99 11.11.2022 09:00:16

<sup>12</sup> Andrikou, forthcoming. The catalogue numbers of the vases referred to in the text derive from the publication catalogue.

<sup>13</sup> The term LH IIIB2 Late is considered an appropriate one for the last ceramic phase within the Palatial period. +RZHYHU,WKLQNWKDWUHJLRQDOYDULDWLRQVFDQEHFOHDUO\LGHQWL¿HGDQGFKDUDFWHULVWLFIHDWXUHVRIRQHDUHDDUHQRWVR important for another. See Vitale 2006, 199; Andrikou 2006, 36; French – Stockhammer 2009, 216–218.

<sup>14</sup> ,WVKRXOGEHQRWHGWKDWWKHGLUHFWLRQRIWKH:DOOVțȕǯDQGțİǯGRHVQRWFRLQFLGHZLWKWKH1(6:D[LVRI.HUDPRpoullos' Kadmeion.

<sup>15</sup>\$WWKLVGHSWKWKHXSSHUVXUIDFHRI:DOOȜȘǯZDVUHYHDOHG)LJEXWLWZDVQRWSRVVLEOHWRFRQWLQXHWKHH[FDYDWLRQ

100 E. Andrikou

Fig. 3 MCC plot, Thebes. Area of Deposit II. a. Ground plan; b. stratigraphical section (Archive of the Ephorate of Antiquities of Boiotia).

bronze corselet,16 an agate seal17 and two ivory fragments that belonged to a lyre demonstrate the KLJKVWDWXVRIWKHRZQHUDOVRFRQ¿UPHGE\WKHEXLOGLQJ¶VVWXUG\FRQVWUXFWLRQ6RPHRIWKHLWHPV are burnt and others not, and several vases are partially burnt because they were smashed before WKH¿UHVSUHDG7KHYDVHVZHUHEURNHQEXWPRVWO\ZLWKWKHLUSLHFHVUHPDLQLQJWRJHWKHURUZLWKLQ DOLPLWHGYHUWLFDODQGKRUL]RQWDOGLVWULEXWLRQ\$WWKHGHSWKRIWKHIRXQGDWLRQVPIUȠPWKH \$\LRV\*HRUJLRVOHYHOPIURP/RXNDVǺHOORV6WWZRVWRUDJHYDVHVZHUHO\LQJVLGHE\VLGH cracked but keeping their original shape. They were both upturned, the pithos II.212 almost vertical with the mouth downwards to the N and the belly-handled amphora II.220 almost upright, OHDQLQJWRWKH17KHUHGHDUWK¿OOHQGHGDWWKHOHYHODWZKLFKERWKYHVVHOVVWRRG)LJE1R VLJQVRIDÀRRUZHUHDWWHVWHGZKLFKDOVRVXJJHVWVWKDWWKHEDVHPHQWZDVQRWXVHGDQGPRVWSUREably constituted an empty space into which the items collapsed.

The storeroom was for alimentary provisions, mainly liquids – i.e. wine and oil. Cooking pots and vases suitable for serving and consuming these products were also kept. The pottery comprises 35 whole or nearly whole vases and 587 sherds.

The storage vases are plain, of coarse or semi-coarse ware:

**Pithos FS 13.** Pithos II.212 (0.62m in height, Fig. 4.4) was found on the bottom of the trench. It has the smooth contour of the LH IIIB pithoi,18 D ÀDW EDVH DQG WZR KRUL]RQWDO KDQGOHV RQ WKHVKRXOGHU7KHFORVHVWSDUDOOHODOWKRXJKLWGLVSOD\VGL൵HUHQWSURSRUWLRQVLVNQRZQIURPWKH LH IIIB1 West House at Mycenae.19

**Belly-handled amphora FS 58.** Three amphorae of that type (II.219–II.221), similar in size (0.60–0.70m in height) are preserved (Fig. 6.4). The amphora II.220 was found next to the pithos II.212. The shape is known from the LH IIIB1 houses around the acropolis of Mycenae20 and from

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 100 11.11.2022 09:00:17

<sup>16</sup>\$QGULNRX7KHGDWHVXJJHVWHGLQWKLVSDSHULVQRZFKDQJHGGXHWRWKHUH¿QHPHQWRIWKHSRWWHU\VWXG\\$ORZHU date (LH IIIB) for the corselet is more consistent with the line of evolution from LH IIIA.

<sup>17</sup> Andrikou 2003, 610–613 no. 1; Andrikou 2004, no. 377.

<sup>18</sup>,DNRYLGLVSO'HPDNRSRXORX±'LYDUL9DODNRX¿J

<sup>19</sup>9HUGHOLV¿J)UHQFKQ

<sup>20</sup>9HUGHOLV±¿JV±)UHQFK¿JSOG

Fig. 4 Pottery from Deposit II. 1. Cooking pot II.206; 2. lamp II.209; 3. lamp II.210; 4. pithos II.212; 5. wide-mouthed storage jar II.214. 1–3, 5. scale 1:3; 4. scale 1:6.

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 101 11.11.2022 09:00:17

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 102 11.11.2022 09:00:18

Fig. 7 Pottery from Deposit II. Storage amphorae. 1. II.222; 2. II.223. Scale 1:3.

Fig. 8 Pottery from Deposit II. 1. Low-stemmed kylix II.239; 2. low-stemmed kylix II.237; 3. conical kylix II.243; 4. ladle II.233; 5. conical kylix II.244; 6. conical bowl or basin II.247; 7. shallow angular bowl II.246; 8. kylix with high handles II.242. Scale 1:3.

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 103 11.11.2022 09:00:18

Fig. 9 Pottery from Deposit II. Large amphora II.248. Scale 1:3.

Fig. 10 Pottery from Deposit II. 1. Hydria II.255; 2. amphoriskos II.254. Scale 1:3.

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 104 11.11.2022 09:00:18

Fig. 11 Pottery from Deposit II. 1. Narrow-necked jug II.253; 2. stirrup jar II.257; 3. jug II.250; 4. stirrup jar II.256. Scale 1:3.

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 105 11.11.2022 09:00:18

Fig. 12 Pottery from Deposit II. 1. Based askos II.261; 2. stirrup jar II.260; 3. deep bowl II.267; 4. Group A deep bowl II.266. Scale 1:3.

the LH IIIB2 destruction levels at the Epaminondas and Democritus Sts. plot in Thebes,21 from the Englianos palace,22 the West Gate Area at Midea,23 the House of the Tripod Tomb at Mycenae,24 and Storeroom 4 at Megaron B in Dimini.25

**Tub FS 1.** The tub II.211 (Fig. 5) was reconstructed from pieces scattered south of the storage vases II.212 and II.220. A similar but slightly smaller tub (IV.335) was reused in the Post-palatial Deposit IV after having been mended with lead clamps.

Although plain tubs in domestic sites have not gained much attention and a special study on them is lacking, it seems that they became more common in late Mycenaean times, either as bathtubs or for other uses like storage,26 as is the case here. Several tubs are known from LH IIIB2 and LH IIIC Early 1 destruction contexts at Thebes (Epaminondas and Democritus Sts. plot,27 1 Oedipus St. plot28), at Mycenae (the House of the Tripod Tomb)29 and in Attica (Ayios Kosmas).30

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 106 11.11.2022 09:00:18

<sup>21</sup> Spyropoulos – Chadwick 1975, 27 no. 3, pl. 15.46.

<sup>22</sup>%OHJHQ±5DZVRQ¿JV±6KDSH

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<sup>24</sup>2QDVVRJORXQRȕQRĮQRȚ¿JSOVȕĮȖȕ

<sup>25</sup> Adrimi-Sismani 2014, 373–374.

<sup>26</sup> Keramopoulos 1917, 92; Onassoglou 1995, 143; Marabea 2010, 149–150, 268–270, discusses several other potential uses of the vessel.

<sup>27</sup> Spyropoulos – Chadwick 1975, 11, 21.

<sup>28</sup>3LWHURVSOĮ3LWHURV

<sup>29</sup>2QDVVRJORXQRș¿JSOĮ

<sup>30</sup> Mylonas 1959, 53, pls. 31, 171.

**Storage jar FS 280.** The wide-mouthed storage jar II.214 (Fig. 4.5) was designed to accept a lid fastened just below its rim. It has no exact parallel, although a similar vase was found in the destruction layer at Midea31 and a variety of comparable shapes belong to the Palace of Nestor collection.32

**Amphora FS 66.** This shape (II.222, II.223, Fig. 7.1–2) of semi-coarse fabric seems to be con- ¿QHGWR7KHEHV\$VHPLFRDUVHH[DPSOHFRPHVIURPWKH(SDPLQRQGDVDQG'HPRFULWXV6WVH[FDYDtion.33 At Mycenae and Pylos, the type with handles from neck to shoulder (FS 67) was preferred.34

Vessels for special purposes or cooking comprise:

**Lamps FS 311, 312.** Arne Furumark calls these two shapes ladle or brazier. Two examples of a semi-coarse fabric are present. II.209 (Fig. 4.2) is considered a lamp since two similar vessels from the MCC plot (III.274, VI.595) bear signs of burning on the nozzle opposite the handle. This was also observed on two lamps from the Panagia Houses at Mycenae.35 II.210 (Fig. 4.3) could also be a lamp if one considers the slight traces of burning on the rim approximately opposite to the handle, which was attached at the portion of the wall which was pushed in and is now missing. Whatever its use, the vessel is present in LH IIIB2 destruction contexts at Midea.36

**Cooking pot FS 66.** The shape of the cooking pot II.206 (Fig. 4.1), as assumed based on the IDEULFDQGWKHVLJQVRI¿UHLVPRVWSUREDEO\WKDWRIDQDPSKRUDZLWKKDQGOHVIURPULPWRVKRXOder. The shape, also known in semi-coarse fabric, is recognized as a cooking pot from several fragmentary examples at the MCC plot and the Pelopidas St. archive.37 The predilection for the amphoroid type of cooking pot is also noted in the Argolid, though there the types with handles from neck to shoulder FS 67 and 74 were preferred.38 The tripod cooking pot FS 320 is represented in the contents of the storeroom only by two fragments.

**Baking pan FS 323.** Only a small part (II.208) indicates the existence of the vessel, which seems to be present, although sparingly, in every LH IIIB household context.39

2SHQXQGHFRUDWHGYDVHVDUHRI¿QHRUVHPL¿QHIDEULF

The **cup FS 222** is one of the most common shapes (Fig. 6.2–3). The version with an angular SUR¿OHSUHYDLOVWKLVLVDOVRWKHFDVHLQWKHGHVWUXFWLRQOD\HURIWKH.DGPHLRQ40 A comparable variety in shape can be observed in the Englianos palace,41ZKLOHFXSVZLWKDURXQGHGSUR¿OHVHHP to have been preferred in the Argolid.42

The **ladle FS 236** appears in a smaller (II.233, Fig. 8.4) and a bigger (II.234) variation with a 0.06–0.07m-high handle. Parallels can be found among the ladles of the Palace of Nestor and in the examples from the Epaminondas and Democritus Sts. excavations.43

The **low-stemmed kylix FS 267** (Fig. 8.1–2) is by far the most frequent unpainted vase, mostly with an angular bowl, like the cup FS 222 and the shallow bowl FS 295. They are common

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 107 11.11.2022 09:00:18

<sup>31</sup>'HPDNRSRXORX±'LYDUL9DODNRX¿J

<sup>32</sup>%OHJHQ±5DZVRQ±¿JV±6KDSHV

<sup>33</sup> Spyropoulos – Chadwick 1975, 29 no. 2, pl. 17.55.

<sup>34</sup>%OHJHQ±5DZVRQ¿J6KDSHE)UHQFK±¿J±±)UHQFK¿J 12.9.

<sup>35</sup> Mylonas Shear 1987, 99–100, pl. 27.110–111 (Drain Deposit N of Room 7).

<sup>36</sup>'HPDNRSRXORX±'LYDUL9DODNRX±¿J%DXPDQQ¿J

<sup>37</sup> Andrikou 2006, 27 n. 3.

<sup>38</sup>)UHQFK±:DUGOH±¿J0RXQWMR\¿J±0\ORQDV Shear 1987, 109, pl. 32.139–142; Onassoglou 1995, pls. 44.1; 50.2; Dalinghaus 1998, 135, pl. 88.662, 664.

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<sup>40</sup> Raison 1968, 48–49 n. 190, pl. 37.78.

<sup>41</sup>%OHJHQ±5DZVRQ¿JV±6KDSH&IDOVR9DVLORJDPYURXHWDOWKLVYROXPHIRUDFXSZLWKDQJXODU SUR¿OHIURPWKH/+,,,%0LGGOHGHVWUXFWLRQGHSRVLWDW\$\LRV9DVLOHLRV

<sup>42</sup>)UHQFK¿J:DUGOH¿J±0RXQWMR\±¿J± +LHVHO¿J±9HUVWUDHWH¿JV±

<sup>43</sup>%OHJHQ±5DZVRQ¿JV±6KDSH6S\URSRXORV±&KDGZLFNSO±

in the LH IIIB1 destruction layer of the Kadmeion,44GL൵HULQJLQWKDWWKH\KDYHDOLSSHGULPDQG maybe a shallower bowl, and also in the late LH IIIB2 destructions in Pelopidas St.45 and in Epaminondas and Democritus Sts.46 They are present at Pylos47 and other Mycenaean sites, and at Midea they are characterized as the most common undecorated vase.48

**Kylix with high handles FS 273.** The only example, II.242 (Fig. 8.8) with a deep bowl, compares well with the kylikes from the Palace of Nestor.49

The **conical Kylix FS 274** (II.243–II.245) is recognized only from parts of the bowl. The SUR¿OHRI,,)LJLVVWUDLJKWDQGVOLJKWO\FXUYLQJEHIRUHWKHULPVLPLODUWRDN\OL[IURP the Kadmeion and to another kylix found at Midea.50 The other two examples (Fig. 8.5) present DVPRRWKURXQGHGSUR¿OHVLPLODUWRN\OL[IUDJPHQWVIURPWKH3HORSLGDV6WDUFKLYH51 and kylikes from the Palace of Nestor and other Mycenaean sites.52

The lower part of a high stem with the beginning of the base disc (II.265), probably solid painted or banded, is the only decorated piece. Both forms of decoration appear in Tiryns late in LH IIIB2.53 Similarly, low-stemmed kylikes with a solid painted foot are considered diagnostic for LH IIIB2 Late.54

**Shallow angular bowl FS 295.** ,, )LJ LVDQDOPRVWFRPSOHWHH[DPSOHDQG¿QGV close parallels at the Pelopidas St. archive,55 the Palace of Nestor and the Midea West Gate destruction deposit.56 The type was already present among the Kadmeion pottery.57

II.247 (Fig. 8.6) is attributed to a large conical bowl or basin, similar to the basins of the Palace of Nestor.58

&ORVHGGHFRUDWHGYDVHVDUHRIVHPL¿QHRU¿QHIDEULF

**Large amphora FS 69.** II.248 (Fig. 9) is the only example safely attributed to this shape. The handle decoration and the stripe below the rim on the outside may be an indication for a late date in LH IIIB2.59

**Hydria FS 128.** II.255 (Fig. 10.1) is an almost complete example with ovoid body and band decoration. The partially preserved hydria from the Palace of Nestor can be compared, as well as the hydria from the Epaminondas and Democritus Sts. excavations.607ZR¿QHZDUHK\GULDHFRPH from Deposits I and IV (LH IIIC Early) of the MCC plot.

**Jug FS 110.** II.250 (Fig. 11.3) has a smooth contour from shoulder to neck and is decorated with stripes and a nearly straight band along the handle. The narrow neck expanding to the rim UHPLQGVRQHRIWKHOHN\WKRV7KHVKDSHDQGGHFRUDWLRQ¿QGSDUDOOHOVLQWKHMXJVRI0&&'HSRVLW V, the Epaminondas and Democritus Sts. excavations and a bigger jug from the Pylos palace.61

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 108 11.11.2022 09:00:18

<sup>44</sup> Raison 1968, 48 n. 188, pl. 37.75.242, 263, 247, 261; 77.260, 363.

<sup>45</sup> Andrikou 2006, 28, pls. 9.136–137; 11.175–176; 40.46.

<sup>46</sup> Spyropoulos – Chadwick 1975, 34 no. 3, pl. 20.79.

<sup>47</sup>%OHJHQ±5DZVRQ±¿JV±6KDSH

<sup>48</sup> Demakopoulou 2003, 82.

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<sup>53</sup> Podzuweit 2007, 107, 110, pls. 54.1; 55.8.

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<sup>55</sup> Andrikou 2006, pl. 9.149.

<sup>56</sup>%OHJHQ±5DZVRQ¿J6KDSH'HPDNRSRXORX±'LYDUL9DODNRX¿J

<sup>57</sup> Raison 1968, 48, pl. 37.77.295, 269.

<sup>58</sup>%OHJHQ±5DZVRQ¿J6KDSHQR6KDSHQR

<sup>59</sup> Podzuweit 2007, 185, Beil. 63 (Variety 4, decoration type 7), 64 (handle decoration e).

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<sup>61</sup>%OHJHQ±5DZVRQ¿J6KDSH6S\URSRXORV±&KDGZLFNQRV±QRSOV± 57; 20.77.

There exist two **amphoriskoi**, with no versions in Furumark's typology: a plain one with a wide neck (II.225, Fig. 6.1) and a decorated, somewhat taller one (II.254, Fig. 10.2). The decoration on the shoulder connects it to the narrow-necked jugs II.252 and II.253 (Fig. 11.1).

**Narrow-necked jug FS 120/121.** There are three mended jugs (II.251, II.252, II.253) of the same size (height 0.26–0.275m) (Figs. 11.1; 13.2). Although they are not equal as regards the quality of the fabric and painting,62 they are thought to come from the same workshop. The motifs on the shoulders of II.252 and II.253 (Figs. 11.1; 13.2) are reminiscent of the aforementioned DPSKRULVNRV,,7KHFDO\[VKDSHGPRXWKRIǿǿLVFRQVLGHUHGDGHYHORSPHQWRIDQHDUOLHU feature, also noticed at Glas.63

The decorative system of either alternating perpendicular motifs or continuous motifs comprising panel-like designs is characteristic of the shape.64 A close parallel to II.251 is a jug from Tomb 3 in the area of the Elektrai Gate.65

The narrow-necked jug, a funerary vase during LH IIIA2 and LH IIIB1,66 becomes common, as much as a specialized shape can be, in settlement contexts in LH IIIB2. In the West Gate Area at Midea, at least eight have been found in the destruction layers67 as well as at Mycenae (Perseia Trench L, Panagia Houses, House of the Tripod Tomb, Citadel SW Quarter)68 and Tiryns.69 This popularity continued and even increased in LH IIIC with the succeeding shape known as a lekythos.

**Stirrup jar.** II.256 (Fig. 11.4) is an example of a medium-sized storage stirrup jar FS 164 of semi-coarse fabric, bearing linear decoration. A similar stirrup jar with an additional wavy band around the shoulder comes from the Kadmeion.70\$FLUFOHRQWKHÀDWGLVFRIWKHKDQGOHVDQGD wavy band along them appear on another stirrup jar from the Kadmeion and also on a stirrup jar from Mycenae (House of the Tripod Tomb).71

The piriform stirrup jar II.257, of medium size (FS 166/167, Fig. 11.2), resembles those found in LH IIIB2 destruction layers in the houses outside the Mycenae Citadel72 and in the Pylos palace.73 The convex disc of the handles indicates a late LH IIIB2 date, as does the simple banding on the lower body.74

7KHPHGLXPVL]HGVWLUUXSMDUǿǿEHDUVRQO\OLQHDUGHFRUDWLRQFRPSULVLQJWKHXVXDOV\VWHP for the shape consisting of lines between bands. On the disc of the handles a spiral is painted, as is common on stirrup jars,75 and a wavy band along the handles which does not reach the disc.76

**Small globular stirrup jar FS 171/173.** II.260 (Fig. 12.2) is decorated in the LH IIIB2 VW\OHZLWKDJURXSRIOLQHVEHWZHHQEDQGVVHSDUDWLQJWKHVKRXOGHUZKHUH0\FHQDHDQÀRZHUV DUHSDLQWHGIURPWKHEHOO\]RQH¿OOHGZLWKYHUWLFDOZDY\OLQHV7KHORZHUERG\LVFRYHUHGZLWK

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 109 11.11.2022 09:00:18

<sup>62</sup>,,LVRIDKLJKVWDQGDUGRQERWKDVSHFWV¿J,,SUHVHQWVDKDVW\GUDZLQJDQG,,¿JLVRI VHPL¿QHIDEULF

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<sup>64</sup> See n. 65–68 below.

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<sup>66</sup> Cf. indicatively, Mountjoy 1999, 119, 135 n. 652 (for LH IIIA2, LH IIIB1 examples from burials), 147 n. 730–733 (for examples from LH IIIB2 settlements).

<sup>67</sup>'HPDNRSRXORX±'LYDUL9DODNRXWKHPRVWFRPPRQFORVHGVKDSHWRJHWKHUZLWKVWLUUXSMDU)6¿JV ±¿J'HPDNRSRXORX±'LYDUL9DODNRX¿J5RRP9ǿD'HPDNRSRXORX±'LYDUL9DODNRX ±¿JV±5RRP9,,,DE¿J\*LHULQJSO\*LHULQJSO

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<sup>69</sup> Podzuweit 2007, Beil. 69 (Varieties 5 and 6).

<sup>70</sup> Raison 1968, pls. 32.69; 34.71 (Thebes 826).

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<sup>74</sup> See below FS 171/173: n. 78.

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<sup>76</sup> A similar blank space is noticed on some stirrup jars between the disc and the solidly painted handle. Podzuweit 2007, 160 n. 955, considers it a chronological criterium for a LH IIIB Early and Middle date.

Fig. 13 Pottery from Deposit II. 1. Rim fragment of Group A/B deep bowl (Deposit II.271); 2. narrow-necked jug II.251.

bands of nearly equal width. Simple band decoration on the lower body appeared in LH IIIB277 and became more common and widespread during LH IIIC in other closed shapes as well.78 II.260 is one of the very rare examples with circles painted on the underside of the base. The small globular stirrup jar is very common in the MCC plot and also found in the Epaminondas and Democritus Sts. plot.79

**Based askos FS 195.** There are two examples of decorated based askoi: the medium-sized II.261 (Fig. 12.1) and the big II.262. Based askoi are known from LH IIIA on in funerary contexts.80 In LH IIIB2 their number, especially for undecorated ones, increases in settlement contexts, like in the Epaminondas and Democritus Sts. plot at Thebes, at Mycenae, Tiryns, Midea and Dimini.81 Decorated examples, mainly linear, are rare. On the decorated askoi from the MCC plot, Thebes and Plakes, Mycenae,82 circular or curvilinear motifs are added on the shoulder.

**Deep bowl FS 284**RI¿QHIDEULF,,)LJLVDQHDUO\FRPSOHWHH[DPSOHRID\*URXS A deep bowl. The decoration, consisting of simple rectilinear triglyphs and pairs of semicircles in the metopes, although characteristic of LH IIIB stemmed bowls83 and Group B deep bowls,84 is known on Group A and Group A/B deep bowls as well.85 The simple rectilinear triglyph also appears on a rim bowl fragment (II.267, Fig. 12.3) with an exterior lip band wider than is usual on Group A deep bowls. The motif on the metope is missing. It could be a lozenge, like on deep bowls from MCC Deposits V and VI or another motif or combination.86 Interior decoration is very UDUH,WFDQEHDVHFRQGEDQGEHORZWKHULPǿǿRUFRQFHQWULFFLUFOHVRQWKHERWWRP,,

Group A/B deep bowls are represented only by two sherds with the multiple stem motif FM 19. On the rim fragment II.271 (Fig. 13.1) the 'tongue' variation appears, and on a small belly fragment, probably the 'hooked' one. The multiple stem in several variations is also present on Group A and Group A/B deep bowls in other deposits of the MCC plot.

Six small fragments, one of which is a rim, belong to monochrome deep bowls, which have a clear presence in all MCC contexts.

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 110 11.11.2022 09:00:19

<sup>77</sup> Mylonas Shear 1987, pl. 28.117–119.

<sup>78</sup>\$QGULNRX Q QR SOV &I DOVR0RXQWMR\ ¿J ¿J 261.179; Voigtländer 2003, pl. 136.Bü 30.

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<sup>80</sup> Immerwahr 1971, 138–139. For a LH IIIB1 domestic example see Thomas 2005, 507.

<sup>81</sup>6S\URSRXORV±&KDGZLFNQRSO+LHVHO±¿JV±'HPDNRSRXORX±'LYDUL 9DODNRX¿J'HPDNRSRXORX±'LYDUL9DODNRX¿J)UHQFK±7D\ORXU\$UHD QR'DQLLOLGRX¿JSO\$GULPL6LVPDQL±

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<sup>84</sup> Voigtländer 2003, pl. 124.Si 43; Adrimi-Sismani 2014, 468.

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Regarding the open plain shapes represented in the sherd material, the deep bowl FS 28487 KDVEHHQLGHQWL¿HGDVZHOODVYDULRXVW\SHVRIFXSV)6ZKLOHIUDJPHQWVRIWKHDQJXODU kylix FS 267 are the most numerous. Among the decorated sherds, the closed vases are well represented, and two belong to the stemmed bowl FS 304. The Group A deep bowl FS 284 constitutes RIWKHWRWDOH[DPSOHVRIWKHVKDSHWKHPRQRFKURPHGHHSERZODQG\*URXS\$%<sup>88</sup> Other types of the deep bowl, e.g. of Group B, with rosette, with linear decoration or medium band are not found, nor is the cup FS 215 with lip band or medium band.

The best-preserved vases of Deposit II are closed shapes, plain or decorated. Open table vases (kylikes, cups, shallow and deep bowls) are better attested in sherd material. The range of shapes IRXQGLQWKHH[FDYDWHGPDWHULDOSULPDULO\VHUYHVWKHVWRUDJHQHHGVRIIRRGVWX൵VDQGHVSHFLDOO\ liquids (pithos, several types of amphorae, stirrup jars, jugs, askoi) and secondly of serving and consuming the same (ladles, jugs, kylikes, cups, deep bowls).89 Bearing in mind the restrictions regarding the shape variety due to the nature of the deposit, resemblance can be attested between the pottery of MCC Deposit II and the pottery from the Linear B tablet archive in Pelopidas St. (Deposits 2a, 2b) and from the excavations at Epaminondas and Democritus Sts. Focusing on decorated open shapes it is observed that:


Deposit I was lying over Deposit II and extended further to the east over the MH layer. It consisted of dark brown earth and dissolved building material covering fragmentary walls which did not allow any certain reconstruction plan and are hard to date. Most of the pottery is Mycenaean, but it is clear that the deposit was disturbed in later times. The Mycenaean pottery is preserved in sherds with almost no joins amongst them. Although it appears very close to the pottery of Deposit II, it presents certain characteristics which suggest it dates slightly later. The deep cup FS 215 is represented both in a plain and a decorated version (linear, with lip band, medium band, dotted rim) by a few fragmentary examples. The Group A deep bowl continues to be the most common type followed by monochrome and Group A/B ones. However, a slight increase in the number of cups and deep bowls with monochrome interior is observed. Various examples, like a jug with GLVLQWHJUDWHGOHDIGHFRUDWLRQRQWKHVKRXOGHU,RUDOLQHDUVHPL¿QHVWLUUXSMDU,¿QG parallels in LH IIIC Early contexts.97

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 111 11.11.2022 09:00:19

<sup>87</sup>)UHQFK:DUGOH±¿J'|KOQRV\$\$±ǹSO0RXQWMR\ ¿J0RXQWMR\±¿J0RXQWMR\±¿J±'DOLQJKDXV SO'HPDNRSRXORX\$QGULNRXWDEǹSO±

<sup>88</sup> All sherds that could be recognized as belonging to deep bowls and could be attributed securely to each type have been counted and formed the basis for calculating percentages.

<sup>89</sup> For the function of various vases see Tournavitou 1995, 98–103.

<sup>90</sup> Andrikou 2006, 29–30, tab. 5B; 32, tab. 6.

<sup>91</sup> Spyropoulos – Chadwick 1975, 35 no. 7; 36 no 14, pls. 21.83; 22.90.

<sup>92</sup> Ph. Stockhammer in: French – Stockhammer 2009, 211.

<sup>93</sup>%OHJHQ±5DZVRQQR¿JV±

<sup>94</sup> Andrikou 2006, 29, tab. 5B, pl. 13.217–218, 221.

<sup>95</sup> Andrikou 2006, 29, tab. 5B.

<sup>96</sup> Andrikou 2006, 29, tab. 5B, pls. 10.153; 12.191–199; 13.219–220, 222–225.

<sup>97</sup>\*URVVPDQQ±6FKl൵HUSO6WRFNKDPPHUYROSO

#### 112 E. Andrikou

,QWKHH൵RUWWR V\QFKURQL]HWKH¿QDOGHVWUXFWLRQRIWKH0\FHQDHDQSDODWLDOFHQWHUVWKURXJK SRWWHU\FRPSDULVRQVRQHVKRXOGNHHSLQPLQGWKDWDSDUWIURPWKHGL൵HUHQFHVLQVKDSHUDQJHGXH WRWKHGL൵HUHQWFKDUDFWHUDQGIXQFWLRQRIHDFKGHSRVLWGL൵HUHQFHVLQVKDSHDQGGHFRUDWLRQGXHWR local preferences may also exist.

As far as the range of shapes is concerned, it is observed that some shapes, plain or decorated, LQ'HSRVLW,,DUHPRUHFRPPRQLQWKHRWKHU¿QDOGHVWUXFWLRQOD\HUVDW7KHEHVDQGRWKHU0\FHQDHan sites. Apart from the pithos and the belly-handled amphora, the tub is quite frequent, although its use is ambiguous (was it a bathtub, a storage chest or both?). Lamps are often attested – maybe because they were needed in storerooms – and also wide-mouthed jars and plain deep bowls. Among the decorated shapes, the hydria, ovoid-shaped and with band decoration, is common in habitation deposits. Even more common is the narrow-necked jug succeeded in LH IIIC by the lekythos. The based askos is found in settlement contexts, mainly plain but also decorated. The piriform stirrup jar FS 167 gains popularity and continues with linear decoration in LH IIIC. The VPDOOVSKHULFDOVWLUUXSMDUZLWK0\FHQDHDQÀRZHUVRUGRWWHGFLUFOHVRQWKHVKRXOGHUSUHYDLOVRYHU other types of stirrup jars.

'HVSLWHWKHGL൵HUHQFHV98 the destruction of the MCC storeroom must have been simultaneous with the one at the Pelopidas St. archive and the Epaminondas and Democritus Sts. excavations. 'HSRVLW,,¿QGVFORVHSDUDOOHOVWRWKHSRWWHU\RIWKHODWWHU

Individual vases can be found linking one site with others. For example, the collar-necked jar FS 63/64, with quite a wide and short neck, appears in the destruction deposit at 1 Oedipus St. and Epaminondas and Democritus Sts.99 as well as in the West Gate Area, Midea.100

Another vase that links pottery groups is the deep bowl decorated with a running spiral with dense coils which almost completely covers the wide decorative zone framed by the thin rim band and a single wide band round the belly below the handles. The interior is plain or has a secondary band below the rim and one or more circles on the bottom. A complete example comes from the Epaminondas and Democritus Sts. excavations101 and a fragmentary one from the Pelopidas St. archive.102 A third example is reported in Building III at 1 Oedipus St. connected to the earlier (lower) destruction level dated to LH IIIB1 by the excavator103 and a fourth one from the Panagia Houses at Mycenae, but of uncertain stratigraphic context.104 Variations of this spiral may appear on Group A deep bowls with a second line below the rim105 or with stemmed bowl rim banding106 and usually with a solid painted eye in early LH IIIC at Thebes,107 Mycenae108 and Dimini.109 A link between the LH IIIB2 Late destruction in the 1 Oedipus St. excavations and in the House of the Tripod Tomb, Mycenae is illustrated by a piriform medium-sized stirrup jar FS 164 with tassel pattern decoration on the shoulder.110 Although the motif is known on earlier LH IIIB stirrup jars111 it became common on various closed shapes in LH IIIC Early.112

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 112 11.11.2022 09:00:19

<sup>98</sup> See above comment on deep bowl FS 284 and cup FS 215.

<sup>99</sup>&I6S\URSRXORV±&KDGZLFN±QRSO3LWHURVSOıIJ

<sup>100</sup>'HPDNRSRXORX¿J

<sup>101</sup> Spyropoulos – Chadwick 1975, 30 no 2, pl. 18.61.

<sup>102</sup> Andrikou 2006, 76, pls.12.206; 43.57a.

<sup>103</sup>3LWHURVSOȕ7KHGDWHRIWKHGHVWUXFWLRQVZLOOEHFODUL¿HGZKHQWKHSRWWHU\LVSXEOLVKHGVLQFHWKHSRWWHU\ shapes in the lower destruction level at Oedipus St. comprise belly-handled amphorae and collar-necked jars (stamnoi) which are also present in the upper destruction layer (see above n. 99), while Group B deep bowls are not mentioned. +RZHYHUWKHPRWLILVSUHVHUYHGRQD/+,,,%H[DPSOHIURP7VRXQJL]DVHH7KRPDV¿J

<sup>104</sup>0\ORQDV6KHDU¿OOZDVKHGLQWR5RRP¿JSO

<sup>105</sup>,DNRYLGLVSOĮ±0&&'HSRVLW,,

<sup>106</sup>7D\ORXU±¿J\$QGULNRXSOVD

<sup>107</sup> MCC Deposit I (I.156) and Deposit VI (VI.760); Andrikou 2006, pl. 20.317.

<sup>108</sup>)UHQFK¿J3KDVH,;

<sup>109</sup> Adrimi-Sismani 2014, 508–509 (BE 35885).

<sup>110</sup>3LWHURVSOį2QDVVRJORXQRȘ¿JSOȖ

<sup>111</sup>%OHJHQ±¿JV±0RXQWMR\SODLQDKRUL]RQWDOSRVLWLRQ

<sup>112</sup> Cf. for Thebes, Andrikou 2006, 48.

\$SDUWIURPWKHVLPLODULWLHVGL൵HUHQFHVEHWZHHQWKHSRWWHU\JURXSVPD\EHRIFKURQRORJLFDO YDOXHLIWKH\GRQRWUHÀHFWORFDOSUHIHUHQFHVIRUFHUWDLQVKDSHVRUGHFRUDWLRQ7KH\*URXS%GHHS bowl, which only barely appears in the Pelopidas St. archive, is present in destruction layers at Mycenae113 and especially in that of the House of the Tripod Tomb, which also exhibits features of LH IIIC pottery styles.114 It is also present in the West Gate destruction at Midea115 and at Tiryns, where examples are even found in LH IIIC Early.116 This is probably due to the fact that the Argive centers were destroyed earlier than Thebes. It should be noticed that on the acropolis of Glas, Group B deep bowls are more numerous than Group A ones in the destruction and abandonment level dated 'in the advanced but not late LH IIIB'117 and thus prior to the destruction of Thebes. But we must keep in mind the reservation that the nearly complete absence of Group B deep ERZOVIURPWKH¿QDOGHVWUXFWLRQLQ7KHEHVLQGLFDWHVWKDWWKHW\SHZDVQRWSUHIHUUHG118 This may also apply for the cups or kylikes with solidly painted interior, a feature suggested as diagnostic of the late LH IIIB2 phase in Mycenae and Tiryns.119 Analogous skepticism is expressed for the rosette deep bowl, of which a few fragments are reported in Thebes,120 but which is not mentioned in other Boiotian sites like Glas, Eutresis, Orchomenos etc.121 Conversely, the monochrome deep bowl is the most popular after the Group A deep bowl in Thebes and other Boiotian sites.122 Comparisons of the MCC Deposit II pottery to the vases from the destruction at Englianos refer mainly WRWKHFRDUVHZDUHDQGWRSODLQ¿QHWDEOHZDUH,WLVQRWSHFXOLDUWKDWWKHSDQWULHVRIWKH3DODFHRI Nestor contained a high number of vases in a larger range of shapes so that the special procedures and needs of the palace could be served. This variety has caused a lot of controversy regarding the destruction date of the palace.123 As at Thebes, it is not clear whether dissimilarities in comparison WRWKH\$UJLYHSRWWHU\UHÀHFWVROHO\DODWHUFKURQRORJ\IRUWKHGHVWUXFWLRQRUH[SUHVVPRUHFOHDUO\ the tastes and the abilities of the local pottery workshops.124

The pottery from the destroyed storeroom (Deposit II) in the MCC plot at Thebes coexamined with that from the destruction layers of three other sites on the Kadmeia Hill, at least two RIZKLFK\LHOGHG/LQHDU%GRFXPHQWVVKRZVWKDWDQH[WHQVLYH¿UHDWWKHHQGRI/+,,,%GURYH to an end the palatial administrative system at Thebes. Although the character of the pottery is LH IIIB2, some elements appearing more regularly in LH IIIC Early are already present. At these sites, situated at a distance of 100–250m around the presumable palace core on top of the Kadmeia,125 independent architectural units should have stood, especially in the MCC and 1 Oedipus St. plots and Pelopidas St. archive, which lie lower down the slopes of Kadmeia Hill, while the Epami nondas and Democritus Sts. plot is at the edge of the plateau on top of the hill. These sites operated within the palatial system in its later period, but it has yet to be proved if and which of them were directly connected to the palace. The latter seems not to be the case for the MCC plot

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 113 11.11.2022 09:00:19

<sup>113</sup>)UHQFK¿J:DUGOH±¿J,DNRYLGLV)UHQFK±7D\ORXUHQGRI Phase VII) nos. 66-619, 66-439, 66-1504.

<sup>114</sup> Onassoglou 1995, 143–144.

<sup>115</sup>'HPDNRSRXORX±¿J

<sup>116</sup>3RG]XZHLW±¿J±¿J.DUGDPDNLWDE

<sup>117</sup> Iakovidis 1998, 148, 190–191, 271.

<sup>118</sup> Group B deep bowls are mentioned in excavation reports but rarely illustrated, see Demakopoulou 1974, 163; 'HPDNRSRXORXSOȖ7KHPDWHULDORIWKH/+GHVWUXFWLRQOD\HULQ5RRP%DW2HGLSXV6W .RUGDW]LVSORWFRPSULVHVRQHVKHUGRIVXFKDERZOFI6\PHRQRJORXSO¿JDQGDW3LQGDU St. (Koropouli plot) is totally absent, cf. Demakopoulou 1974, 173.

<sup>119</sup>)UHQFK±6WRFNKDPPHU¿J±

<sup>120</sup> Andrikou 2006, 32–33, tab. 6.

<sup>121</sup> Mountjoy 1983, 112; Iakovidis 1998, 143–148; Mountjoy 1999, 678–681. Similar observation about the rosette deep bowl at the destruction level at Dimini (Adrimi-Sismani 2014, 346, 425).

<sup>122</sup> This is valid for all deposits in the MCC plot. See n. 90–91, 117.

<sup>123</sup> For a summary on the chronology debate see Mountjoy 1997, 109.

<sup>124</sup> For a detailed analysis of the pottery production at Pylos see Hruby 2006, 178–223.

<sup>125</sup> For the existence of one or two Mycenaean palaces on top of Kadmeia Hill and their extent see Spyropoulos – Chadwick 1975, 58–71; Catling et al. 1980, 95–97; Symeonoglou 1985, 40–50; Dakouri-Hild 2001, 105–107.

since the variety of the items in the storeroom contents and the amount of pottery for keeping and consuming food points to a wealthy owner and not to the extensive and specialized storerooms of a palace. The evidence speaks for a widespread disaster striking Thebes. The cause of this disaster is attributed by Theodoros Spyropoulos and John Chadwick to an earthquake,126 but relevant evidence is dubious for the Pelopidas St. archive127 and absent in the MCC plot. Palatial 7KHEHVGLGQRWUHFRYHUIURPWKLVVLWXDWLRQDVLWKDGGRQHHDUOLHUVLQFHHDUWKTXDNHRU¿UHGLVDVters attested in LH IIIA2–B and/or LH IIIB1 Late128KDGQRWD൵HFWHGWKHRSHUDWLRQRIWKHSDODWLDO administration. The inevitable deduction is that the Theban palace was weakened and unable to face successfully the unfavorable results, maybe due to problems in the economic system and the distribution of food and other goods. The relationship between Thebes and Orchomenos is of pri-PDU\LPSRUWDQFHLQWKLVUHVSHFWDVVXUHO\ZHUHDOVRWKHH൵HFWVRIWKHDEDQGRQPHQWRI\*ODVDQG WKHVXEVHTXHQWÀRRGLQJRIWKHFXOWLYDWHGODQGLQWKHGULHG.RSDLV/DNH7RDGGUHVVWKLVSUREOHP more evidence from Orchomenos is needed. Following the collapse of the palatial system, Thebes continued to be inhabited. The people resumed their life over the ruins immediately after the destruction, as is shown by the pottery in use at the MCC plot and the Pelopidas St. excavation site. Dense habitation through centuries in Thebes caused the humble architectural relics of this revival to disappear. Future excavations, however, may hold surprises. Although crafts dependent on SUHFLRXVRUVHPLSUHFLRXVUDZPDWHULDOVZHUHQHJDWLYHO\D൵HFWHGSRWWHU\UHWDLQHGDFHUWDLQTXDOity and also creativeness, as demonstrated by a pictorial krater with a representation of sphinxes and a chariot scene from the MCC plot.129 This new situation seems to have gone on and led to a PRGHUDWHÀRXULVKLQJXQWLO/+,,,&0LGGOH

7KH¿QDOGHVWUXFWLRQDW7KHEHVIDOOVLQWKHVDPHWLPHVSDQ/+,,,%/DWHDVWKHHQGRIWKH Mycenaean palatial centers in the Peloponnese. It seems to be closer to the destruction of the Pylian palace and slightly later than Argive centers. The analysis of more ceramic material from RWKHUSORWVLQ7KHEHVPD\FRQ¿UPWKLVVXJJHVWLRQ

The cause of the demise of the Mycenaean palatial system is a subject that has mobilized research.130 The most recent proposal, that it resulted from internal social problems and social upheaval, seems to be gaining ground.131 The disintegration most probably started from the Mycenaean centers in the Argolid and soon spread to surrounding areas including Boiotia, which VHHPVWR¿WWKHSRWWHU\HYLGHQFHIURPYDULRXVVLWHVDVGLVFXVVHGDERYH7KDWDQHZRUGHUZDV HVWDEOLVKHGDIWHUWKHGHVWUXFWLRQVZKLFKGLGQRWHVVHQWLDOO\GL൵HULQPDWHULDOFXOWXUHLQVRIDUDV can be observed in the pottery is attested in all Mycenaean centers. The evidence from Tiryns132 in particular demonstrates how the post-destruction society was reorganized on a new basis and EHQH¿WWHGIURPWKHDFKLHYHPHQWVRIWKHSDVW

**Acknowledgements:** I warmly thank Reinhard Jung and Elina Kardamaki, the organizers of the workshop 'Synchro-QL]LQJWKH'HVWUXFWLRQVRIWKH0\FHQDHDQ3DODFHV¶IRUWKHLQYLWDWLRQDQGWKHRSSRUWXQLW\R൵HUHGWRSDUWLFLSDWHLQWKH fruitful discussion on this matter. I also thank them for improving my text.

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 114 11.11.2022 09:00:19

<sup>126</sup> Spyropoulos – Chadwick 1975, 55, 68–69.

<sup>127</sup>,QGLFDWLRQVRQO\H[LVWIRUDQHDUWKTXDNHDVWKHFDXVHRIWKHFRQÀDJUDWLRQ\$UDYDQWLQRVHWDO±\$QGULNRX 2006, 55–56.

<sup>128</sup> Andrikou 2006, 56–58, Sites 1, 3, 4, 7, 9.

<sup>129</sup>7KHEHV0XVHXP%(3OLDWVLND¿JV±0RPPVHQ±0DUDQ±WDE7KHE (26996); 101, tab. 3.

<sup>130</sup> Maran 2010, 242.

<sup>131</sup> Maran 2010; Jung 2017.

<sup>132</sup> Maran – Papadimitriou 2017.

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Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 120 11.11.2022 09:00:19

## **The Destructions of the Palace of Nestor at Pylos and Its LH IIIA Predecessor as a Methodological Case Study**

*Salvatore Vitale* <sup>1</sup> *– Sharon R. Stocker* <sup>2</sup> *– Jack L. Davis* <sup>3</sup>

**Abstract:**7KHDLPRIWKLVSDSHULVWRUHDVVHVVDQGUH¿QHWKHFKURQRORJ\RIWZRVLJQL¿FDQWGHVWUXFWLRQKRUL]RQVWKDW occurred in the area of the Palace of Nestor at Pylos between the 14th and the early 12th centuries BC. This contribution also provides a methodological case study concerning the use of pottery for chronology within its broader archaeological context. The bases of our analysis are the contexts brought to light during the old excavations carried out by the University of Cincinnati under the direction of Carl Blegen. This information is integrated with and enhanced by preliminary data from ongoing archaeological investigations conducted at Pylos by Sharon Stocker and Jack Davis, again under the aegis of the University of Cincinnati. Our results suggest the existence of possible compositional and IXQFWLRQDOGL൵HUHQFHVEHWZHHQWKHDVVHPEODJHVUHFRYHUHGLQGL൵HUHQWDUHDVORFDWHGZLWKLQDQGDURXQGWKH3DODFHRI 1HVWRU2XUXQGHUVWDQGLQJRIWKHGDWDLQGLFDWHVWKDWWKH¿UVWGHVWUXFWLRQRFFXUUHGVKRUWO\DIWHUWKHVWDUWRI/+,,,\$7KH ¿QDOGHVWUXFWLRQRQWKHRWKHUKDQGLVDVVLJQHGWRWKHYHU\EHJLQQLQJRI/+,,,&2XUUH¿QHGFKURQRORJLFDOVHTXHQFH also allows a reliable synchronization of the Pylian horizons with other relevant deposits from the southern Peloponnese and the wider Greek mainland.

**Keywords:** Palace of Nestor at Pylos, pottery analysis methodology, formation processes of archaeological contexts, Mycenaean relative chronology

7KH DLP RI WKLV SDSHU LV WR UHDVVHVV DQG UH¿QH WKH FKURQRORJ\ RI WZR VLJQL¿FDQW GHVWUXFWLRQ horizons that occurred in the area of the Palace of Nestor at Pylos during the second half of the Late Bronze Age.4 The bases of our analysis are the contexts brought to light during the old excavations carried out by the University of Cincinnati under the direction of Carl Blegen.5 This information is integrated with and enhanced by preliminary data from ongoing archaeological investigations conducted at Pylos by Sharon Stocker and Jack Davis, again under the aegis of the University of Cincinnati.6 Our contribution also provides a methodological case study concerning the use of pottery for chronology within its broader archaeological context.

S. V. – S. R. S. – J. L. D.

#### **Research Background**

,Q&DUO%OHJHQDQG0DULRQ5DZVRQDVVLJQHGWKH¿QDOGHVWUXFWLRQRIWKH3DODFHRI1HVWRUWR 'a time when pottery of Mycenaean IIIC was beginning to be made and to displace the wares of IIIB'.7 In the same volume, Blegen and Rawson also suggested that in an earlier destruction, dat-LQJWRZDUGVWKHHQGRI/+,,,\$WKHVWUXFWXUHVWKDWH[LVWHGRQWKH3\OLDQDFURSROLVEHIRUHWKH¿QDO

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 121 11.11.2022 09:00:19

<sup>1</sup> Department of Civilizations and Forms of Knowledge, University of Pisa, Italy; e-mail: salvatore.vitale@for.unipi.it.

<sup>2</sup> Classics Department, University of Cincinnati, USA; e-mail: sharon.stocker@uc.edu.

<sup>3</sup> Classics Department, University of Cincinnati, USA; e-mail: jack.davis@uc.edu.

<sup>4</sup>7KH¿JXUHVLQWKLVDUWLFOHFRQIRUPWRD&UHDWLYH&RPPRQV>&&%<1&1'@FRS\ULJKW7RYLHZDFRS\RIWKLVW\SH of copyright license, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses.

<sup>5</sup> Blegen – Rawson 1966; Blegen et al. 1973.

<sup>6</sup>'DYLV±6WRFNHU¿J

<sup>7</sup> Blegen – Rawson 1966, 421.

Fig. 1 Locations of relevant contexts recovered during Blegen's excavations at the Palace of Nestor DIWHU%OHJHQHWDO¿JZLWKDGGLWLRQVE\69LWDOH

palace was built had burned down. According to Blegen and Rawson, these structures included the residence for a king.8

The date of the earlier destruction (hereafter Horizon A) was based on a variety of deposits that were partially published by Blegen and his team in 1973 (Fig. 1). These assemblages include ÀRRUGHSRVLWVIURPVRPHLQFRPSOHWHO\H[FDYDWHGVWUXFWXUHVLQWKHVRFDOOHG/RZHU7RZQ/7DV ZHOODV¿OOVH[FDYDWHGEHQHDWKWKHSDODFHVXFKDVWKHPDWHULDOVUHFRYHUHGXQGHUQHDWK+DOO<sup>9</sup> 7KHGDWLQJRIWKH¿QDOGHVWUXFWLRQKHUHDIWHU+RUL]RQ%ZDVEDVHGRQWKHODUJHDVVHPEODJHRI FRPSOHWHYHVVHOVUHFRYHUHGRQWKHÀRRUOHYHOVRIWKHSDODFH<sup>10</sup>

The new investigations conducted at Pylos by Stocker and Davis (Palace of Nestor Excavations, hereafter PONEX) have already received worldwide attention for the discovery of an H[WUHPHO\ ULFK EXULDO NQRZQ DVWKH JUDYH RIWKH\*UL൶Q:DUULRU)LJ 11 In addition to this H[WUDRUGLQDU\¿QGKRZHYHU321(;LVDOVREULQJLQJWROLJKWDQHZGHWDLOHGVHTXHQFHRIVWUDWL- ¿HGFRQWH[WVWKDWZLOOVLJQL¿FDQWO\HQKDQFHRXUXQGHUVWDQGLQJRIWKHUHJLRQDURXQGWKH3DODFHRI Nestor, as well as our wider knowledge of Mycenaean civilization.12

As far as pottery is concerned, PONEX investigations have produced a large amount of material FRYHULQJWKHZKROHWLPHVSDQEHWZHHQODWH0+,DQGWKH¿QDOGHVWUXFWLRQRIWKHSDODFH3DUWLFXODUly relevant to this paper are three pits from PONEX Area A, located on the acropolis, and several

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 122 11.11.2022 09:00:22

<sup>8</sup> Blegen – Rawson 1966, 19, 24, 32, 423.

<sup>9</sup>%OHJHQHWDO±±¿JV±

<sup>10</sup>)RUWKH¿UVWFRPSUHKHQVLYHFODVVL¿FDWLRQDQGTXDQWL¿FDWLRQRIWKHSRWWHU\IURPWKH¿QDOGHVWUXFWLRQRIWKH3DODFH RI1HVWRUVHH%OHJHQ±5DZVRQ±¿JV±

<sup>11</sup> Davis – Stocker 2016; Stocker – Davis 2017; Davis – Stocker 2018; Stocker et al. 2022.

<sup>12</sup>)RUDQRXWOLQHRYHUYLHZRI321(;H[FDYDWLRQVVHH\*:\$\*UL൶Q:DUULRUǹFURSROLV\*:7)\*UL൶Q:DUULRU Tsakonas Field).

Fig. 2 Locations of relevant contexts recovered during PONEX excavations at the Palace of Nestor. \$UHD\$LVVLWXDWHGRQWKHDFURSROLV\$UHDV%&'DQG(DUHVLWXDWHGLQWKH7VDNRQDV¿HOG \$UHD\*LVVLWXDWHGLQWKH'LPRSRXORV¿HOG'1HQRYD±-:DOOURGW

FRQWH[WVIURPWKH7VDNRQDVDQGWKH'LPRSRXORV¿HOGV7DE)LJ7KHSLWVIURP321(;\$UHD A include materials related to destruction Horizon A. The contexts from the Tsakonas and the Di-PRSRXORV¿HOGVLQFOXGHUHVSHFWLYHO\DVWUDWL¿HGVHTXHQFHRI/+,,,\$(DUO\WR/+,,,%GHSRVLWV brought to light in PONEX Area E, and one deposit dating to LH IIIC Early 1, recovered in PONEX \$UHD\*7KHVHIUHVKO\H[FDYDWHGPDWHULDOVUHSUHVHQWDUDQJHRIGL൵HUHQWW\SHVRIIRUPDWLRQSURFHVV-HV7DEZKLFKSURYLGHQHZVLJQL¿FDQWGDWDRQERWK+RUL]RQV\$DQG%

S. V. – S. R. S. – J. L. D.

#### **Methodology**

6LQFH%OHJHQDQG5DZVRQ¶VRULJLQDOSXEOLFDWLRQGL൵HUHQWGDWHVKDYHEHHQSURSRVHGIRUWKH¿QDO GHVWUXFWLRQRIWKH3DODFHRI1HVWRUUDQJLQJIURPWKH¿UVWKDOIRI/+,,,%WR/+,,,&13 In addition, it has also been suggested that some of the vessels with possible late characteristics may belong to a reoccupation of the palace in advanced LH IIIC or the Early Iron Age (EIA) after a LH IIIB destruction.14

7KH RFFXUUHQFH RI VXFKFRQÀLFWLQJ SURSRVDOVLV VXUSULVLQJLI RQHFRQVLGHUVWKDWWKH3DODFH of Nestor provides the ideal context for a reliable chronology: a destruction layer containing WKRXVDQGVRIYHVVHOVIRXQGLQVLWXRQWKHÀRRUVRILQWHUFRQQHFWHGDQGIXOO\H[FDYDWHGURRPV:H EHOLHYHWKDWWKHGHEDWHRYHUWKHGDWHRIWKH¿QDOGHVWUXFWLRQUHÀHFWVDQDSSURDFKWRSHULRGL]DWLRQ

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 123 11.11.2022 09:00:25

<sup>13</sup> )RUDGHWDLOHGGLVFXVVLRQRIWKHGHVWUXFWLRQGDWHVSURSRVHGE\GL൵HUHQWVFKRODUVIRUWKH3DODFHRI1HVWRUVHH0RXQWjoy 1997; Mountjoy 1999, 36, 309–311; Vitale 2006, 190–191.

<sup>14</sup> Popham 1991; Cassola Guida 1996; Carrington-Smith 1999; Cosmetico 1999, 240–242.

that overemphasizes the importance of ceramic typology at the expense of the comprehensive analysis of archeological contexts and their formation processes.15

Our study of Pylian destruction horizons is based on the combined observation of two interrelated factors: (a) the stratigraphic and functional characteristics of the contexts; and (b) the quantitative distribution of diagnostic features and their variations through space and time.16 Through this methodology, all the chronological components of a given deposit are integrated within a wider understanding of context.

S. V. – S. R. S. – J. L. D.

#### **Contextual Approach to Pottery Chronology**

In this section, we provide a few selected examples of how our approach to pottery chronology can enhance our understanding of Pylian ceramics. Recent studies by Julie Hruby have demonstrated that the vessels from Rooms 18 to 22 of the palace, the so-called Pantries, were intended for use at state sponsored feasts.17 According to Blegen and Rawson's published counts, these ma-WHULDOVLQFOXGHGYHVVHOVIRUPLQJRIWKHWRWDODVVHPEODJH7DEV±7KLVZLGHDUUD\ of specialized eating/drinking and serving vessels produces important biases.18 One of the most obvious is the overrepresentation of plain pottery. This feature, which has previously been regarded as a Pylian idiosyncrasy,19VLPSO\FRUUHVSRQGVWRWKH¿UVWRIVL[FULWHULDUHFRJQL]HGDVW\SLFDORI Mycenaean feasting assemblages by Mary Dabney, Paul Halstead, and Patrick Thomas.20


1 Blegen – Rawson 1966, 350–418.

2 N-G11-26, -27.

3 N-A08-07; N-A08-65, -66, -67, -68; N-A09-05, -07.

4 N-E08-53.

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 124 11.11.2022 09:00:25

Tab. 1 Distribution of painted and plain pottery from Horizons A and B at Pylos.

<sup>15</sup> For a similar approach to the use of pottery for chronology see Vitale 2012, 1234; Vitale et al. 2021 (all with previous bibliography).

<sup>16</sup> For the importance of a quantitative approach to ceramic chronology see Schönfeld 1988, 156, 208–210; Kilian 1988, 118; R. Jung in: Deger-Jalkotzy – Zavadil 2003, 252; Vitale 2006, esp. 197–202; Podzuweit 2007; Kardamaki 2017, 79–80.

<sup>17</sup> Hruby 2006; Hruby 2008. Before and since Hruby's research, many other scholars have suggested that feasting DFWLYLWLHV SOD\HG DQLPSRUWDQW UROH DWWKH 3DODFH RI 1HVWRU VHH \*UDKDP 6lÀXQG 0F&DOOXP Isaakidou et al. 2002; Bendall 2004; Halstead – Isaakidou 2004; Stocker – Davis 2004; Wright 2004; Lis 2007; Lis 2008).

<sup>18</sup>%OHJHQ±5DZVRQ±¿JV±±

<sup>19</sup> See Mountjoy 1997, 109; Podzuweit 2007, 242, Beil. 71c.

<sup>20</sup> See Dabney et al. 2004, 203–205.


1 Blegen – Rawson 1966, 350–418.

2 N-G11-26, -27.

> Tab. 2 Distribution of painted and plain pottery from Horizon B at Pylos (vessels from Rooms 18–20 of the Palace of Nestor are excluded from these counts).

&RPSDULVRQ EHWZHHQ WKH ¿QDO GHVWUXFWLRQ GHSRVLW IURP WKH SDODFH DQG WKH PDWHULDOV IURP 321(;H[FDYDWLRQVLQWKH'LPRSRXORV¿HOGGHPRQVWUDWHVWKDWRXWVLGHRIWKHDFURSROLV3\OLDQ deposits had a much higher incidence of painted ceramics (Tab. 1). At the same time, if the materials from the Pantries are excluded, the occurrence of painted pottery from the palace is even KLJKHUWKDQWKDWIURPWKH'LPRSRXORV¿HOG7DE&RPSDUDEOHWUHQGVDOVRRFFXUDWWKHWLPHRI the earlier destruction horizon, when relevant assemblages from the acropolis contain less than SDLQWHGSRWWHU\ZKLOHWKHPDWHULDOVIURPWKH7VDNRQDV¿HOGKDYHVLJQL¿FDQWO\KLJKHUFRQcentrations (Tab. 1).

'L൵HUHQFHVLQWKHFRPSRVLWLRQRI3\OLDQDVVHPEODJHVDUHQRWOLPLWHGWRGHFRUDWLYHWUHDWPHQWV EXWDOVRLQFOXGHWKHIUHTXHQF\RIVSHFL¿FVKDSHV)RUH[DPSOHGXULQJ+RUL]RQ\$FRQLFDOFXSV )6UHSUHVHQWRI¿QHRSHQVKDSHVRQWKHDFURSROLVEXWRQO\RI¿QHRSHQVKDSHV IURPWKH/7DQGWKH7VDNRQDV¿HOG7DE)LJV±7KHVHGDWDLPSO\WKHRFFXUUHQFHRIGLI-IHUHQWFRQVXPSWLRQSDWWHUQVDQGIXQFWLRQDOWUDMHFWRULHVDQGDWWKHVDPHWLPHUHÀHFWWKHFRPSOH[ internal organization of social spaces and arenas within discrete areas of the site.


1 N-A08-07; N-A08-65, -66, -67, -68; N-A09-05, -07.

2 Blegen et al. 1973, 51–57 + N-E08-053.

Tab. 3 Incidence of conical cups from Horizon A at Pylos.

Our analysis is not aimed at denying the occurrence of local trends in the pottery from Pylos. In fact, the incidence of painted pottery recovered outside the acropolis remains smaller than at other Mycenaean sites (Tabs. 1–2, 4–5). The selected list of examples provided above simply demonstrates how a comprehensive contextual approach to ceramic assemblages may challenge traditional views, enrich the range of our research questions, and improve our analysis.

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 125 11.11.2022 09:00:25


1 N-A08-07; N-A08-65, -66, -67, -68; N-A09-05, -07.

2 N-E08-53.

3 Thomas 2011.

4 Vitale 2013.

5 Frizell 1980, 34–41.

#### Tab. 4 Distribution of painted and plain pottery in selected deposits from Pylos (Horizon A) and other sites on the Greek mainland.


1 Blegen – Rawson 1966, 350–418.

2 N-G11-26, -27.

3 Wardle 1973.

4

Podzuweit 2007, 210–211, Beil. 38.

5 Thomas 2005.

> Tab. 5 Distribution of painted and plain pottery in selected deposits from Pylos (Horizon B) and other sites on the Greek mainland.

> > S. V.

### **Ceramic Assemblages and Their Chronology**

As stated previously, Blegen and Rawson dated destruction Horizon A to the end of LH IIIA.21 Recent studies of Mycenaean relative chronology have provided an extremely detailed sequence for

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 126 11.11.2022 09:00:25

<sup>21</sup> Blegen – Rawson 1966, 423.

the pottery of the 14th century BC.22 As a result, LH IIIA2 can now be divided into three subphases, termed respectively Early, Middle, and Late. The diagnostic features of these subphases were orig-LQDOO\LGHQWL¿HGE\&\QWKLD6KHOPHUGLQHDW1LFKRULDDQGKDYHVXEVHTXHQWO\EHHQGH¿QHGLQJUHDWHU detail by the author of this section for the entire Greek mainland, based on the pottery from Mitrou.23 7KHGHYHORSPHQWRIWKHSDLQWHGN\OL[VSHFL¿FDOO\WKHDSSHDUDQFHRIWKHW\SHVNQRZQDV)6 DQGSOD\VDPDMRUUROHLQWKHLGHQWL¿FDWLRQRIHDFKRIWKHWKUHHVXESKDVHV<sup>24</sup>

PONEX excavations, especially in Area E, have revealed that this tripartite subdivision of LH IIIA2 LVIXOO\UHSUHVHQWHGDW3\ORV7KHGHSRVLWVGH¿QLQJGHVWUXFWLRQ+RUL]RQ\$7DEV±±)LJV ±ODFNDQ\RIWKHGH¿QLQJIHDWXUHVRI/+,,,\$0LGGOHDQG/DWH,QIDFWWKHGHSRVLWVIURP+RULzon A include features that can be stylistically assigned to LH IIIA1, LH IIIA2 Early, or both.

LH IIIA1 vessels include patterned mugs FS 225 (Fig. 3.1) and monochrome goblets FS 263 (Fig. 3.2). LH IIIA2 Early vessels consist of patterned alabastra FS 85, piriform kraters FS 7 (Fig. 3.3), and bowls with high-swung handles FS 241,25 as well as monochrome kylikes FS 264 (Fig. 4.1–4). Shapes that can be assigned to either LH IIIA1 or LH IIIA2 Early include patterned shallow cups FS 219 (Fig. 4.5), carinated cups FS 230 (Fig. 4.6), and experimental kylikes with horizontal strap handles (Fig. 4.7–9), as well as plain stirrup jugs FS 150 (Fig. 5.1), conical cups FS 204 (Fig. 5.2–3), goblets FS 263, kylikes FS 264, 266, 267, 272 (Figs. 5.4–5, 6.1), basins FS 294 (Fig. 6.2), conical bowls (Fig. 6.3), and shallow angular bowls FS 295 (Fig. 6.4).

Because kylikes gradually replace goblets as the most popular drinking vessels in the Mycenaean painted and plain tableware assemblage,26 the safest way to separate LH IIIA1 from LH IIIA2 Early is to consider the quantitative distribution of these two shapes (Tabs. 6–7). Our dataset demonstrates WKDWGXULQJ+RUL]RQ\$N\OLNHVZHUHODUJHO\SUHYDOHQWRYHUJREOHWVLQWKH¿QHSDLQWHGDVZHOODVLQ WKH¿QHSODLQIUDFWLRQ7KLVLQGLFDWHVWKDW+RUL]RQ\$FDQEHDVVLJQHGWR/+,,,\$(DUO\


1 N-A08-07; N-A08-65, -66, -67, -68; N-A09-05, -07.

2 Blegen et al. 1973, 51–52.

3 Blegen et al. 1973, 52–57.

4 N-E08-053.

\* At Pylos, during LH IIIA2 Early, patterned kylikes exclusively include 'experimental types', traditionally assigned WR/+,,,\$VHH0RXQWMR\±¿J0RXQWMR\QRV±¿J\$VLVW\SLFDOIRUWKHUHVW of the Greek mainland, patterned kylikes FS 256 and 257 appear at Pylos in LH IIIA2 Middle and Late respectively.

Tab. 6 Distribution of painted goblets and kylikes from Horizon A at Pylos.

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 127 11.11.2022 09:00:25

<sup>22</sup> Shelmerdine 1992; Mountjoy 2008; Thomas 2011; Vitale 2011.

<sup>23</sup>6KHOPHUGLQH±¿JV±9LWDOHHVS±WDE7KH/+,,,\$SRWWHU\SKDVHZDVLQLWLDOO\ divided by Arne Furumark into an early and a late stage (Furumark 1941a, 505–522; Furumark 1941b, 56–64, 99–101). <sup>24</sup>6HH0RXQWMR\±¿JV±

<sup>25</sup>%OHJHQHWDO¿J

<sup>26</sup> Mountjoy 1986, 67; Shelmerdine 1992, 495–497; Vitale 2011, 332–338, tab. 2A. See also Thomas 2011, 196–201.


1 N-A08-07; N-A08-65, -66, -67, -68; N-A09-05, -07.

2 Blegen et al. 1973, 51–52.

3 Blegen et al. 1973, 52–57.

4 N-E08-053.


Turning to Horizon B, we provide a critical discussion of some of the main chronological argu-PHQWVPHQWLRQHGSUHYLRXVO\\$GDWHLQWKH¿UVWKDOIRI/+,,,%SURSRVHGE\3HWHU:DUUHQ0HUY\Q Popham, Patrick Thomas and, most recently, Louis Godart and Anna Sacconi, is untenable for at least three reasons.27 First, the absence of painted kylikes FS 258, 264, 265 and the occurrence of the deep bowl FS 284 among painted open shapes from the destruction layer in themselves suggest a date no earlier than LH IIIB2 Early (Tab. 8).28 Second, preliminary analysis of the unpublished materials excavated by John Pedley in Trench 64-6 has documented the presence of LH IIIB2 /DWHWR/+,,,&(DUO\IHDWXUHVXQGHUQHDWKWKH¿QDOÀRRURIRQHRIWKHURRPVIURPWKH6RXWKwestern Building.29 These features include fragments from Transitional Type (TT) 1 (Fig. 7.1) and monochrome deep bowls FS 284 (Fig. 7.2).30 The occurrence of these sherds underneath the

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 128 11.11.2022 09:00:25

<sup>27</sup> Warren 1975, 134; Popham 1991; Thomas 2004; Godart – Sacconi 2020.

<sup>28</sup> See French 1969; Wardle 1973; Mountjoy 1986, 121; Vitale 2006, 178; Vitale – Van de Moortel 2020, 30–33 (with previous bibliography). According to Thomas, the absence of Zygouries kylikes FS 258A at Pylos implies that the destruction of the Palace of Nestor occurred at such an early stage of LH IIIB1 that simply not enough time had passed to allow for the adoption of this distinctively Argolid shape at Ano Englianos (Thomas 2004, 217–221, especially 220– 6SHFL¿FDOO\7KRPDVZRQGHUVZK\³«LIWKHSDODFHZDVIXQFWLRQLQJIRUQHDUO\WKHHQWLUHGXUDWLRQRI/+,,,%DV %OHJHQVXJJHVWHG«GRZHQRW¿QGDVLQJOHH[DPSOHRIWKH)6\$N\OL[HVSHFLDOO\DVORFDOLPLWDWLRQVRIWKHPZHUH manufactured at smaller Messenian sites such as Nichoria?" (Thomas 2004, 220). A major problem with this argument is that it does not take into account the occurrence of deep bowls FS 284 in the palace's destruction deposits. Deep ERZOV)6DUHEDVLFDOO\D/+,,,%LQQRYDWLRQDQGWKH\UHPDLQOHVVSRSXODUWKDQGHFRUDWHGN\OLNHVGXULQJWKH¿UVW part of the 13th century BC everywhere on the Greek mainland (Vitale – Van de Moortel 2020, 11–15, 30–33). Should the absence of decorated kylikes at Pylos imply an early LH IIIB1 destruction date, then one would also expect to ¿QGQRGHHSERZOV7KLVVDLGUHFHQW321(;H[FDYDWLRQVLQWKHDUHDRIWKHSDODFHKDYHXQFRYHUHGVHYHUDOVSHFLPHQV of decorated kylikes FS 258B, which overlap chronologically more or less exactly with Zygouries kylikes FS 258A. 7KXVWKHODFNRIWKHODWWHUW\SH)6\$ZKLFKVLJQL¿FDQWO\SDUDOOHOVWKHODFNRI(SK\UHDQJREOHWV)6DWWKH site during LH IIB, has no chronological meaning and must be interpreted as a deliberate rejection of Argolid drinking IDVKLRQV9LWDOHHWDO,WDJDLQXQGHUOLQHVWKHUROHRIWKH3DODFHRI1HVWRUDVDUHSRVLWRU\RIVSHFL¿F cultural behaviors, which were intimately connected to the local Mycenaean identity, so powerfully endorsed through the performance of large-scale feasting activities in the area (see Hruby 2006; Vitale et al. 2021, 199, 207–209).

<sup>29</sup> Blegen et al. 1973, 38–39.

<sup>30</sup>0RXQWMR\¿J±0RXQWMR\

ÀRRURIWKH6RXWKZHVWHUQ%XLOGLQJLPSOLHVWKDWWKH¿QDOGHVWUXFWLRQRIWKHSDODFHPXVWSRVWGDWH LH IIIB1. Finally, the recent discovery by Emily Egan of Group B deep bowl fragments FS 284 )LJ±DPRQJWKHXQSXEOLVKHG¿QGVIURP%OHJHQ¶VH[FDYDWLRQVLQWKH3RUWLFRRIWKH0HJDURQ (Room 4) also indicates that the palace was functioning after the end of LH IIIB1.31 These Group B deep bowl sherds come from mixed layers including MH to LH IIIC Early 1 and EIA pottery and exhibit a heavy degree of wear and a fragmentary state of preservation.32


1 Blegen – Rawson 1966, 350–418.

Tab. 8 Distribution of painted open shapes from Horizon B at the Palace of Nestor at Pylos.

Popham's suggestion that the complete vessels from Room 46 belong to a reoccupation of that area of the palace in advanced LH IIIC or the EIA (Fig. 8), is not supported by the stratigraphy.33 Careful reanalysis of the original excavation data by Stocker and Davis clearly demonstrates that WKHYHVVHOVIURPWKHVRFDOOHG4XHHQ¶V0HJDURQZHUHIRXQGLQVLWXRQWKHRULJLQDOÀRRURIWKH 0\FHQDHDQSDODFHUDWKHUWKDQDERYHWKHÀRRUDVVSHFXODWHGE\3RSKDP34 On the other hand, the EIA sherds recovered in the area of Room 46 come from a distinct layer located well above the ÀRRUDQGLQFRQWUDVWWRWKHYHVVHOVIRXQGRQWKHÀRRUZKLFKDUHFRPSOHWHDQGKHDYLO\EXUQWWKH\ H[KLELWDIUDJPHQWDU\VWDWHRISUHVHUYDWLRQDQGGRQRWVKRZDQ\WUDFHVRIFRQWDFWZLWK¿UH

Recent examination of old and newly excavated EIA ceramics from the palace area also indicates that these materials date between William Coulson's Dark Ages II and III, with some vessels extending into the Late Geometric period.35 The complete vessels from the destruction

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 129 11.11.2022 09:00:25

<sup>31</sup> Egan 2015, 66–67, 429–430, 452–454, 466–467, nos. P-242, 315–322, 373–374, pls. 79, 98–100, 115. It seems OLNHO\WKDWIXWXUHLQGHSWKVWXG\RIXQSXEOLVKHG¿QGVIURP%OHJHQ¶VH[FDYDWLRQVLQDUHDVRIWKH3DODFHRI1HVWRU other than the Megaron will produce additional evidence for the existence of this shape at Pylos during the second half of LH IIIB.

<sup>32</sup> Egan 2015, 95–97, 490, tab. 15.

<sup>33</sup>%OHJHQ±5DZVRQ¿J3RSKDP0RXQWMR\±0RXQWMR\

<sup>34</sup> Davis et al. in press.

<sup>35</sup>%OHJHQ±5DZVRQ±QRV±¿J&RXOVRQ&RXOVRQ±± QRV±¿JSOD±I'DYLV±/\QFK±±¿JV±

ÀRRUGHSRVLWRI5RRPDUHLQFRPSDWLEOHZLWKVXFKDODWHWLPHVSDQEDVHGRQWKHLUWHFKQRORJLcal features, which include relatively thick walls, lightly burnished surfaces, and the use of dull to moderately lustrous paints.36

,I/+,,,%DQGDGYDQFHG/+,,,&RUWKH(,\$DUHUXOHGRXWWKH¿QDOGHVWUXFWLRQRIWKH3DODFH of Nestor must be placed either late in LH IIIB or at the very beginning of LH IIIC Early. Sty-OLVWLFDQDO\VLVRIWKHGHFRUDWHGYHVVHOVIRXQGRQWKHÀRRUVRIWKHSDODFHGHPRQVWUDWHVWKDW LH IIIC Early 1 features are prominent and suggests that the very beginning of the 12th century UHPDLQVWKHRQO\SRVVLEOHGDWHIRUWKH¿QDOGHVWUXFWLRQDVSURSRVHGE\WKHDXWKRURIWKLVVHFWLRQ in 2006 (Tab. 9).37 The most diagnostic LH IIIC Early 1 painted shapes from destruction Horizon B include linear and patterned juglets FS 111 (Fig. 9.1), linear mugs FS 226 (Fig. 9.2), and belly-handled amphorae FS 58 (Fig. 8.1), a patterned collar-necked jar FS 63 (Fig. 9.3), as well as monochrome (Fig. 10) and dark-ground TT 2 deep bowls FS 284 (Fig. 8.5).


Non-Diagnostic: Blegen – Rawson 1966, Shapes 9, 19, 42, 45, 50, 54:a–b, 56, 57, 65:e.

LH IIIB: Blegen – Rawson 1966, Shapes 44, 52, 53, 63, 64, 65:c–d.

LH IIIB/LH IIIC Early 1: Blegen – Rawson 1966, Shapes 20, 21, 38, 43, 45, 52, 60, 65:a–b, f. LH IIIC Early 1: Blegen – Rawson 1966, Shapes 1, 33, 34, 37, 45, 49, 52, 60, 63, 68.

Tab. 9 Styles represented in the pottery from Horizon B at the Palace of Nestor at Pylos (painted vessels only).

6XFKDFRQFOXVLRQLVDOVRLQGLUHFWO\VXSSRUWHGE\WKHUHFHQWO\LGHQWL¿HG\*URXS%GHHSERZOV from the area of the Portico of the Megaron (Room 4; Fig. 7.3–4). The state of preservation of these fragments (see above) strongly indicates that they represent artifacts used some time before WKH¿QDOFDWDVWURSKHRFFXUUHG38 In fact, the absence of complete Group B deep bowls from the ÀRRUGHSRVLWVPDUNLQJWKH¿QDOGHVWUXFWLRQRIWKHSDODFHLQGLFDWHVWKDWE\WKDWWLPHDVRQHZRXOG

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 130 11.11.2022 09:00:25

<sup>36</sup> See Coulson 1983, 61–63, 72, 90–91, 96; Coulson 1986, 12, 28, 66–67; Davis – Lynch 2017, 64–65. The only two vessels from the area of the palace that date to LH IIIC Late are: a hydria FS 128 with a wavy band FM 53 on the YHUWLFDOKDQGOHDQGDSRVVLEOHVFUROO)0RQWKHVKRXOGHU%OHJHQ±5DZVRQ¿J3RSKDP 317; Mountjoy 1999, 310 n. 68); and an unpublished jug or hydria FS 106/128 with a twisted handle and a possible tassel FM 72 on the shoulder. These vessels both come from Court 3 and are only partially mendable. While they demonstrate occasional visits to the ruins of the palace during LH IIIC Late, they cannot be used to suggest a re-RFFXSDWLRQRIDQ\DUHDRIWKH0DLQ%XLOGLQJDWWKDWWLPH7KHXQSXEOLVKHGMXJRUK\GULDLVW\SL¿HGE\DGLVWLQFWLYH VRIWZKLWHIDEULFWKDWLVUHPDUNDEO\GL൵HUHQWIURPDOOWKHFRPSOHWHYHVVHOVIURPWKHGHVWUXFWLRQGHSRVLWVIRXQGRQ WKHÀRRUOHYHOVRIWKH3DODFHRI1HVWRULQFOXGLQJWKDWIURP5RRP,QWKLVUHVSHFWLWLVQRWHZRUWK\WKDW&RXOVRQ drew a sharp distinction between the dark-ground deep bowl from Room 46, which he assigned to LH IIIC Early, and vessels characteristic of LH IIIC Late in Messenia (Coulson 1986, 19). The fabric of the unpublished LH IIIC Late jug or hydria from Court 3 may be a forerunner of a soft white and crumbly fabric that Coulson considered typical of his Dark Age I phase (Coulson 1986, 9, 12).

<sup>37</sup> Vitale 2006, 190–191.

<sup>38</sup>\$FFRUGLQJWR(JDQ¶VDQDO\VLVRQO\WKUHHYHVVHOVFDQEHGH¿QLWHO\DVVLJQHGWRWKHGHVWUXFWLRQGHSRVLWIRXQGLQVLWX RQWKHÀRRUVRIWKH0HJDURQDWWKHPRPHQWRIWKH¿QDOGHVWUXFWLRQDSODLQQHFNKDQGOHGDPSKRUD)6DSDWterned Group A deep bowl FS 284 with running spiral FM 46, and a plain basin FS 294 (Egan 2015, 100, 134–135, 396–397, 428, 463, 491–494, tabs. 16–17, nos. P-136, 235, 367, pls. 51, 75–76, 113). Unlike the fragments from the Group B deep bowls, these three vessels are either complete or highly mendable and exhibit traces of burning IURPWKH¿QDOFDWDVWURSKHZLWKWKH\*URXS\$GHHSERZOEHLQJDOPRVWYLWUL¿HGDVDUHVXOWRIH[SRVXUHWRYHU\KLJK temperatures.

Fig. 3 LH IIIA2 Early Mycenaean lustrous decorated pottery from Horizon A at Pylos (all from Blegen's excavations). 1. Patterned mug FS 225 decorated with running spiral FM 46 (CM 2854), LT, Trench I; 2–3. monochrome goblet FS 263 and patterned krater FS 7 decorated with foliate band FM 64 (CM 1908, 1637), Trench W 21, S. Corner GLJLWL]DWLRQ75RVVDIWHU0RXQWMR\±QRV¿JV±6FDOH

normally expect during LH IIIC Early 1 outside the Argolid, this shape was no longer used in Pylos.

7KHUHLVPXFKYDULHW\LQWKHW\SRORJLFDODQGIXQFWLRQDOUDQJHRI¿QHSODLQRSHQVKDSHVIURP Horizon B.39 A detailed discussion of this wide array of vessels is beyond the scope of this paper. Nevertheless, while many specimens in use at the time of the destruction of the Palace of

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 131 11.11.2022 09:00:26

<sup>39</sup>%OHJHQ±5DZVRQ±¿JV±

Fig. 4 LH IIIA2 Early Mycenaean lustrous decorated pottery from Horizon A at Pylos. 1. Monochrome kylix FS 264 (N-A08-65-P07) from PONEX excavations, Area A; 2–3. monochrome kylixes FS 264 (unnumbered) from Blegen's excavations, underneath Hall 65; 4. monochrome kylix FS 264 (N-E08-53-P21) from PONEX excavations, Area E; 5–6. patterned shallow cup FS 219 and carinated cup FS 230 decorated with stipple FM 77 (CM 1721, 1712) from Blegen's excavations, LT, Trench I; 7–8. patterned kylikes with horizontal strap handles decorated with ivy FM 12 and wavy line FM 53 (CM 1734, 1732) from Blegen's excavations, LT, Trench I; 9. patterned kylix decorated with DQXQLGHQWL¿HGPRWLI1(3IURP321(;H[FDYDWLRQV\$UHD(±GUDZLQJV75RVV±GLJLWL]DWLRQ 75RVVDIWHU0RXQWMR\±QRV±¿JV±6FDOH

1HVWRUKDYHSUR¿OHVWKDWZRXOGQRUPDOO\EHDWKRPHLQ/+,,,\$DQGRU/+,,,%40 many others are consistent with LH IIIC Early 1.41 This is especially true for plain open shapes with bead-HGOLSOHVVDQGRUÀDULQJOLSOHVV ULPVLQFOXGLQJ VKDOORZFXSV)6 )LJ  N\OLNHV FS 259/265/266/267/274 (Fig. 11.2–5), and shallow angular bowls FS 295 (Fig. 12).

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 132 11.11.2022 09:00:26

<sup>40</sup> See, for example Blegen – Rawson 1966, 356–357, 366–367, 369–374 (Shape 4, FS 295, nos. 455–456; Shape 5; Shape 27, FS 267, nos. 426, 176; Shape 28, FS 269; Shape 29:a, FS 264/265, no. 721; Shape 29:c, FS 259/264/265, nos. 186, 187, 190, 588; Shape 29:d, FS 264/265; Shape 29:e, FS 263/264; Shape 29:f, FS 264; 6KDSHJ)6QR6KDSHK)66KDSHL)66KDSHV±)6¿JV± 350, 359–366.

<sup>41</sup> See, for example Blegen – Rawson 1966, 356, 360, 366–369, 371 (Shape 4, FS 295, nos. 75, 100, 142, 199, 570; Shape 12, FS 220/222; Shape 26; Shape 27, FS 267, nos. 63, 425; Shape 29:a, FS 265, no. 701; Shape 29:b, FS 266; 6KDSHF)66KDSHJ)6QR¿JV±±±

)LJ /+ ,,,\$(DUO\¿QHSDOHSODLQSRWWHU\ IURP+RUL]RQ\$DW3\ORV6WLUUXSMXJ)6 &0 IURP Blegen's excavations, Trench W 21, S. Corner; 2. conical cup FS 204 (unnumbered) from Blegen's excavations, underneath Hall 65; 3. conical cup FS 204 (N-A08-07-P12) from PONEX excavations, Area A; 4. deep rounded kylix FS 264 (CM 1740) from Blegen's excavations, LT, Trench I; 5. one-handled kylix FS 267 (unnumbered) from %OHJHQ¶VH[FDYDWLRQVXQGHUQHDWK+DOOGUDZLQJV75RVV,QWKLVDQGDOOIROORZLQJ¿JXUHVWKHOHWWHUµ3¶LQGLFDWHV areas that have been restored with plaster. Scale 1:3.

The occurrence of shapes stylistically assignable to LH IIIA2 and LH IIIB1 in a context otherwise datable to LH IIIC Early 1 may be explained by considering the special function of the assemblage. The partial continuation of old vessel types may have been favored by the need to perform long-standing eating and drinking ceremonial practices. In fact, recent excavations carried out during the construction of the new roof for the Palace of Nestor have suggested that feasting activities had been taking place on the acropolis of Pylos since the second half of LH IIB.42

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 133 11.11.2022 09:00:27

S. V.

<sup>42</sup> Egan 2021; Karapanagiotou et al. 2021; Vitale et al. 2021.

)LJ /+,,,\$(DUO\¿QHSDOHSODLQSRWWHU\IURP+RUL]RQ\$DW3\ORV.\OL[ZLWKKLJKVZXQJKDQGOHV)6 (CM 1742) from Blegen's excavations, LT, Trench I; 2. basin FS 294 (CM 1641) from Blegen's excavations, Trench W 21, S. Corner; 3–4. conical bowl and shallow angular bowl FS 295 (N-A08-07-P09, N-A09-05-P07) from PON-EX excavations, Area A (drawings T. Ross). Scale 1:3 (except where indicated otherwise).

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 134 11.11.2022 09:00:27

Fig. 7 LH IIIB2 to LH IIIC Early 1 Mycenaean lustrous decorated pottery from Pylos (all from Blegen's excavations). 1–2. LH IIIB2 Late to LH IIIC Early 1 linear TT 1 deep bowl FS 284 and monochrome deep bowl FS 284 (unnumbered) from Pedley's Trench 64-6; 3. LH IIIB2 patterned Group B deep bowl FS 284 decorated with running spiral FM 46 (unnumbered) from the Portico of the Megaron; 4. LH IIIB2 Group B deep bowl FS 284 with no preserved decorative pattern (unnumbered) from the Portico of the Megaron (1–2: drawings T. Ross; 3–4: drawings E. Egan with additions by T. Ross – S. Vitale). Scale 1:3.

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 135 11.11.2022 09:00:28

)LJ /+,,,&(DUO\0\FHQDHDQOXVWURXVGHFRUDWHGDQG¿QHSDOHSODLQSRWWHU\IURP+RUL]RQ%DW3\ORVDOOIURP Blegen's excavations in Room 46 of the Palace of Nestor). 1. Linear belly-handled amphora FS 58 (CM 1947); 2. linear amphora FS 69 (CM 1944); 3. plain neck-handled amphora FS 70 (CM 1483); 4. patterned jug FS 105/106 decorated with wavy line FM 53 (CM 1484); 5. dark-ground patterned TT 2 deep bowl FS 284 (CM 1485) decorated with dashed semicircles FM 43 (drawings T. Ross). 1–4. Scale 1:6; 5. Scale 1:3.

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 136 11.11.2022 09:00:29

Fig. 9 LH IIIC Early 1 Mycenaean lustrous decorated pottery from Horizon B at Pylos (all from Blegen's excavations). 1. Patterned juglet FS 111 decorated with wavy line FM 53 (CM 0947); 2. linear mug FS 226 (CM 1143); SDWWHUQHGFROODUQHFNHGMDU)6GHFRUDWHGZLWKVHPLFLUFOHV)0OLQNHGE\FKHYURQV)0ZLWK¿OORIVWHPPHG spirals FM 51 (CM 1265), Rooms 20 and 39 of the Palace of Nestor (1–2: digitization, T. Ross, after Mountjoy 1999, QRV¿JVGUDZLQJ75RVV6FDOH

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 137 11.11.2022 09:00:29

Fig. 10 LH IIIC Early 1 Mycenaean lustrous decorated pottery from Horizon B at Pylos (all from Blegen's excavations). 1–2. Monochrome TT 2 deep bowls FS 284 (CM 1402, 1976), Rooms 43 and 95 of the Palace of Nestor (drawings T. Ross). Scale 1:3 (except where indicated otherwise).

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 138 11.11.2022 09:00:30

)LJ /+,,,&(DUO\¿QHSDOHSODLQSRWWHU\IURP+RUL]RQ%DW3\ORVDOOIURP%OHJHQ¶VH[FDYDWLRQV6KDOORZ cup FS 222 (no. 2); 2. deep kylix FS 259/265 (unnumbered); 3. deep rounded kylix FS 265 (no. 701); 4. shallow kylix FS 266 (no. 203); 5. conical kylix FS 274 (no. 264), Rooms 18, 19, 21, and 55 of the Palace of Nestor (digitization 75RVVDIWHU+UXE\¿J%OHJHQ±5DZVRQ±¿JV±6FDOH

)LJ /+,,,&(DUO\¿QHSDOHSODLQSRWWHU\IURP+RUL]RQ%DW3\ORVDOOIURP%OHJHQ¶VH[FDYDWLRQV±6KDOORZ angular bowls FS 295 (nos. 75, 199), Room 21 of the Palace of Nestor (digitization T. Ross, after Blegen – Rawson ¿J6FDOH

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 139 11.11.2022 09:00:31

#### **Synchronisms across the Greek Mainland**

Based on the data provided in the previous section of this article, Pylian Destruction Horizons A DQG% FDQ EH URXJKO\ V\QFKURQL]HG ZLWK D UHODWLYHO\ODUJH QXPEHU RI GHSRVLWV IURP GL൵HUHQW regions of the Greek mainland.43 Horizon A is approximately contemporary with the end of the LH IIB to LH IIIA2 Early phase at Iklaina,44 the materials from Trench L23 at Nichoria,45 the FRQVWUXFWLRQ¿OORI0DQVLRQDWWKH0HQHODLRQ46)ORRURI%XLOGLQJ%DQGWKHFRQVWUXFWLRQ¿OO below the West Stoa at Ayios Vasileios,47 as well as several assemblages from Mitrou including GHVWUXFWLRQGHSRVLWVIURP%XLOGLQJV'DQG)WKHFRQVWUXFWLRQ¿OOVRI5RDG/HYHOV±DQG some dumps located in the northeast excavation sector (Tab. 10).48 There are no published settlement deposits from the Argolid, Attica, and Boiotia assignable to LH IIIA2 Early. However, several tomb assemblages from these regions can be attributed to this subphase.49 They come from Mycenae,50 Prosymna,51 Athens,52 and Thebes.53


7DE &RUUHODWLRQEHWZHHQGHVWUXFWLRQKRUL]RQVDW3\ORVDQGRWKHUVLJQL¿FDQWSRWWHU\ deposits from the Greek mainland.

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 140 11.11.2022 09:00:31

<sup>43</sup> Vitale 2006, 197–201, tabs. 2–3; Vitale 2011, 340–341, tab. 5.

<sup>44</sup> Cosmopoulos 2018, 99–100, 102–103.

<sup>45</sup>6KHOPHUGLQH±±¿JV±

<sup>46</sup>&DWOLQJYRO±QRV(7±&DWOLQJYRO¿J6HHDOVR.DUGDPDNLWDE

<sup>47</sup>.DUGDPDNL±±QRV±QRV±WDEV¿JV

<sup>48</sup>9LWDOH±±WDEV\$±%¿JV±ZLWKUHYLVLRQV

<sup>49</sup> Vitale 2011, 340–341, tab. 5.

<sup>50</sup>)RU&KDPEHU7RPEV±DW0\FHQDHVHH:DFH±QRV±±¿JV±SOV± ±QR¿JV

<sup>51</sup>)RU7RPE;/,,DW3URV\PQDVHH%OHJHQ±¿J

<sup>52</sup> For Tombs XVIII, XXVIII, XXXII, and XXXIX from the Athenian Agora see Immerwahr 1971, 209–211 nos. XVIII-1–7; 230–231 no. XXVIII-1; 234 nos. XXXII-1–3; 241–242 nos. XXXIX-1–3, pls. 48, 54, 56, 58.

<sup>53</sup>)RU.RORQDNL7RPEDW7KHEHVVHH.HUDPRSRXOORV±¿J

Pylos Horizon B is roughly contemporary with the destruction deposits at the end of Phase IX at Mycenae,54 Tiryns' West Staircase Terrace, Zone 1,55 Phase 4 at Korakou,56 the deposits from the Northeast Ascent of the Athenian Acropolis,57 the destruction of Building Complex I at Kontopigado,58 the earlier materials from Thorikos Mine No. 3,59 Floor 5 above the 'Linear B Archive' at Thebes,60WKHÀRRUOHYHOIURP+RXVH9DW(XWUHVLV61 as well as the destruction of Megaron A, Megaron B, and the settlement at Dimini (Tab. 10).62 These deposits date to LH IIIC Early 1 or Jeremy Rutter's LH IIIC Phase 1.63 They possibly postdate the destructions of the palaces of Mycenae, Tiryns, and Thebes, as well as those of the citadels of Midea (West Gate Area and Southwest Slope) and Glas.647KHVHGDWDPD\LPSO\DVOLJKWFKURQRORJLFDOGL൵HUHQFHEHWZHHQWKH destructions of the palaces located in the central area of the Greek mainland, extending from the Argolid to Boiotia, and the palaces or palatial structures located in Messenia and Thessaly at the southwest and northeast edges of this core area. Based on the chronology recently proposed for the destruction of the palace of Ayios Vasileios (LH IIIB1 Late),65 the data presented in this paper may also indicate that during the second half of the 13th century BC, Pylos was the only palatial center in the southern Peloponnese.

S. V.

#### **Summary and Results**

\$WWKHFXUUHQWVWDJHLQRXUUHVHDUFKLWLVSUREDEO\ZLVHWRFRQWDLQRXULQWHUSUHWDWLYHH൵RUWVDQG hold back from grand historical reconstructions. Such an attitude is suggested at Pylos by the ongoing status of PONEX excavations. The same consideration may apply to other important sites, such as Iklaina and Ayios Vasileios. In addition, caution is also necessary at the theoretical level. Recent research by Jorrit Kelder, Birgitta Eder, and Reinhard Jung has challenged peer polity LQWHUDFWLRQPRGHOVDFFHSWHGE\PRVWVFKRODUVLQWKHODVW\HDUVDUJXLQJIRUDXQL¿HGDGPLQistrative palatial organization under a single /*wanax*/ for most of the Mycenaean world from the Greek mainland to the east Aegean.66

Despite these problematic aspects, the data presented in this paper have important impli-FDWLRQVIRURXUXQGHUVWDQGLQJRIVLJQL¿FDQWSKDVHVRIFXOWXUDODQGVRFLRSROLWLFDOWUDQVLWLRQVDW Pylos and, more generally, on the Mycenaean mainland. Five points emerge. First, our study demonstrates the value of a comprehensive contextual approach to ceramic analysis and its SRWHQWLDOEHQH¿WVIRUDUH¿QHGFKURQRORJ\6HFRQGRXUZRUNDOORZVIRUWKH¿UVWWLPHDSUHFLVH date for what we have termed destruction Horizon A at Pylos, when, according to Blegen and 5DZVRQWKHSUHGHFHVVRURIWKH3DODFHRI1HVWRUKDGEXUQHGGRZQ7KLUGRXU UHVXOWV¿UPO\ LQGLFDWHWKDWWKH3DODFHRI1HVWRUZDVGH¿QLWLYHO\GHVWUR\HGLQ/+,,,&(DUO\WKXVHQGLQJD long debate. Fourth, our proposed synchronisms show the existence of some discrete LH IIIA2 Early destruction horizons, involving such sites as Pylos and Mitrou. At the same time, this

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 141 11.11.2022 09:00:31

<sup>54</sup>)UHQFK±±±WDE¿JV±

<sup>55</sup>.DUGDPDNL±SOV±.DUGDPDNL±¿JV±

<sup>56</sup>5XWWHU±¿JV±

<sup>57</sup> Broneer 1933; Rutter 1977, 1–2; Gauß 2003, 98–102.

<sup>58</sup>.D]D3DSDJHRUJLRX±.DUGDPDNL±¿JV±

<sup>59</sup> Mountjoy 1995.

<sup>60</sup> Andrikou et al. 2006, 50, 80–81 nos. 256–270, pls. 15–16, 72–74.

<sup>61</sup>\*ROGPDQ±¿JV

<sup>62</sup>\$GULPL6LVPDQL±¿JV±\$GULPL6LVPDQL±

<sup>63</sup> Rutter 1977, 1–2.

<sup>64</sup> Vitale 2006, 199–202, tabs. 2–3 (with previous bibliography).

<sup>65</sup> Kardamaki 2017, 114; Vasilogamvrou et al., this volume. For the chronology and terminology of the LH IIIB phase see Vitale – Van de Moortel 2020, especially 11–15, 30–33 (with previous bibliography).

<sup>66</sup> Cherry – Renfrew 1986; Kelder 2010; Nakassis et al. 2010; Eder – Jung 2015; Jung 2015.

phase may have marked important construction activities at the Laconian centers of the Mene-ODLRQDQG\$\LRV9DVLOHLRV:KHWKHUWKHVHGL൵HUHQWHYHQWVDUHFRQQHFWHGDWDVXSUDUHJLRQDOOHYHO remains unclear, as we lack contemporary settlement data from the Argolid, Attica, and Boiotia. 7KH¿IWKSRLQWHPHUJLQJIURPRXUDQDO\VLVLVWKDW3\ORVDQG'LPLQLPD\KDYHEHHQGHVWUR\HG slightly later than Mycenae, Tiryns, and Thebes.67 The potential political implications of these later destructions, located at the edge of the central area of Mycenaean palatial society, remain to be explored further in the future.

&RQFOXGLQJWKLVSDSHUD¿QDOLVVXHPXVWEHDGGUHVVHG:KLOH321(;LVEULQJLQJWROLJKWQHZ VROLGHYLGHQFHFRQFHUQLQJ/+,,,\$0LGGOHDQG/DWHDFWLYLWLHVLQ\$UHD(IURPWKH7VDNRQDV¿HOG near Tholos IV, the picture from the acropolis during these subphases remains poorly understood. This time span is of crucial importance, as it includes the period between destruction Horizon A DQGWKHFRQVWUXFWLRQRIWKH0DLQ%XLOGLQJRIWKH¿QDO0\FHQDHDQSDODFHZKLFKLVFXUUHQWO\GDWHG to LH IIIB.68 Additional information about human activities on the acropolis during LH IIIA2 PD\FRPHIURPIXWXUHDQDO\VLVRIWKHPDWHULDOVUHFRYHUHGXQGHUQHDWKWKHÀRRUVRIWKH3DODFHRI Nestor, as well as from future study of the assemblages from the excavations recently carried out for the construction of the new roof over the Main Building of the palace.69

A better understanding of the Pylian acropolis during the 14th century BC is crucial for at least two reasons. First, it may shed new light on the political relationships between major centers in the southern Greek mainland during the second half of the 14th century BC, such as Pylos, Iklaina, the Menelaion, and Ayios Vasileios. Second, addressing this issue may provide valuable information about the conditions that may have left Pylos, after the destruction at Ayios Vasileios, as the only palatial center in the southern Peloponnese during the second half of the 13th century BC.

S. V. – S. R. S. – J. L. D.

**Acknowledgements:** The authors would like to thank Calla McNamee and Jeremy Rutter for their comments on earlier versions of this manuscript, as well as the many others who worked on the PONEX excavations and helped with the SURFHVVLQJRISRWWHU\¿QGVHVSHFLDOO\&KULVWRSKHU+DOH,UR&DPLFL.DWDU]\QD'XGOLN(IWK\PLD7VLRODNLDQG\$QQ Santen. They are also extremely grateful to Emily Egan for valuable discussions about the stratigraphic and contextual evidence from the Megaron of the Palace of Nestor, as well as for sharing with us the unpublished drawings from her PhD research.

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## **Pottery and Stratigraphy at Iklaina in the 14th–13th Centuries BC**

### *&\QWKLD:6KHOPHUGLQH* <sup>1</sup>

**Abstract:**,NODLQDLVIXO¿OOLQJWKHSUHGLFWLRQWKDWLWZRXOGEHDQLPSRUWDQW0\FHQDHDQVLWHDQGRQHRIWKHPDMRUVHF-RQGRUGHUFHQWHUVRIWKH3\ORVVWDWH6HYHUDOGL൵HUHQWVHFWRUVDUHEHLQJXQFRYHUHGGL൵HUHQWLDWHGE\IXQFWLRQ7KLVSDSHU concentrates on the South Sector, where excavation has produced evidence for a monumental structure with frescoes, as well as other buildings, an outdoor pit shrine, roads and a gateway. The North Sector, which includes both residential and industrial buildings, is still under study, as is the residential East Sector. Iklaina is clearly a larger and more complex site than Nichoria, the other excavated second-order center in Messenia. Four architectural phases can now be distinguished. This paper outlines these phases and their ceramic dating. In the light of this ceramic and stratigraphical evidence, the paper addresses current thinking about the town's historical development and particularly about its relationship with the palatial center at Pylos (Englianos).

**Keywords:** Iklaina, pottery, Pylos, administration, destruction

7KHVLWHRI,NODLQDOLHVDERXWNPDVWKHFURZÀLHVIURPWKHSDODFHDW3\ORV(QJOLDQRVLQ0HVsenia. Excavation, under the auspices of the Archaeological Society at Athens and the direction of Michael Cosmopoulos, began in 2006 and is ongoing. Finds to date include a monumental platform, with ashlar blocks and fresco fragments from the substantial building it once supported. A number of smaller buildings have also come to light, with signs of residential and industrial activity, as well as drains, roads and an outdoor pit shrine. As excavation continues, our theories are evolving about the town's history and its relationship with the palatial center. This paper presents an interim report on these topics, based on the interplay of ceramic and stratigraphical evidence (Fig. 1).

6RIDUWKH¿HOGZRUNKDVIRFXVHGRQWKUHHDUHDVRIWKHVLWH7KH6RXWK6HFWRULQFOXGHVWKHPRQumental platform, the shrine, and the roads; the North Sector has both residential and industrial structures; and a residential East Sector came to light in 2016. This paper is based on material from the South Sector, which was just published in late 2018.2 Excavation and study of the other sectors is still under way, but the evidence available so far is consistent with the observations made here.

)RXUPDLQDUFKLWHFWXUDOSKDVHVKDYHEHHQLGHQWL¿HGDW,NODLQDVWDUWLQJLQ/+,,0+DQG/+, pottery is present at the site, but without associated buildings.

### **Phase 1 (LH IIA–B)**

7KHHDUOLHVWSKDVHRIRFFXSDWLRQLV UHSUHVHQWHGFKLHÀ\E\7HUUDFH9LQWKH6RXWK6HFWRU<sup>3</sup> The WHUUDFHLVGH¿QHGE\WKHDGMDFHQWZDOOV&7±DQG&7±%RWKLQVLGHWKLVFRUQHUDQGRXWVLGH WRWKHZHVWRI&7±WKHUHDUHDIHZSLHFHVRI/+,,,\$GDWHLQWKHXSSHUOD\HUVEXWWKHPDLQ¿OO deposit dates to LH IIA–B, with some LH I sherds mixed in. Pottery dates the construction of the

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 149 11.11.2022 09:00:31

<sup>1</sup> The University of Texas at Austin and Bowdoin College, USA; e-mail: cwshelm@gmail.com.

<sup>2</sup> Cosmopoulos 2018.

<sup>3</sup> Cosmopoulos 2018, 44–50, pls. 83–89.

Fig. 1 Plan of Iklaina (drawing M. Nelson).

terrace itself to LH IIA.4 The deposit extends down to the foundation of Wall CT–031; below it is a layer containing sherds dating to MH III, LH I and LH II. The diagnostic pottery of this phase FRQVLVWV PRVWO\ RI JREOHWV DQG ERZOVLQ VHPL¿QH RUDQJH IDEULFV 5 The goblets have tall, thin lips, and include several of the shoulder-handled type FS 268 (P3662) and one with high-swung handles FS 270 (P3750) (Fig. 2).6 7KH ¿QH GHFRUDWHGZDUH FRQVLVWVPRVWO\ RI7\SH ,, DQG ,,, Vapheio cups with characteristic motifs like spirals (P3638, P3644), foliate band (P3635, P3643) and straight or rippled vertical lines (P3295, P3640), as well as fragments of alabastra, squat jugs (P2721) and cups (P3777) (Fig. 3).7

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 150 11.11.2022 09:00:31

<sup>4</sup> Cosmopoulos 2018, 101.

<sup>5</sup> For ceramic fabrics at Iklaina see Shelmerdine – Gulizio 2016; Gulizio – Shelmerdine 2017, 29, tab. 4.1.

<sup>6</sup> Cosmopoulos 2018, 47.

<sup>7</sup> Cosmopoulos 2018, 47.

Fig. 2 Pottery of Phase 1. Scale 1:3 (drawings Y. Nakas).

#### **Phase 2 (LH IIB/IIIA1–IIIA2 Middle)**

This phase is much more substantial than Phase 1. In the North Sector it is represented most clearly by Houses A and B and Megaron Unit K. A rubbish pit east of House B contained pottery from LH II–IIIB1 and a fragment of a Linear B tablet, IK X 1, preserved by burning.8 Only the HDUOLHUVKHUGVIURPWKHSLWVKRZVLJQVRI¿UHQRWWKH/+,,,\$/DWH±,,,%PDWHULDO)XUWKHUWKH paleography of the tablet is early, so it too should belong to Phase 2.

In the South Sector, several buildings were constructed in Phase 2, most oriented NW-SE RU6:1(7KH¿YHURRP%XLOGLQJ7ZDVFRQVWUXFWHGLQ/+ ,,,\$RYHUDSDYHGFRXUW\DUGRI LH II, putting it out of use. The lower levels of Building T belong to this phase, its upper levels to Phase 3.9 Phase 2 is also represented by Building A to the east of Building T, and by Building B2 and the South Terrace Building to its south.10 An open air pit shrine southeast of these buildings also dates to this phase.11,QLWZHUHIRXQGR൵HULQJWDEOHVFKDUFRDODOHDGVKHHWDQGQXPHURXV ERQHVRI\RXQJDQLPDOVFKLHÀ\SLJOHWV3RWWHU\GDWHVWKHXVHRIWKHSLWWR/+,,,\$±(DUO\DQG includes more than 40 conical cups and 30 kylikes. Wall CT–035 marks the west edge of the pit, DQGWKHHDVWHGJHRIDSHEEOHÀRRUZLWKSRWWHU\IURP/+,,±,,,\$(DUO\(DVWRIWKHODUJHSODWform of Phase 3 (see below), Wall CT–025 is the original south wall of the Phase 3 Building X, which seems to have begun in Phase 2 as a platform.12 It is dated to Phase 2 by a handful of sherds found among its stones. These range from LH I/II to LH IIIA2 Early, the latest piece being a tall triangular-lipped kylix rim (Fig. 4.P4684).13

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 151 11.11.2022 09:00:31

<sup>8</sup> Shelmerdine 2012.

<sup>9</sup> Cosmopoulos 2018, 29–41, pls. 55–77.

<sup>10</sup>&RVPRSRXORV¿J

<sup>11</sup> Cosmopoulos 2015b; Cosmopoulos 2018, 80–84, pls. 138–147.

<sup>12</sup> Cosmopoulos 2018, 90–91, 107.

<sup>13</sup> Cosmopoulos 2018, 92.

Fig. 3 Pottery of Phase 1 (photos G. Vdokakis).

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 152 11.11.2022 09:00:33

Fig. 4 Pottery of Phase 2. Scale 1:3 (drawings Y. Nakas).

The beginning of Phase 2 seems to overlap ceramically with the end of Phase 1. Most /+,,%JREOHWVDUHPDGHRIRUDQJHVHPL¿QHIDEULFVW\SLFDORI/+,±,,WKHUHDUHYHU\IHZ¿QH ware goblets, and only one fragment of the Ephyraean type FS 254 (Fig. 5.P3753 from Room T2).14 Some kylikes we call 'transitional': they have kylix stems, but they are made in the semi- ¿QHRUDQJHIDEULFVRI(DUO\0\FHQDHDQJREOHWVUDWKHUWKDQWKH/DWH0\FHQDHDQ¿QHZDUHRI LH IIIA–B. The rest of the Phase 2 pottery is typical of LH IIIA1 and LH IIIA2 Early in Mess-HQLD0RVWRIWKH¿QHZDUHLVXQSDLQWHGDQGRQFHSDLQWHGVKHUGVDUHRIWHQZRUQDQGHQFUXVWHG making it hard to discern their original appearance. There are, however, a few fragments of both closed and open decorated vessels, including a kylix of FS 256, a LH IIIA2 Early form, with a rim band and a deep upper body (Fig. 4.P2007).15 Unpainted kylikes are both rounded (P2641) and angular (P3445), though the carination on some of the latter is very gentle (Fig. 4).16 Many of the rounded examples are small enough that they may have had a single handle like, for

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 153 11.11.2022 09:00:33

<sup>14</sup> Cosmopoulos 2018, 34.

<sup>15</sup> Cosmopoulos 2018, 70.

<sup>16</sup> Cosmopoulos 2018, 83.

Fig. 5 Pottery of Phase 2 (photos G. Vdokakis).

example, most of the LH IIIA1 kylikes at the Menelaion,17 rather than two handles like the conventional FS 264. There are only a few examples of the types with high-swung handles FS 272 (P3226) and with shoulder handles FS 269 (P2650) (Fig. 4).18 The full range of Phase 2, LH IIB/IIIA1–IIIA2 Early, is represented in material from Building T, and probably also the pit shrine, which may extend into LH IIIA2 Early. P3226 comes from rubble on the south side of the platform, in the eastern part with much pottery from LH II–IIIA1 and little from LH IIIA2–B. This is interesting, since a destruction layer below the rubble was predominantly LH IIIA2–B in date. Shallow cups (P4622) and conical cups (P2271) are common (Fig. 4), as are shallow angular bowls (Fig. 5.P3471).19

### **Phase 3 (LH IIIA2 Late–IIIB Middle)**

Phase 3 is marked by extensive construction in both the North and South Sectors. While Houses A DQG%ZHQWRXWRIXVHLQWKH1RUWK6HFWRU0HJDURQīDQG8QLW(ZHUHDGGHGRQDPRUHFDUGLQDO

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 154 11.11.2022 09:00:33

<sup>17</sup> Catling 2009, vol. 1, 403–404.

<sup>18</sup> Cosmopoulos 2018, 23 (P3226), 31 (P2650).

<sup>19</sup> Cosmopoulos 2018, 37 (P4622), 83 (P2271), 84 (P3471).

orientation than the buildings of Phase 2. In the South Sector, the most notable addition was a massive platform (referred to in early Iklaina publications as a terrace). This is a 24.3 × 8.2m structure oriented SW-NE, like most buildings of Phase 2, parallel to the slope of the hill on which it stands. It extended the level area north of Building T, and supported a large building, the socalled Cyclopean Terrace Building, of which some ashlar blocks survive along with pottery and fresco fragments.20

South of this platform, the South Terrace Building remained in use during Phase 3 and Buildings Z1 and Z2 were added. Building T also continued; its second phase is marked architecturally by the construction of Wall CT–001 to replace the earlier north walls of the building. Building T may have been incorporated into the Cyclopean Terrace Building during this phase, or it may have continued to be a separate building.21 Several structures were also added north and east of the platform, notably Building X and a Gateway to the east. Originally a platform in Phase 2, Building X took shape as a building in Phase 3, and Wall CT–026 was added along the original south Wall CT–025.

In ceramic terms, Phase 3 extends from latest LH IIIA2 into LH IIIB2. The start of the phase is H[HPSOL¿HGE\SRWWHU\IURPIRXQGDWLRQWUHQFKHVRQERWKWKHQRUWKDQGVRXWKVLGHVRIWKHSODWIRUP dating its construction to the LH IIIA2/IIIB transition.22 Some kylix rims from these assemblages KDYHDVKRUWURXQGHGSUR¿OHW\SLFDORI/+,,,\$/DWH,,,%HJ3ZKLOHRWKHUVDUHRIWKH LH IIIB1 lipless variety (e.g. P4641, P4644) (Fig. 6). The only possible deep bowl fragment in these foundation deposits is Fig. 7.P4643, a round horizontal handle with black paint, attached to a body coated on the interior. The wall is thinner and the handle smaller than is typical of stemmed bowls, but a deep bowl with coated interior would require a date much later in LH IIIB, inconsistent with the rest of the foundation material. It is therefore more likely to be a stemmed bowl.

Most of the LH IIIA2–B1 pottery from Iklaina is unpainted. The decorated material is canonical in both shapes and, where preserved, motifs. Kylikes of both LH IIIA2 Late FS 257 and LH IIIB1 FS 258B types are attested (Fig. 7); a spiral pattern is preserved on one of the former (P3679), and two of the latter have vertical whorl-shell decoration (P3534, P3684).23 Spirals also appear in this phase on a stemmed bowl (Fig. 7.P3667) and a mug (Fig. 6.P1611).24 Except for the destruction material that marks the end of Phase 3 (see below), deep bowls are rare or absent in deposits of this phase,25 indicating a date early in LH IIIB1.

\$EXUQLQJGHVWUXFWLRQD൵HFWHGPRVWRUDOORIWKHVLWHDWWKHHQGRI3KDVHZKLFKFDQEHGDWed in ceramic terms to the transition from LH IIIB1 to LH IIIB2. The assemblages that date the destruction of the Cyclopean Terrace Building are typical; along with ashlar blocks, burnt mudbrick and building material, and charcoal, the destruction layer contains mostly characteristic LH IIIB1 pottery, including lipless kylix rims,26 and Group A and banded deep bowls (Fig. 6.P3707; Fig. 7.P3735).27 As at other sites in Messenia, LH IIIB2 pottery at Iklaina lacks the two features WKDWGH¿QHWKLVSKDVHLQWKH\$UJROLGURVHWWHDQG\*URXS%GHHSERZOV28 But the Phase 3 destruction PDWHULDOGRHVLQFOXGH¿YHYHVVHOVRI/+,,,%W\SHVWZRPRQRFKURPHGHHSERZOV)LJ3 P4233), two deep bowls with coated interiors (Figs. 6.P4200; 7.P4018), and a krater with coated interior (Fig. 6.P3706). Both of the deep bowls may be Type A/B: the rim P4018 has a handle ringed with paint but no preserved decoration exterior banding, and the base P4200, still in

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 155 11.11.2022 09:00:34

<sup>20</sup> Cosmopoulos 2018, 6–15, 20–28.

<sup>21</sup> Cosmopoulos 2018, 104–106.

<sup>22</sup> Cosmopoulos 2018, 13–14, 26, pls. 22–23.

<sup>23</sup> Cosmopoulos 2018, 27.

<sup>24</sup> Cosmopoulos 2018, 27.

<sup>25</sup> Cosmopoulos 2018, 27, 33, 36 (deep bowls absent in Building T), 44 (possible rims in Room CT), 69 (fragments in the pit in Space ST.1 of the South Terrace Building).

<sup>26</sup>&RVPRSRXORV¿JLQFOXGLQJOLSOHVVN\OL[ULPV33DQGGHHSERZOULP3

<sup>27</sup> Cosmopoulos 2018, pl. 21.

<sup>28</sup> Mountjoy 1999, 36.

Fig. 6 Pottery of Phase 3. Scale 1:3 (drawings Y. Nakas).

FRQVHUYDWLRQPD\SURYHWRKDYHDQDUURZEDQGRQWKHH[WHULRU7KHSUHVHQFHRIWKHVH¿YHYHVVHOV means that Phase 3 not only spans latest LH IIIA2 and LH IIIB1 but extends into LH IIIB2. It thus corresponds in Argolid terms to both LH IIIB Early and mid-LH IIIB (Mycenae) / LH IIIB Middle (Tiryns).29

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 156 11.11.2022 09:00:34

<sup>29</sup> Mountjoy 1999, 32; Vitale 2006, 178–184.

Fig. 7 Pottery of Phase 3 (photos G. Vdokakis).

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 157 11.11.2022 09:00:35

#### 158 C. W. Shelmerdine

Further evidence of this destruction in the South Sector comes from the South Terrace Building, Buildings Z1 and Z2, Building X, the Gateway, and the East Road to the south of the latter two structures. Like the destruction material from the Platform area, the pottery includes characteristic LH IIIB1 material, including Group A and unpainted deep bowls, plus just four deep bowls typical of LH IIIB2. Three of these are from the destruction layer of Building X (Fig. 6): P4251, with a medium band on the exterior and a spiral on the interior base; P4695 with coated interior; and the monochrome example P4700.30 From the rubble associated with the Horos just south of Building X comes Fig. 6.P4477, with a deep exterior rim band that also should be later in LH IIIB.31

#### **Phase 4 (LH IIIB Middle – IIIC Early)**

7KLVLVDVKRUWSKDVHIROORZLQJWKHGHVWUXFWLRQWKDWHQGHG3KDVH,QWKHQRUWK0HJDURQīQRZ had small storage rooms attached to its south side, and its main room was divided by two crosswalls. Some of this remodeling had apparently begun in Phase 3, but the precise chronology

Fig. 8 Pottery of Phase 4. Scale 1:3 (drawings Y. Nakas).

is still to be worked out. Unit E continued in use; an industrial IXQFWLRQLVLQGLFDWHGE\WKHDGGLWLRQRISODVWHUÀRRUVWRWKHZHVW of it.32 This phase is also present in the East Sector, which is still under study. Much less evidence for this phase comes from the South Sector. The buildings of Phase 3 were not rebuilt, but Walls CT–048 and CT–060 show that new buildings were added at the east end of the East Road and above the destroyed Gateway.

Both monochrome (P4347) and medium band (P4352) deep ERZOVW\SHV¿UVWVHHQLQWKHGHVWUXFWLRQRI3KDVHFRQWLQXHLQ Phase 4 (Fig. 8).33 The rim P4312 with coated interior (Fig. 8) could be from either a mug or a deep bowl.34 Unpainted kylix and shallow angular bowl rims are very thin and mostly lipless, and a few are in brown or gray-brown fabrics. The drab colors and thin walls are uncharacteristic of LH IIIA–B1, and more often attested in late LH IIIB–IIIC. Also indicative of a late date is the absence of decorated kylikes. Late IIIB–IIIC features are

Fig. 9 Pottery of Phase 4. (photo G. Vdokakis).

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 158 11.11.2022 09:00:36

<sup>30</sup> Cosmopoulos 2018, 87.

<sup>31</sup> Cosmopoulos 2018, 88.

<sup>32</sup> Cosmopoulos 2019, 364–365.

<sup>33</sup> Cosmopoulos 2018, 88; the exterior rim band on P4352 is not indicated in Fig. 44.

<sup>34</sup> Cosmopoulos 2018, 87.

also seen in Phase 4 pottery from other sectors, for example a jar shoulder with tassel decoration FM 72 (Fig. 9.P5049) from the Room of the Pithoi in the East Sector.

#### **Development, Destruction and Abandonment**

Iklaina developed without interruption from Phase 1 to Phase 2. Nor was there a major destruction at the end of Phase 2, as we originally thought. Our initial idea was that the Cyclopean Terrace Building and Building T were built in Phase 2, and destroyed at the end of that phase.35 We also REVHUYHGVLJQVRIGHVWUXFWLRQLQWKH1RUWK6HFWRUDQGLQGHHG8QLW\$LQWKDWVHFWRUGLGVX൵HUD GHVWUXFWLRQDWWKLVWLPH+RZHYHU VWUDWLJUDSKLFDQGFHUDPLFHYLGHQFH KDYHFRQ¿UPHGWKDWWKH Cyclopean Terrace Building belongs entirely to Phase 3, and that the second phase of Building T is contemporary with it.

The end of Phase 3, however, was marked by a general site-wide burning destruction, dated ceramically to the middle of LH IIIB. At this time, the Cyclopean Terrace Building was destroyed, along with the other buildings in the South Sector, and several in the North Sector as well. After this destruction there was only a little activity in the South Sector, in the vicinity of Building X DQGWKH\*DWHZD\0RUHVLJQL¿FDQWDFWLYLW\FRQWLQXHGLQWKH1RUWK6HFWRUVRPHRILWLQGXVWULDO and in the apparently residential East Sector. At the end of Phase 4 the site seems to have been abandoned, with no sign of further destruction.

A remaining question is how the history of Iklaina outlined here maps onto the history of the region, and particularly the history of the kingdom of Pylos. There is clear evidence that an administration complex enough to keep written records was operating at the Englianos palace by early in LH IIIA.36 These early tablets were burned in a destruction now known to date to LH IIIA2 Early.37 The Iklaina tablet is roughly contemporary with this early phase of administration, and could support the view that Iklaina was already part of the Pylian state at this time, in Phase 2. To date no further tablets have been found at Iklaina, however, and in any case, it seems unlikely to me that there was a second regional power complex enough to require written records, especially at this early stage of palatial administration. However, this is the view currently held by Cosmopoulos, the director of the Iklaina project, who believes the site came under palatial control only after the destruction at the end of Phase 3.38 Its new status, as the second-order center *a-pu2 -we*, 39 would account for the industrial activity that went on in the North Sector during Phase 4.

If this view is correct, it must follow that the Pylian system of second-order centers, and the taxation system based on it, developed surprisingly late in the history of the state, in contrast to the longer history generally proposed.40 We all hope that future work at Iklaina will provide more clarity on this important issue.

**Acknowledgments:** I wish to thank Michael Cosmopoulos for the opportunity to work at the Iklaina project and to R൵HUWKLVDFFRXQW,DPJUDWHIXOWRWKHHGLWRUVIRUWKHLUKHOSZLWKLOOXVWUDWLRQV

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 159 11.11.2022 09:00:36

<sup>35</sup> E.g. Cosmopoulos 2012; Cosmopoulos 2015a, 250–251, 257; Shelmerdine 2015, 243, 246–247.

<sup>36</sup> Shelmerdine in press.

<sup>37</sup> Vitale et al., this volume.

<sup>38</sup> Cosmopoulos 2019.

<sup>39</sup> Hope Simpson 2014, 57.

<sup>40</sup> Hope Simpson 2014, 53–54; Shelmerdine in press.

#### 160 C. W. Shelmerdine

#### **Bibliography**

Catling 2009

H. W. Catling, Sparta: Menelaion I: The Bronze Age 1–2. The British School at Athens Suppl. 45 (London 2009).

Cosmopoulos 2012

0%&RVPRSRXORV,NODLQDDUFKDHRORJLFDOSURMHFW¿HOGUHSRUW2QOLQHZZZLNODLQDRUJ!ODVWDFFHVV0D\ 2019).

Cosmopoulos 2015a

M. B. Cosmopoulos, A group of new Mycenaean frescoes from Iklaina, Pylos, in: H. Brecoulaki – J. L. Davis – S. R. Stocker (eds.), Mycenaean Wall Paintings in Context. New Discoveries, Old Finds Reconsidered, National +HOOHQLF5HVHDUFK)RXQGDWLRQ,QVWLWXWHRI+LVWRULFDO5HVHDUFKȂİȜİIJȒȝĮIJĮ\$WKHQV±

#### Cosmopoulos 2015b

M. B. Cosmopoulos, A Mycenaean open-air cult place in Iklaina, Journal of Ancient Egyptian Interconnections 73, 2015, 41–48.

#### Cosmopoulos 2018

M. B. Cosmopoulos, Iklaina. The Monumental Buildings, The Archaeological Society at Athens Library 316 (Athens 2018).

#### Cosmopoulos 2019

0%&RVPRSRXORV6WDWHIRUPDWLRQLQ\*UHHFH,NODLQDDQGWKHXQL¿FDWLRQRI0\FHQDHDQ3\ORV\$PHULFDQ-RXUQDORI Archaeology 123, 2019, 349–380.

#### Gulizio – Shelmerdine 2017

J. Gulizio – C. W. Shelmerdine, Mycenaean cooking vessels from Iklaina, in: J. Hruby – D. Trusty (eds.), From Cooking Vessels to Cultural Practices in the Late Bronze Age Aegean (Oxford 2017) 27–38.

#### Hope Simpson 2014

R. Hope Simpson, Mycenaean Messenia and the Kingdom of Pylos, Prehistory Monographs 45 (Philadelphia 2014).

#### Mountjoy 1999

P. A. Mountjoy, Regional Mycenaean Decorated Pottery 1–2 (Rahden/Westf. 1999).

#### Shelmerdine 2012

C. W. Shelmerdine, Iklaina tablet IK X 1, in: P. Carlier – Ch. de Lamberterie – M. Egetmeyer – N. Guilleux – F. Rougemont – J. Zurbach (eds.), Études mycéniennes 2010. Actes du XIIIe colloque international sur les textes égéens, Sèvres, Paris, Nanterre, 20–23 septembre 2010, Biblioteca di «Pasiphae» 10 (Pisa, Rome 2012) 75–77.

#### Shelmerdine 2015

C. W. Shelmerdine, Administrative developments at Iklaina, in: J. Weilhartner – F. Ruppenstein (eds.), Tradition and Innovation in the Mycenaean Palatial Polities. Proceedings of an International Symposium Held at the Austrian Academy of Sciences, Institute for Oriental and European Archaeology, Aegean and Anatolia Department, Vienna, 1–2 March, 2013, Mykenische Studien 34 (Vienna 2015) 243–253.

#### Shelmerdine – Gulizio 2016

C. W. Shelmerdine – J. Gulizio, Pottery and other ceramic artifacts, in: M. B. Cosmopoulos (ed.), The Political Geography of a Mycenaean District. The Archaeological Survey at Iklaina, The Archaeological Society at Athens Library 306 (Athens 2016) 157–191.

#### Shelmerdine in press

C. W. Shelmerdine, Messenia in LH IIIA: what's going on? in: S. Allen – M. Lee – R. Schon – R. A. K. Smith (eds.), Power and Place in the Prehistoric Aegean and Beyond (in press).

#### Vitale 2006

S. Vitale, The LH IIIB–LH IIIC transition on the Mycenaean mainland. Ceramic phases and terminology, Hesperia 75, 2006, 177–204.

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 160 11.11.2022 09:00:36

## **The Destruction at the Palace of Ayios Vasileios and Its Synchronisms**

### *Adamantia Vasilogamvrou*1 *– Eleftheria Kardamaki* <sup>2</sup> *– Nektarios Karadimas* <sup>3</sup>

**Abstract:**7KHQHZO\GLVFRYHUHGSDODFHDW\$\LRV9DVLOHLRVR൵HUVWKH¿UVWHYLGHQFHIRUWKHXVHRI/LQHDU%FOD\WDEOHWVLQ /DFRQLD7KHSDODFHZDVGHVWUR\HGE\DVHYHUH¿UHGXULQJZKLFKWKHURRPWKDWKRVWHGWKH/LQHDU%DUFKLYHZDVEXUQW down. The suggested date of this destruction is placed close to LH IIIB Middle. The present paper discusses the related evidence from the pottery and stratigraphy available so far. Moreover, the destruction of Ayios Vasileios is placed in a wider geographical context, suggesting that the mid-13th century in southern Greece was marked by several similar HYHQWV)LQDOO\WKHSDSHUR൵HUVVRPHSUHOLPLQDU\UHVXOWVDERXWWKHGDWHDQGFKDUDFWHURIUHRFFXSDWLRQLQWKHDUHDRI the court.

**Keywords:** Ayios Vasileios, Laconia, palace destruction, pottery, LH IIIB Middle

#### **Introduction**

7KHGLVFRYHU\RIWKHSDODFHDW\$\LRV9DVLOHLRVDQGWKH¿UVW/LQHDU%DUFKLYHLQ/DFRQLDDOPRVW \HDUVDIWHUWKH¿UVWH[FDYDWLRQVLQ0\FHQDHDQG7LU\QV¿OOVDPDMRUUHVHDUFKJDS<sup>4</sup> It aspires to provide new data on some of the most highly debated aspects of the Mycenaean research such as the formation of the Mycenaean palaces, the development of palatial architecture, and the political organization in the southeastern Peloponnese. Since 2010, excavation has gradually revealed the remains of large building complexes and a large Court.5 The latter had a northwest-southeast orientation and may have been approximately 20m wide (Figs. 1–2).6 The size and presumed architectural design of the large Court with the surrounding buildings recall Cretan traditions and there are some features that were not encountered before the discovery of Ayios Vasileios in the context of the mainland architecture. Most prominent among these are the two excavated porticos, the West Stoa and the South Stoa, that are 5.5m wide and thus unusually deep, while their colonnades consist of alternating pillars and columns. The whole complex of the stoas and the FRXUWZDVFRQVWUXFWHGLQ/+,,,\$(DUO\±DSSUR[LPDWHO\DWWKHVDPHWLPHZKHQWKH¿UVWPHJDUD DW7LU\QV0\FHQDHDQG3\ORVZHUHEXLOW±RQWRSRIDQDUWL¿FLDOSODWIRUP<sup>7</sup>

7KHSDODFHRI\$\LRV9DVLOHLRVVX൵HUHGDVHYHUHFRQÀDJUDWLRQWKDWLVREYLRXVLQDOOH[FDYDWLRQ trenches. The following paper discusses the date of this event based on the evidence of the pottery GLVFRYHUHG¿UVWO\LQWKHDUHDRIWKHWZRVWRDVLHWKHDUHDRIWKH/LQHDU%DUFKLYHLQWKH:HVW6WRD

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 161 11.11.2022 09:00:36

<sup>1</sup>'LUHFWRU(PHULWDȠI\$QWLTXLWLHV\*UHHFHHPDLODGDSDQYDV#JPDLOFRP

<sup>2</sup> Austrian Archaeological Institute, Austrian Academy of Sciences, Austria; e-mail: Eleftheria.Kardamaki@oeaw.ac.at.

<sup>3</sup> University of Crete, Department of History and Archaeology, Greece; e-mail: n.karadimas@uoc.gr.

<sup>4</sup>6HH\$UDYDQWLQRV±9DVLORJDPYURXIRUWKH¿UVW/LQHDU%WDEOHWVIURP\$\LRV9DVLOHLRV

<sup>5</sup>%XLOGLQJV\$ǻDQG(9DVLORJDPYURX9DVLORJDPYURX9DVLORJDPYURXD9DVLORJDPYURXE Vasilogamvrou 2018. In the north part of the plateau a cemetery with cist tombs was in use from MH III to LH IIB. 6HH0RXWD¿±9RXWVDNL+DFKWPDQQ±9RXWVDNLWKLVYROXPH

<sup>6</sup> Its northern end is not exposed yet, but the evidence from the geophysical prospection suggests that it may have extended up to the area west of Building A (Vasilogamvrou 2015b, 98–99, pls. 66–67).

<sup>7</sup> 9DVLORJDPYURX±¿JV±9DVLORJDPYURXHWDO7KH\*UHDW0HJDURQLQ7LU\QVZDVFRQstructed in LH IIIA1 or LH IIIA2 (Maran 2001, 23–25). For Pylos see Nelson 2001.

Fig. 1 The large Court of Ayios Vasileios with the West and the South Stoa. State of 2016 excavation. In red, the group of the in situ vessels from the West Stoa (drawing K. Minakakis, K. Athanasiou, I. Koulogeorgiou).

and secondly in the court.8 Before this, we shall present the main stratigraphic features in the area under discussion and some evidence for a possible reoccupation. The destruction of the palace ZDVPRVWFHUWDLQO\DQHYHQWRIPDMRUVLJQL¿FDQFHLQ/DFRQLDEXWLWPD\DOVRKDYHKDGZLGHULPplications. To gain a deeper insight into these queries, the destruction of Ayios Vasileios is placed within a wider context to the extent that the available material allows it.

### **The Stratigraphy**

In almost all trenches opened in the area of the court and the stoas, the excavation has reached WKHÀRRURIWKHVWUXFWXUHV(YLGHQFHRIWKHFRQÀDJUDWLRQLVDEXQGDQWZKLOHWKHGHVWUXFWLRQGHEULV was well preserved in particular areas. This is mainly observed in the West Stoa, where the debris from the collapsed upper story that contained the Linear B tablets was found lying directly on WKHJURXQGÀRRURIWKHVWRD)LJV<sup>9</sup> %HVLGHVWKHEDNHG/LQHDU%WDEOHWVPDQ\RWKHU¿QGV DQGEXLOGLQJPDWHULDOVKRZHYLGHQFHIRUH[SRVXUHWR¿UHDQGKLJKWHPSHUDWXUHV7KHSRWWHU\IRU LQVWDQFHLVRIWHQYLWUL¿HGDQGWKHVDPHLVWUXHIRUWKHJURXQGÀRRURIWKHVWUXFWXUHVWKDWFRQVLVWHG

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 162 11.11.2022 09:00:38

<sup>8</sup> See Kardamaki 2017 for a preliminary discussion.

<sup>9</sup>9DVLORJDPYURXD±SOV±Į9DVLORJDPYURXE¿JSOV±

Fig. 2 The West and South Stoa and the large Court. The round pits are Byzantine. State at the end of the 2016 ex-FDYDWLRQ%RWWRPOHIWWKHUHDUURRPWRWKHZHVWRIWKH:HVW6WRD7RSOHIWWKHFROODSVHGXSSHUÀRRURIWKH:HVW6WRD /LQHDU%DUFKLYH&HQWUHULJKW:DOORQWKHÀRRURIWKHFRXUWDHULDOSKRWR1.DUDGLPDV

of pebbles and trodden earth. Almost everywhere it has been exposed, both in the stoas and in the court, it has a grayish-brown color with crackles on its surface.10

More precisely, the following stratigraphy was observed in the course of the excavation. Two JURXSVRIYHVVHOVZHUHGLVFRYHUHGO\LQJGLUHFWO\RQWKHÀRRURIWKH:HVW6WRD )LJV±DQG close to the west pillar of the South Stoa respectively. In the West Stoa the vessels were covered E\WKHEXLOGLQJGHEULVRIWKH¿UVWÀRRU11 while in the South Stoa they were found under a stone UXEEOHWKDWSUREDEO\GHULYHGIURPWKHIDOOHQXSSHUVWUXFWXUHV)LJ7KHOD\HURQWRSRIWKHÀRRU of the West Stoa was red loamish, varying in thickness between 20 and 40cm. This was very often VHDOHGE\WKHOLPHSODVWHUÀRRUDQGWKHEXLOGLQJPDWHULDORIWKHIDOOHQXSSHUVWRU\DQGLWPD\KDYH IRUPHGDVXEÀRRU¿OORIWKHXSSHUVWRU\0DQ\ IUDJPHQWVRIWKH/LQHDU%WDEOHWVZHUHFORVHO\

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 163 11.11.2022 09:00:38

<sup>10</sup> Vasilogamvrou 2015a, 73.

<sup>11</sup>9DVLORJDPYURX¿J

DVVRFLDWHGZLWKRUHYHQO\LQJGLUHFWO\RQWKHOLPHSODVWHUÀRRU12 The whole deposit was buried under a c. 30cm-thick layer of soil with mixed pottery from various periods up to the modern times.

,QWKH6RXWK6WRD 7UHQFKHVǻȖǻȕǻȕǻį VRXWKSDUWRI(ȖǻĮWKHVLWXD-WLRQLVGL൵HUHQW7KHSDUWRIWKH UHDUZDOOH[FDYDWHGVR IDUVXUYLYHVRQO\DWD IRXQGDWLRQOHYHO 7UHQFKHVǻįīĮ13ZKHUHDVWKHYLWUL¿HGÀRRULQWKHVRXWKHUQSDUWRIWKHVWUXFWXUHZDVIRXQG DOPRVWGLUHFWO\XQGHUWKHPRGHUQVXUIDFHVRXWKHUQSDUWRIǻȖǻĮ,QWKHQRUWKHUQSDUWRI WKH6RXWK6WRDWKHGHSRVLWVDUHWKLFNHUDQGWKHÀRRUZDVFRYHUHGE\VHYHUDOOD\HUVYDU\LQJLQ thickness (from 5 to 15 and 40cm), color (grayish, brown or red) or consistency. In the eastern SDUWRIWKH6RXWK6WRD 7UHQFKǻĮDODUJHSLHFHRIFKDUUHGZRRGZDVO\LQJGLUHFWO\RQWKH ÀRRU14,QWUHQFKǻȕDOD\HUZLWKJUD\VRLORQWRSRIWKHÀRRURIWKHVWRDDQGWKHFRXUWZDVIROlowed by a c. 40cm-thick brownish-red layer that covered most parts of the trench and contained SRVWGHVWUXFWLRQPDWHULDO ,Q7UHQFKHVǻȕDQG(įDF FPWKLFN JUD\LVKEURZQLVKOD\HU with post-destruction material that extended from the court to the South Stoa was lying on top of WKHÀRRU)LJ±7KLVOD\HUFXWVDQRWKHURQHZLWKUHGVRLODQGDIHZVKHUGVRIHDUOLHUGDWH (Fig. 12.49–52). Some of the layers mentioned above contained few sherds and may derive from GLVLQWHJUDWHGEXLOGLQJPDWHULDORUUHIXVHGXULQJXVHRIWKHEXLOGLQJVWKLQOD\HUVRQWRSRIWKHÀRRU of the court and South Stoa), while others seem to relate to post-destruction activities.

ȉKHH[FDYDWLRQLQ7UHQFKHVǻȕǻĮDQGǻȖ\LHOGHGDFFPWKLFNOD\HURIODUJHDQG PHGLXPVL]HGVWRQHVPL[HGZLWKUHGVRLORQWRSRIWKHJURXQGÀRRU15 This stone rubble appeared across the colonnade of the West Stoa (Fig. 5), as well as the colonnade of the South Stoa – where it covered the group of vessels next to the western pillar of the South Stoa – and it was also attested in the north part of the South Stoa (Figs. 1, 3). The exact origin of the stone rubble is not yet clear, but it most probably derives from the upper story of the West and South Stoa.16 A concen-WUDWLRQRIVWRQHVZDVDOVRH[FDYDWHGLQWKHZHVWSDUWRI7UHQFKǻȕ

,Q7UHQFKǻĮDZDOOZLWKDQRUWKVRXWKFRXUVHZDVUHVWLQJRQDWKLQUHGOD\HUZKLFKLWVHOI ZDVRQWRSRIWKHYLWUL¿HGÀRRURIWKHFRXUW:DOO)LJV±17 West of Wall 108 there was a c. 50cm-thick red soil that resembles the red layer from the West Stoa, but to the east the soil had DUDWKHUEURZQLVKUHGFRORU7KLVZDOOZDVWKHUHIRUHFRQVWUXFWHGRQWRSRIWKHYLWUL¿HGÀRRURIWKH FRXUWDQGUHSUHVHQWVDSRVWGHVWUXFWLRQDUFKLWHFWXUDOIHDWXUH%HVLGHVWKHEXUQWÀRRURIWKHFRXUW QRRWKHUÀRRUKDVVXUYLYHGLQ7UHQFKǻĮWKDWFRXOGEHDVVRFLDWHGZLWK:DOO

While interpreting the stratigraphic data is a work in progress that will most certainly improve DVWKHH[FDYDWLRQFRQWLQXHVVRPHDVSHFWVDOUHDG\VHHPFOHDU7KHGHEULVIURPWKH¿UHGHVWUXFWLRQ of the palace was not entirely removed when some kind of reoccupation occurred in the area. It was found almost intact in the West Stoa, where in some areas its upper preserved level was higher than the upper courses of post-destruction Wall 108 in the court. Some of the destruction GHEULVDOVRUHPDLQHGLQSODFHLQWKH6RXWK6WRDFKDUUHGZRRGLQ7UHQFKǻĮ7KLVPD\VXJJHVW that a complete rebuilding and renovation of the old structures was not part of the post-destruction program and some areas may have gone out of use. In other cases this type of rebuilding amid destruction debris that was still visible or leveled was often called 'Squatter Building' or 'Ruinenbewohnung' and it was related to restricted building capacities or was viewed as an instant

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 164 11.11.2022 09:00:38

<sup>12</sup> 9DVLORJDPYURXE9DVLORJDPYURX¿JV,QVRPHFDVHVIUDJPHQWVRIWKHOLPHSODV-WHUÀRRU RIWKH XSSHU VWRU\ZHUH IRXQG GLUHFWO\ RQWKHÀRRU RIWKH:HVW6WRDZLWKRXWWKHLQWHUYHQLQJ UHGOD\HU (Vasilogamvrou 2015b, 107).

<sup>13</sup>9DVLORJDPYURXE¿J

<sup>14</sup>9DVLORJDPYURXE±SOĮ

<sup>15</sup>9DVLORJDPYURXDSOȕ&ORVHWRWKHZHVWSLOODUEDVHRIWKH6RXWK6WRDDWKLQUHGOD\HUZDVREVHUYHG EHWZHHQWKHORZHVWOHYHOVRIWKHUXEEOHDQGWKHÀRRU\$VLPLODUGHSRVLWZDVHQFRXQWHUHGLQWKHFRXUWLQ7UHQFKHV ǼįDQGǼȖWRWKHHDVWEXWWKHVWRQHOD\HUVDOVRFRQWDLQHGIUDJPHQWVRIFKDUUHGZRRGDQGPDQ\PXGEULFNV (Vasilogamvrou 2015b, 110–111, pl. 75).

<sup>16</sup>,Q7UHQFKǼįLQWKHDUHDRIWKHFRORQQDGHSRWWHU\MRLQVFRQQHFWLQJWKHXSSHUZLWKWKHORZHVWSDUWRIWKHVWRQH rubble were observed. This probably suggests that the stone rubble results from a single-process event.

<sup>17</sup>9DVLORJDPYURXDSOĮ

)LJ 7KHVWRQHUXEEOHLQWKHFRXUW7UHQFKǻĮDQGWKHQRUWKSDUWRIWKH6RXWK6WRD7UHQFKǻȖ9LHZIURPWKH east. Excavation state 2012 (photo V. Georgiadis).

)LJ :DOODQGVWRQHUXEEOHLQWKHFRXUW7UHQFKǻĮDQGWKHIDOOHQOLPHSODVWHUÀRRURIWKHXSSHUVWRU\RIWKH West Stoa. View from the north (photo N. Karadimas).

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 165 11.11.2022 09:00:39

1 1 . 1 1 . 2 02 2 0 9 : 0 0 : 4 1

J u n g\_ Ka rd a m a ki . i n d b 1 6 6

#### 166 A. Vasilogamvrou – E. Kardamaki – N. Karadimas

 reaction after a sudden event – e.g. an earthquake.18 However, a selective rebuilding with deliberate preservation or rejection of earlier spaces based on a new concept is also possible and has been demonstrated by Joseph Maran in the case of the LH IIIC Early Post-palatial occupation in the Upper Citadel of Tiryns.19

In the following sections we discuss the pottery from the two stoas – West and South Stoa – and the court.

#### **Pottery from the West Stoa and the South Stoa**

7KHSRWWHU\IURPWKH:HVW6WRDDQGWKHZHVWHQGRIWKH6RXWK6WRDEHORQJVWRWKUHHGL൵HUHQWW\SHV RIDVVHPEODJHV7KH¿UVWFRPSULVHVSRWWHU\WKDWZDVIRXQGLQVLWXRQWKHÀRRURIWKHEXLOGLQJ¶V JURXQGÀRRU7KHYHVVHOVIURPWKH:HVW6WRDDUHIXOO\RUYHU\ZHOOSUHVHUYHG±LQWRWDOSRWV – while in the South Stoa – next to the western pillar base – the material is more fragmented. In both cases the pottery is heavily burnt and often deformed.207KHVHWZRÀRRUGHSRVLWVSURYLGHWKH most secure evidence for the dating of the destruction of the two stoas; however, their dating is a challenging task as the entire material consists exclusively of plain vessels.

The second type of assemblage consists of fully or almost fully preserved pots – in total seven vessels – that were found in association with the debris of the upper story of the West Stoa or O\LQJLQWKHUHGOD\HUWKDWH[LVWHGEHWZHHQWKHÀRRUSODVWHURIWKHXSSHUVWRU\DQGWKHÀRRURIWKH JURXQGÀRRURIWKH:HVW6WRD7KHVHYHVVHOVZKLFKJLYHDGGLWLRQDOHYLGHQFHIRUWKHGDWLQJRIWKH GHVWUXFWLRQRIWKH:HVW6WRDPD\KDYHIRUPHGSDUWRIWKH¿UVWÀRRUURRPDVVHPEODJHVDQGVRPH RIWKHVHFRXOG KDYHHQWHUHGWKH UHGOD\HUZKHQWKH XSSHUÀRRUFROODSVHG21 They occasionally DSSHDULQFRQFHQWUDWLRQVEXWXQOLNHWKHLQVLWXPDWHULDOIURPWKHJURXQGÀRRUWKHVHYHVVHOVZHUH not burnt. However, their surfaces were almost always covered by a layer of lime that was also observed on the surfaces of the in situ pots.22

The third type of assemblage is the sherd material from the destruction and building debris of the West Stoa. Some sherds preserve a large part of their original section but most of the material is fragmented.

#### Pottery from the Ground Floor of the West Stoa and the South Stoa

7KH YHVVHOVWKDWZHUH GLVFRYHUHGLQ VLWX RQWKH JURXQGÀRRUOHYHO RIWKH:HVW 6WRD DQGWKH west end of the South Stoa are all plain (Figs. 6–7).23 Most of the material belongs to drinking/ eating pots, i.e. carinated kylikes FS 267 (Figs. 6.6–7, 7.12), globular kylikes FS 264/265 (Fig. 7.9–10), angular bowls FS 295 (Figs. 6.8, 7.13–14), cups FS 222 (Fig. 6.1–5) and a few conical cups FS 204 (Fig. 7.15–16). The group of open vessels from the South Stoa also includes large fragments of two cooking tripods. The distribution of the material shows a noteworthy GL൵HUHQWLDWLRQLQWHUPVRILWVW\SRORJ\\*OREXODUN\OLNHVDQGFRQLFDOFXSVDSSHDURQO\LQWKH South Stoa (Fig. 7.9–10, 15–16) while cups FS 222 are found only in the West Stoa (Fig. 6.1–5).

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 167 11.11.2022 09:00:41

<sup>18</sup> Kilian 1988, 135. See Damm-Meinhardt 2015, 249–250, for discussion. Catling 2009, vol. 1, 216–217, 236–237. According to Hector Catling, the buildings on the Aetos South Slope were damaged due to structural failure and earthquake.

<sup>19</sup> Maran 2012, 158–159.

<sup>20</sup> )RUWKLVUHDVRQWKHLGHQWL¿FDWLRQRIMRLQLQJIUDJPHQWVLVVRPHWLPHVLPSRVVLEOH7KXVWKHQXPEHURISRWVHVSHFLDOly from the South Stoa, is approximate.

<sup>21</sup>6RPHIUDJPHQWVRIWKHSODVWHUÀRRUZHUHIRXQGLQDOPRVWYHUWLFDOSRVLWLRQ9DVLORJDPYURXE

<sup>22</sup> This lime deposition on the surfaces of sherds and vessels was observed only on the material related to the de-VWUXFWLRQGHSRVLWVDQGWKHUHGOD\HURQWRSRIWKHÀRRURIWKH:HVW6WRD,WZDVQRWREVHUYHGRQWKHVXUIDFHVRI later material (Byzantine tiles) found in the higher disturbed layers of the West Stoa nor on the LH IIIB/IIIC Early post-destruction sherds in the area of the court to the east of the West Stoa.

<sup>23</sup>6HHDOVR.DUGDPDNL¿J±

Fig. 6 The group of the in situ pottery from the West Stoa. Scale 1:3 (drawings A. Poelstra Traga).

Angular bowls and carinated kylikes appear in both contexts. Moreover, the in situ pottery of WKH6RXWK6WRDFOHDUO\UHÀHFWVDQHDUOLHU/+,,,\$VW\OH24 while the pots from the West Stoa GHPRQVWUDWH DPRUH DGYDQFHGW\SRORJ\ZLWKWDOO ÀDULQJ ULPV RU VOLJKWO\ SXOOHGOLSVWKDW DUH typical for LH IIIB.25 This suggests that pottery of LH IIIA2 style either survived or was still SURGXFHGDWWKHWLPHRIGHVWUXFWLRQDOWKRXJKDWWKHPRPHQWLWLVGL൶FXOWWRH[SODLQWKLVVSDWLDO distribution of material.

The group of the shallow cups FS 222 from the West Stoa merits special attention. The type occurs in two shape variants, a shallow rounded (Fig. 6.4–5) and an angular (Fig. 6.1–3) one. Regarding the latter, this was taken as an indication for a LH IIIB chronology as the shape was absent in LH IIIA contexts of the site. Angular cups are represented by three specimens, but only one preserves a handle (Fig. 6.1).26 Published examples of the shape are well known from LH IIIB and LH IIIC Early contexts, as at Dimini,27 Pylos,28 the House of Kadmos in Thebes,29 the Acro-

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 168 11.11.2022 09:00:42

<sup>24</sup>)RUVLPLODU/+,,,\$URXQGHGN\OLNHVIURP\$\LRV9DVLOHLRVVHH.DUGDPDNL¿J6HHDOVR7KRPDV ¿J)RUWKHDQJXODUERZON\OL[RQ¿JVHH7KRPDV¿J

<sup>25</sup>)UHQFK ¿J .±. . ¿J % /+ ,,,%0LGGOH0\FHQDH0RXQWMR\ ¿J 7KRPDV¿J6LPSOHÀDULQJULPVUDUHO\RFFXUSULRUWR/+,,,%DW\$\LRV9DVLOHLRVFI .DUGDPDNL¿J,Q0LWURXVRPH/+,,,\$(DUO\DQJXODUERZOVKDYHÀDULQJULPV9LWDOH 2008, pl. 44i).

<sup>26</sup>,QWKHRWKHUWZRH[DPSOHVRQO\RIWKHWRWDOSHULPHWHULVSUHVHUYHG3RWVSXEOLVKHGDVKDQGOHOHVVDQJXODUERZOV :DUGOH¿J>/+,,,%0\FHQDH@DUHIUDJPHQWDU\DQGWKHLGHQWL¿FDWLRQFDQQRWEHFHUWDLQ

<sup>27</sup> Adrimi-Sismani 2013, pl. 70.4.1 (exterior of North Building, dated in LH IIIB2); Adrimi-Sismani 2014, 369 nos. BE46705–BE46707, BE46709, BE46724 (Floor Deposit, Magazine 5, Megaron B, LH IIIB2).

<sup>28</sup>%OHJHQ±5DZVRQ6KDSH¿J6KDSHFRPSULVHVFXSVZLWKDYDULHW\RIVKDSHVVRPHRIZKLFK have double curved sides.

<sup>29</sup> Raison 1968, pl. 37.279, 277 (Kadmeion). See also Andrikou, this volume.

)LJ 7KHJURXSRIWKHLQVLWXSRWWHU\QH[WWRWKHSLOODUEDVHRIWKH6RXWK6WRD7UHQFKǻȖ6FDOH (drawings A. Poelstra Traga, E. Kardamaki).

polis of Athens30 and also from Mycenae31 and Tiryns.327KHFXSVIURP\$\LRV9DVLOHLRVGL൵HUIURP most of the published examples accompanied by drawings in that they have narrower bases and DVWUDLJKWHUXSSHUSDUWZLWKDVOLJKWO\SXOOHGULP±UDWKHUWKDQDÀDULQJRQH7KLVULPW\SHLVYHU\ characteristic and is also typical for the angular bowls from the same context (Fig. 6.8). Plain vessels with similar rims appear in LH IIIB and LH IIIC Early 1,33 but they are especially well attested in the deliberate deposit of Room 19 in the Temple Complex at Mycenae that was sealed at the beginning of Phase VIII (LH IIIB2). The contents of Room 19 are assigned to the use of the

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 169 11.11.2022 09:00:43

<sup>30</sup>%URQHHU¿JDXQGHUJURXQGIRXQWDLQ7KHVKDSHLVUHSRUWHGDVDUDUHVSHFLPHQDPRQJWKHPDWHULDO of the houses on the NE ascent (LH IIIC Early 1). In LH IIIB–IIIC Early levels at Kontopigado the shape is absent. For a similar depositional pattern of two angular cups FS 222 from a chamber tomb in Glyka Nera, Attica, to this of Minoan plain conical cups in funerary contexts see Sgouritsa 2019, 344–345, pl. 137. The date of the cups is suggested to be between LH IIIA2 and early LH IIIB.

<sup>31</sup>:DUGOH¿J/+,,,%0\ORQDV6KHDUSO±¿J±SUREDEO\/+,,,% [Room 20, Building II], 56 probably LH IIIB1 [drain deposit north of Room 7]).

<sup>32</sup>+LHVHO¿J

<sup>33</sup>%OHJHQ±5DZVRQ¿J6KDSHQR)UHQFK¿J&¿J%0RXQWMR\ ¿J)UHQFK±7D\ORXU&'&DWOLQJYRO¿J:6

building during Phase VII that ended with the destruction in LH IIIB Middle.34 A close similarity between the two deposits in terms of the rim typology is supported by the presence of an angular cup in Room 19 that closely resembles the angular cups FS 222 from Ayios Vasileios, except its handle reaches higher above the rim.35

#### Pottery Presumably from the Upper Story of the West Stoa

The group of vessels that was found in the destruction debris provides additional evidence for the dating. The most common shape is the dipper with linear decoration or a dotted rim (Fig. 8.17– 7KHYHVVHOVDUHUHODWLYHO\VKDOORZZLWKÀDULQJULPVDQGURXQGHGEDVHVZKLOHWZRH[DPSOHV DUHWKHVL]HRIDPLQLDWXUH)LJ7KHLUVKDSHLVVOLJKWO\GL൵HUHQWIURPPRVW/+,,,%SXElished examples from the Argolid, which often have the so-called dimple or a tiny raised base and GHHSHUFXUYHGRUÀDULQJSUR¿OHV36 A tiny raised base is observed only once among dippers from the present deposit. On the other hand, the LH IIIA2 dippers usually have a more pronounced or everted rim and a more globular shape.37'LSSHUVZLWKSUR¿OHVOLNHWKRVHIURP\$\LRV9DVLOHLRVDUH common at Pylos and Kontopigado (LH IIIC Early 1).38

A date in LH IIIB is probable for the two dippers with dotted rim, a pottery type that begins in LH IIIB139 and continues up to LH IIIC Early 1. Earlier examples are rare.40 The handle of the miniature dipper with the dotted rim is decorated with horizontal stripes (Fig. 8.18), a decoration which LVGL൶FXOWWRWUDFHDPRQJSXEOLVKHGPDWHULDOWKDWGDWHVSULRUWR/+,,,%41 The second dipper with a dotted rim has a handle decorated with horizontal stripes and vertical lines. At the base of the handle, the vertical lines are joined forming a 'U'. A similar decoration is found on a spouted bowl FS 253 from Prosymna that has been dated by Penelope Mountjoy to LH IIIB1.42 Regarding the linear painted dippers, there are plenty of examples known from LH IIIA2 to LH IIIB.43

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 170 11.11.2022 09:00:43

<sup>34</sup>0RRUH±7D\ORXU¿JFDULQDWHGN\OLNHV¿JPLQLDWXUHN\OL[ ZLWKWZRKDQGOHV¿JFXS)6ERZOZLWKWZR"KDQGOHV

<sup>35</sup> In the drawing the vessel is restored with a second handle, but this is suggested as a probable addition (Moore – Taylour 1999, 17). However, the vessel is nearly complete and most likely belongs to the type with one handle. For the photo see Moore – Taylour 1999, CD-207.

<sup>36</sup>)UHQFK¿J±+RXVHRIWKH2LO0HUFKDQW/+,,,%%XWVHHDOVR)UHQFK ¿JDQG:DUGOH¿J±&LWDGHO+RXVH5RRP/+,,,%IRUOHVVÀDULQJULPV )RUDVLPLODUEXWVOLJKWO\GHHSHUVKDSHWKDQWKH\$\LRV9DVLOHLRVGLSSHUVHH0\ORQDV6KHDU¿J/+,,,% Middle) but with dimple base, and Kardamaki 2009, pl. 16.274 (Tiryns, LH IIIC Early 1).

<sup>37</sup> 6KHOWRQSON3HWVDV+RXVH\$SRWKHNH\$6HH:DUGOH¿J&LWDGHO+RXVH5RRP'Hposits C, D, LH IIIB1), for dippers with a straighter upper part and rounded rims.

<sup>38</sup>%OHJHQ±5DZVRQ¿JV±6KDSHEXWULPPRUHURXQGHG.D]D3DSDJHRUJLRX±.DUGDPDNL ¿J/+,,,&(DUO\SODLQULPVOLJKWO\WKLFNHQHG

<sup>39</sup>6HH6FK|QIHOG¿J2QHGLSSHUIURP\$\LRV6WHSKDQRVZLWKEOREVUDWKHUWKDQGRWVDQGDVKDOORZSUR- ¿OHKDVEHHQGDWHGLQ/+,,,\$0RXQWMR\±¿J+RZHYHULWPD\EHODWHUDVLWLVUHODWHG WRRQHRIWKHODWHVWÀRRUVRIWKHVLWH7D\ORXUGDWHVWKHYHVVHOLQ/+,,,%

<sup>40</sup>2QHGLSSHUIURPWKH7HUUDFHEHORZWKH+RXVHRI6KLHOGV)UHQFK¿JLVXQXVXDODVLWLVGHFRUDWHG with a single motif. The dipper has big dots, more like splashes, and an incurving upper part. However, the terrace also contains LH IIIB1 material (Schönfeld 1988, 184). One of the few LH IIIA2 examples comes from Prosymna %OHJHQ¿J7KHGLSSHUWKDWZDVLQWDFWFRPHVIURPDVZHSWDZD\EXULDOLQ&KDPEHU7RPE 7KH¿QDOEXULDOLQWKHWRPEGDWHVWR/+,,,%EXWWKHGLSSHUZLWKWKHGRWWHGULPZDVIRXQGZLWKLQWKH/+,,,\$ displaced material (Mountjoy 1999, 127). However, one rounded plain kylix from the area covered by the swept-DZD\PDWHULDOLVW\SLFDOIRU/+,,,%%OHJHQ¿J&I7KRPDV¿J

<sup>41</sup> But see Adrimi-Sismani 2013, pl. 46.2–3, for a handle from a dipper with horizontal stripes that is dated to LH IIIA2 (from Deposit A). Its rim shape anticipates LH IIIB examples. For LH IIIB2 see Adrimi-Sismani 2014, 401. For /+,,,&(DUO\VHH%OHJHQ±5DZVRQ¿J3\ORV.D]D3DSDJHRUJLRX±.DUGDPDNL ¿J±.RQWRSLJDGR7KLVGHFRUDWLRQLVHYHQPRUHW\SLFDORQ/+,,,%±,,,&(DUO\FXSV)6)UHQFK± 6WRFNKDPPHU¿J.DUGDPDNLSOV±±

<sup>42</sup>0RXQWMR\¿J

<sup>43</sup>0RXQWMR\¿J±&LWDGHO+RXVH\$UHD3KDVH9,,9,,,DQG+RXVHRIWKH2LO0HUFKDQW6HH Podzuweit 2007, 125–126, pl. 63.1, for discussion.

)LJ 3RWWHU\IURPWKHUHGOD\HUDQGWKHEXLOGLQJGHEULVDERYHWKHÀRRURIWKH:HVW6WRD6FDOH (drawings A. Poelstra Traga, R. Jung, V. Hachtmann).

#### Sherd Material in the Destruction Debris of the West Stoa

As was to be expected, the sherd material from the West Stoa has a broad chronological span from LH I to LH IIIB. Most sherds date to LH IIIA and possibly derive from building material RUWKHVXEÀRRU¿OORIWKHXSSHUVWRU\UHGOD\HUVHHDERYH9HU\IHZVKHUGVGDWHWR/+,,,%7R these belong the sherd of an open vessel that is decorated with checkers and a triglyph and has a monochrome interior (Fig. 8.20), and two bases of deep bowls FS 284 (8.21–22), one of which has an unusual decoration on the exterior base (Fig. 8.22).44 The above mentioned sherd has a

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 171 11.11.2022 09:00:43

<sup>44</sup> The bases of the deep bowls with monochrome interior usually have a single band on their exterior, and this is the FDVHZLWKWKHVHFRQGGHHSERZOEDVHLGHQWL¿HGLQWKLVGHSRVLW7KHUHDUHUDUHGHYLDWLRQVIURPWKLVGHFRUDWLRQWKDW KDYHWZREDQGVRUDEDQGDQGDWKLQOLQHDERYH0RXQWMR\¿J3RG]XZHLWSO

combination of motifs that we would not expect before LH IIIB2.45 Its narrow decorative zone and preserved linear decoration make it likely that the sherd comes from a large Group B deep bowl (FS 284).46 Checkers on deep bowls are unusual but there are some examples.47 It is worth noting that by the time of the destruction the sherd was in secondary use, possibly as a lid.48 One sherd IURPDFRQLFDORSHQVKDSHPD\EHWKHRQO\H[DPSOHRID/+,,,%SODLQFRQLFDON\OL[LGHQWL¿HGLQ the area excavated so far (Fig. 8.23).

The pottery that was found among the thick stone rubble west of the later Wall 108 (court) and across the colonnade of the West Stoa, seems to belong to LH IIIB1. There is a plain cari-QDWHGN\OL[)6ZLWKDÀDULQJULP)LJDQGDEDVHRIDSUREDEOHSDLQWHGN\OL[)6 (Fig. 9.24).49 The thick layer of red soil that was found between the stone rubble and Wall 108 contained a fragment of a kylix FS 258 with a decoration of whorl shells (?) arranged diagonally (Fig. 10.33).

The rarity of deep bowls FS 284 and plain conical kylikes FS 274 may be due to the function of the area under discussion, or, alternatively, due to a regional Laconian style and need not imply a destruction early in LH IIIB1.50 The combined evidence available so far from the in situ plain pots WKDW¿QGJRRGSDUDOOHOVLQ/+,,,%0LGGOHFRQWH[WVDW0\FHQDHWKHGLSSHUVZLWKGRWWHGULPVDQG the probable fragment of a Group B deep bowl and two other deep bowls with monochrome interior, seems to suggest a date at the end of LH IIIB1 and probably close to LH IIIB Middle for the destruction of the palace.517KHSUHVHQFHRI\*URXS%GHHSERZOVLQ/+,,,%0LGGOHLVFRQ¿UPHG in Tiryns and possibly Mycenae.52 Finally, since deep bowls FS 284 of Group A are extremely rare DW\$\LRV9DVLOHLRVWKH\FDQQRWVLJQL¿FDQWO\FRQWULEXWHWRWKHFKURQRORJLFDOGLVFXVVLRQVHHEHORZ

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 172 11.11.2022 09:00:43

<sup>45</sup>)RUWKHVDPHW\SHRIWULJO\SKIURPDNUDWHUIURPWKH0HQHODLRQVHH0RXQWMR\±¿J7KHVKHUG probably comes from the area of the mansions (Dawkins 1910, 8–9) and was dated convincingly by Mountjoy on VW\OLVWLFJURXQGVWR/+,,,%)RUWULJO\SK)0ZLWKFLUFOHVRQWKHLQWHULRUVHH&DWOLQJYRO¿J \$/+,,,&(DUO\\$OVRDW0LGHD'HPDNRSRXORX±'LYDUL9DODNRX¿J/+,,,%GHHSERZO B but circles not attached to each other). Paneled patterns and triglyphs are, in general, very rare before LH IIIB. 6FK|QIHOG¿JVUHSRUWVWKUHHH[DPSOHV\$W1LFKRULDWULJO\SKVDUHUHSRUWHGIURPWKH/+,,,\$ LH IIIB1 layers (Shelmerdine 1992). Checkers on open shapes are rare before LH IIIB2 and especially LH IIIC (DUO\VHHIRUH[DPSOH0RXQWMR\¿J2QHNUDWHUIURPWKHFHPHWHU\RI/D]DULGHVRQ \$HJLQDLVGDWHGLQ/+,,,%(IVWUDWLRX±3RO\FKURQDNRX6JRXULWVD¿JEXWDVOLJKWO\ODWHUGDWHFDQQRW be excluded.

<sup>46</sup> \*URXS%LVGH¿QHGDVKDYLQJDFPZLGHULPEDQGWZREDQGVDWWKHEHOO\XQGHUQHDWKWKHKDQGOHVDQGDPRQRchrome interior. Narrow decorative zones are very typical for LH IIIB2 deep bowls (Voigtländer 2003, pls. 124.Si 41; 125.Si 55–Si 56).

<sup>47</sup> See Voigtländer 2003, pl. 133.Ki 8 (named *krateriskos*, LH IIIC Early).

<sup>48</sup> The fractures of the sherd are worked to give it a round shape. Secondarily produced round sherds may have been used as lids (for discussion see Rahmstorf 2008, 37–52).

<sup>49</sup> The decoration with one line on the edge of the base and one at the base of the stem is rare but see D. Sfakianakis in: %DGLVFKHV/DQGHVPXVHXP.DUOVUXKH¿JIRUD/+,,,%N\OL[IURPDODUQD[EXULDO7RPEDW0HWRchi Kalou, Trapeza, on Crete for a disc decorated in the same way. However, the stem of the kylix from Trapeza is decorated with a group of lines in the typical Cretan style.

<sup>50</sup> Conical kylikes appear to become more common in later parts of LH IIIB1. See, for example, the rarity of plain conical kylikes in Tsoungiza during LH IIIB1 that are represented only by few sherds (Thomas 2005, 512). In another destruction deposit from the east part of the court, which is currently being processed, plain conical kylikes FS 274 are well represented in the sherd material.

<sup>51</sup>7KHIUHTXHQF\RIWKHN\OLNHV)6DQGWKHUDWLREHWZHHQN\OLNHVDQGGHHSERZOVDUHYHU\GL൵HUHQWEHWZHHQWKH various contexts assigned to LH IIIB1 and LH IIIB Middle at Mycenae and Tiryns respectively. Therefore, the destruction contexts of Mycenae and the LH IIIB Middle assemblages of Tiryns cannot be compared directly (Kardamaki 2009, 388–389). For the division of the second half of LH IIIB, the chronological system of Christian Podzuweit is followed with LH IIIB Developed and Final (Podzuweit 2007, Beil. 80). This correlates with LH IIIB2 Early and Late in the system of Vitale 2006, 201, tab. 3 (see Kardamaki 2009, 388–392, tab. 33, for discussion).

<sup>52</sup> In the LH IIIB Middle destruction horizon of the Citadel House Area (Mycenae Phase VII), the presence of a deep bowl B is not certain since most fragments are assigned by French – Taylour 2007, 23, to Phase VIII (LH IIIB2 LQ¿OOVHH)UHQFK±7D\ORXU&'\$W7LU\QV6FK|QIHOGWDEUHFRUGVWHQIUDJPHQWVRI deep bowls B in the LH IIIB Middle horizon at Tiryns.

)LJ 3RWWHU\IURPWKHVWRQHUXEEOHLQWKHFRORQQDGHRIWKH:HVW6WRDDQGLQWKHFRXUW±7UHQFKǻȕ± 7UHQFKǻȕ6FDOHGUDZLQJV\$3RHOVWUD7UDJD

### **Pottery from the Court and the East Part of the South Stoa 7UHQFKHVǻĮǻȕǻȕ**

The pottery from the area of the court is fragmented and only a few sherds preserve a large part RIWKHLURULJLQDOSUR¿OH7KLVVKHUGPDWHULDOFRPHVIURPVHFRQGDU\OD\HUV7KHEURZQLVKUHGOD\HU WRWKHHDVWRI:DOOLQ7UHQFKǻĮFRQWDLQHGPDLQO\VPDOOEXWDOVRVRPHODUJHIUDJPHQWV The material covers a wider chronological range, and dates from the pre- and main destruction SKDVHWRWKHWLPHRIWKHFRQVWUXFWLRQDQGXVHRI:DOO6HYHUDOVKHUGV¿WZHOOLQ/+,,,% There are rims of plain vessels like a one-handled deep bowl FS 283 (Fig. 10.29) and probably kylikes (Fig. 10.30–31).53 Painted sherds include a stemmed bowl with monochrome interior (Fig. 10.28).54 The latest fragment, however, seems to come from a bowl FS 295B with round horizontal handles (Fig. 10.27). The vessel, of which one third is preserved, was found in the lower parts of the brownish-red layer to the east of Wall 108. The earliest examples of the type, or a variant RIWKHW\SHWKDWZDVFODVVL¿HGE\&KULVWLDQ3RG]XZHLWDVKLVERZO7\SHQR55 date to LH IIIB2 Late, but it was common in LH IIIC Early.56 It cannot be excluded that it appears in earlier phases

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 173 11.11.2022 09:00:44

<sup>53</sup>)RUSUR¿OHVVHH:DUGOH¿J/+,,,%0\FHQDHDQG7KRPDV¿J=\JRXULHV

<sup>54</sup>7KRPDV¿J

<sup>55</sup> For the shape see Podzuweit 2007, pls. 43.13–14; 44. Podzuweit's bowl type 6 includes bowls with short or medium-tall everted rims that can be linear painted or decorated with various motifs (e.g. lines, horizontal chevrons). %RZOVDVVLJQHGWR)6%PD\KDYHÀDULQJRUVKRUWHYHUWHGULPV0RXQWMR\¿J)UHQFK CD-444). Most vessels cited by Mountjoy and French do not have a pattern-painted rim but there are some examples that probably belong to Podzuweit's bowl Type no. 6 with decoration on the rim (French 2011, CD-337–338, /+,,,&(DUO\\$W7LU\QVERZOV)6%ZLWKKRUL]RQWDOKDQGOHVVHHPWRKDYHVOLJKWO\GL൵HUHQW±WDOOHU±ULPV from the published examples from Mycenae.

<sup>56</sup>6HH0RXQWMR\¿J/+,,,%3RG]XZHLWSO/+,,,&(DUO\)UHQFK&' CD-444 (Room XXXIV, Mycenae); Kardamaki 2009, pl. 29 (Western Staircase/Zone 1, Tiryns). Podzuweit 2007, Beil. 51–52, 58, suggests LH IIIB Developed and LH IIIB Final (early and late LH IIIB2) as the main phase of his bowl type no. 6 with isolated examples in LH IIIB1.

)LJ 7UHQFKǻĮ±SRWWHU\IRXQGHDVWRI:DOOFRXUWSRWWHU\IRXQGZHVWRI:DOO Scale 1:3 (drawings A. Poelstra Traga).

as well. On the other hand, the absence of deep bowls in this layer should be noted (see below). This would make LH IIIB2 Late or LH IIIC Early unlikely as the phase of construction of Wall 108. Based on this evidence, as well as the pottery from the West Stoa, rebuilding activities in the southwestern part of the court may have started soon after the destruction and perhaps in early LH IIIB2.

0RVWRI7UHQFKǻȕUHODWHVWRWKHFRXUW)LJ+HUHWKHÀRRURIWKHFRXUWZDVFRYHUHGE\ a thin layer of gray soil; it contained little material, among which there is the rim of a Zygouries N\OL[ )LJ2QWKHZHVWVLGHRIWKHWUHQFKVWRQH UXEEOHZDVO\LQJGLUHFWO\RQWKHÀRRU Among the stones a plain kylix with shallow bowl (similar to FS 258) (Fig. 9.26)57 and one handle with horizontal splashes (Fig. 9.25) were found; the latter is rather wide for a LH IIIB1 dipper and FRXOGEHODWHUEXWLWLVWRRIUDJPHQWHGWRDOORZDVHFXUHLGHQWL¿FDWLRQ58 Above the gray soil there was a brown-reddish layer that also extended above the stone rubble to the west of the trench; in addition to LH IIIB1 kylikes (Fig. 11.36–37), this layer contained deep bowls FS 284 and plain conical kylikes FS 274 (Fig. 11.38–45, 48) of LH IIIB2/IIIC Early date (see below).59 It is perhaps noteworthy that rims with a slightly pulled lip like these observed on the pots of the West Stoa (Fig. 6.2–3, 8) are missing. The painted conical kylix FS 274, a feature mainly related to LH IIIC

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 174 11.11.2022 09:00:44

<sup>57</sup>6HH:DUGOH¿J/+,,,%0\FHQDH

<sup>58</sup>,WFRXOGFRPHIURPDGLSSHU)6RUDVSRXWHGERZO)6/+,,,%0RXQWMR\±¿JERZO FS 253 with handle decorated with stripes in the upper part and a band in the lower part). LH IIIB2: Adrimi-Sismani KDQGOHVSUREDEO\IURPGLSSHUV/+,,,&(DUO\0RXQWMR\¿JGLSSHU

<sup>59</sup>&I:DUGOH¿J/+,,,%0\FHQDH0RXQWMR\¿J/+,,,%0\FHQDH

)LJ 7UHQFKǻȕ±JUD\OD\HURQWRSRIWKHÀRRURIWKHODUJH&RXUW±EURZQLVKUHGOD\HULQWKH court and the South Stoa, spits 4–5; 42–48. brownish-red layer in the court and the South Stoa, spit 3. Scale 1:3 (drawings A. Poelstra Traga).

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 175 11.11.2022 09:00:45

)LJ 7UHQFKǻȕ±UHGOD\HURQWRSRIWKH6RXWK6WRD±JUD\OD\HULQWKHFRXUWDQGWKH6RXWK6WRD spits 3–4; 56–57. spit 1. Scale 1:3 (drawings A. Poelstra Traga).

Early and later contexts, is represented by one example (Fig. 11.47).60 Thus, with the exception of three possible fragments in the destruction debris of the West Stoa (Fig. 8.20–22), we have in this OD\HUWKH¿UVWVXEVWDQWLDOHYLGHQFHLQWKHFRXUWDUHDIRUWKHSUHVHQFHRIWKHGHHSERZO)6WKDW FRPSULVHVQROHVVWKDQRIWKHWRWDOSDLQWHGIHDWXUHVKHUGVRURIWKHWRWDOSDLQWHGULPV Finally, another new feature in this layer is represented by sherds of the handmade and burnished ware.61

A similar sequence with layers containing LH IIIB1 sherds (Fig. 12.49–52) and cut or followed by others with LH IIIB2/IIIC Early material (Fig. 12.53–57) is also observed in Trench

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 176 11.11.2022 09:00:45

<sup>60</sup>5XWWHU)RU/+,,,&(DUO\H[DPSOHVVHH.D]D3DSDJHRUJLRXHWDO¿J±)RUYHU\ UDUH/+,,,%H[DPSOHVRISDLQWHG)6VHH)UHQFK±6WRFNKDPPHU¿J

<sup>61</sup>6HHDOVR.DUGDPDNL±9DVLORJDPYURX\$SDUWIURP7UHQFKǻȕVKHUGVRIWKLVZDUHDUHDOVRSUHVHQWLQRWKHU layers of the court that contain deep bowls and LH IIIB2/IIIC Early material.

ǻȕHDVWSDUWRIWKH6RXWK6WRD:RUWKQRWLQJLQWKHOD\HUZLWKWKHODWHUPDWHULDOLQǻȕLVWKH presence of a Group B deep bowl (Fig. 12.53), a typical LH IIIB2 type in the Argolid.

At the moment, the small size of the investigated area does not provide a clear picture of the extent and nature of the post-destruction activities that took place in the area of the court. In addition, the corpus of the datable material from the destruction horizon is still small. It is, however, SRVVLEOHWRGUDZVRPH¿UVWFRQFOXVLRQV)LUVWWKHLQVLWXSRWWHU\DQGWKHODWHVWVKHUGVIURPWKH destruction debris of the West Stoa suggest LH IIIB Middle as a possible date for the destruction of the palace. Second, the destruction debris was not removed from the area of the West Stoa H[FDYDWHGVRIDUDQGWKHUHLVQRHYLGHQFHIRUDQ\QHZÀRRURQWRSRIWKHGHEULV7KLUGWKHFRQ-VWUXFWLRQRIDQHZZDOO:DOODQGSRVVLEO\WKH¿UVWUHRFFXSDWLRQDFWLYLWLHVPXVWKDYHWDNHQ place soon after the destruction. There is no evidence of deep bowls in the brown-reddish layer HDVWRI:DOO\$QGIRXUWKLQWKȠVHDUHDVZKHUHWKH/+,,,%,,,&(DUO\OD\HUV7UHQFKǻȕ OD\SDUWO\RQWKHÀRRURUYHU\FORVHDERYHWKHÀRRU7UHQFKǻȕWKH/+,,,%GHEULVPXVWKDYH been largely cleared away.

#### **Ceramic Regionalism in LH IIIB at Ayios Vasileios and Beyond**

Increasingly, new material sheds new light on aspects of ceramic regionalism during the 14th and 13th centuries. It is often assumed and convincingly argued that the production of Argive painted pottery is characterized by a constant use of innovative elements and modes of mass production.62 However, the spread of the Argive styles should not always be expected and when/where it does occur, it cannot be viewed as a uniform process. In many settlements, typical Argive products of the 14th and 13thFHQWXU\DSSHDUDVRFFDVLRQDO¿QGVZLWKQRUHDOLPSDFWRQORFDOSURGXFWLRQ\$W Ayios Vasileios decorated drinking sets of Argive style from the late 14th and 13th centuries are rare and a large part of the ceramic assemblages seems to consist mainly of plain and monochrome vases.63

#### The First Part of LH IIIB

The material assigned to the destruction horizon of the palace probably belongs to the end of LH IIIB1 (LH IIIB Middle). Apart from the group of the approximately 30 plain vessels and painted dippers from the West and South Stoas, LH IIIB Middle is so far not represented by other closed contexts at Ayios Vasileios. LH IIIB1 sherds that may date from before (refuse during use) RUWKHWLPHRIWKHGHVWUXFWLRQDUHLGHQWL¿HGLQWKHOD\HUVRQWRSRIWKHÀRRURIWKHFRXUW)LJV 11.34–35, 12.49–52) and in layers with later material (Fig. 11.36–37). Thus, the narrow range RIWKHSDLQWHGVKDSHUHSHUWRLUHSUREDEO\UHÀHFWVWKHUDULW\RIH[FDYDWHGURRPDVVHPEODJHVIURP this phase. The most striking aspect is the rarity of deep bowls FS 284 in the contexts discussed above, represented by only three fragments. One possible sherd belongs to an advanced variant that appears in LH IIIB Middle but is typical for LH IIIB2 (Fig. 8.20). In the Argolid deep bowls exist from the beginning of LH IIIB and they gradually replace the painted kylikes.64 On the other hand, some shapes and pottery types that were newly introduced in LH IIIB1, such as the plain

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 177 11.11.2022 09:00:45

<sup>62</sup> See Kilian 1988, 117; Dickinson et al. 1992, 518–519, for discussion.

<sup>63</sup> Pattern-painted kylikes FS 256/257 are very rare at Ayios Vasileios (Kardamaki 2017, 105, 114). The same is true for Kontopigado (Kaza-Papageorgiou – Kardamaki 2017, 50–52; Kaza-Papageorgiou – Kardamaki 2018, 30).

<sup>64</sup>5RRP+RXVHZLWKWKH,GROV0\FHQDHSDLQWHGN\OL[DQGGHHSERZOV:DUGOH¿J 5RRP6RXWK+RXVH0\FHQDHSDLQWHGN\OL[DQGGHHSERZOV0RXQWMR\WDE Room 22 is considered to represent a later stage in LH IIIB1and in the system of Schönfeld 1988, 163, tab. 4; 206– 207, this is LH IIIB Middle. For the discussion of LH IIIB Middle see Kardamaki 2009, 386–392. In the LH IIIB 0LGGOHÀRRUGHSRVLWVIURP0\FHQDHWKHSDLQWHGN\OLNHVDUHDEVHQW\$W7LU\QVWKH/+,,,%0LGGOHÀRRUGHSRVLWV also contain painted kylikes.

conical kylix FS 274 and the decorated kylix FS 258, are present and locally produced, but they seem to be rare.65

Turning to other major Laconian sites, LH IIIB1 cannot be isolated successfully from a set-WOHPHQWOHYHODQGDVDFHUDPLFSKDVH0RVWVKDSHVDUHLGHQWL¿HGRQWKHEDVLVRIVW\OLVWLFSDUDOOHOV and were discovered in mixed or later contexts.66 At the Menelaion and at Ayios Stephanos the /+,,,%SKDVHZDVPDLQO\LGHQWL¿HGWKDQNVWRWKHSUHVHQFHRIDIHZGHFRUDWHGGHHSERZOVDQG kylikes.67 Despite the absence of closed LH IIIB1 contexts, it is clear that the typical LH IIIB1 pattern-painted kylikes are rare at both sites. Beyond Laconia, at Nichoria, there are kylikes FS 258 and deep bowls dated to a transitional LH IIIA2/IIIB1 phase, but deep bowls are rarer.68 \$W.RQWRSLJDGRLQ\$WWLFDVRPHFRQWH[WVWKDWPD\GDWHLQWKH¿UVWKDOIRI/+,,,%FRQWDLQPDLQO\ plain and monochrome open vessels, while pattern-painted kylikes are absent and decorated deep bowls are extremely rare.69 In Tsoungiza, on the other hand, both shapes are very well represented, but the site has strong links to the Argolid.70 From the above discussion, it is possible to suggest that in many regions some of the most common LH IIIB1 types of the Argolid were rarely adopted.71 This need not always suggest a restricted occupation or depopulation. At Ayios Vasileios there is evidence that plain and monochrome tableware continue from LH IIIA2 to LH IIIB (Fig. 7) with some new additions like the plain conical kylix and kylikes FS 258.72

#### LH IIIB Late–LH IIIC Early

The next recognizable ceramic phase in the area under discussion is linked to a level which IROORZVWKHGHVWUXFWLRQDQGFRQVWUXFWLRQRI:DOOEXWLVQRWUHODWHGWRDQ\ÀRRUV7KLVODWHVW FHUDPLFSKDVHWKHEHVWHYLGHQFHRIZKLFKFRPHVIURP7UHQFKHVǻȕDQGǻȕLVFKDUDFWHUL]HG E\ VRPH VLJQL¿FDQWFKDQJHV2QH RIWKHVHLVWKHLQWURGXFWLRQ RIWKH GHHS ERZO)6 DVWKH PRVWFRPPRQGULQNLQJHDWLQJYHVVHOLQWKHSDLQWHGWDEOHZDUH\$OVRZRUWKPHQWLRQLQJLVWKH¿UVW appearance of handmade burnished ware. This makes Ayios Vasileios the second site in Laconia after the Menelaion to yield evidence for this ware.73 Fragments of LH IIIB1 painted kylikes con-WLQXHWRDSSHDULQWKLVOHYHODVZHOOEXWWKH\PD\UHSUHVHQWHDUO\VWUD\V74 The three most characteristic LH IIIB2 deep bowl variants of the Argolid, groups A and B and the rosette deep

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 178 11.11.2022 09:00:45

<sup>65</sup>\$W0\FHQDHWKHSODLQFRQLFDON\OL[LVDOVRDUHODWLYHO\UDUHVKDSH,QWKHGHSRVLWXQGHUWKHÀRRURI5RRP6RXWK House at Mycenae, there are 47 rims of kylix FS 274 out of 930 rims of plain kylikes (Mountjoy 1976, 111, tab. 3). 6HH-XQJ¿JV±IRUVWDWLVWLFWDEOHVRIYDULRXVSODLQW\SHVDPRQJ/+,,,%DQG/+,,,%FRQWH[WVDQGWKH absence of the FS 274 from some contexts at Thebes and Mycenae.

<sup>66</sup> See Mountjoy 2008, 337–339, 377, for Ayios Stephanos. Some sherds can be stylistically assigned to LH IIIB or Late LH IIIB and the rarity of LH IIIB deep bowls is stressed. See Catling 2009, vol. 1, 366–367, for discussion RQWKHFRPSDULVRQRIWKHSRWWHU\SKDVHVEHWZHHQWKH\$UJROLGDQGWKH0HQHODLRQDQGWKHGL൶FXOW\LQIROORZLQJWKH Argive criteria at the site.

<sup>67</sup> For very few Zygouries-type kylikes (FS 258A) and LH IIIB1 kylikes with circumcurrent decoration (FS 258B) among the later material in the Aetos Stone Mound see Catling 2009, vol. 1, 373–374. For possible LH IIIB1 deep bowls at the Menelaion see Catling 2009, vol. 1, 391.

<sup>68</sup>6KHOPHUGLQH±¿J7KHUHDUH¿YHH[DPSOHVRI=\JRXULHVN\OLNHVH[DPSOHVRI)6DQG six rims of FS 284.

<sup>69</sup>.D]D3DSDJHRUJLRX±.DUGDPDNL¿J

<sup>70</sup> Thomas 2005, 478–483, 488–495.

<sup>71</sup> See also Vitale 2018, 154, 158, tab. 8.1, for the rarity of LH IIIB1 contexts at Mitrou.

<sup>72</sup> In many regions the monochrome kylix FS 264 appears to continue in LH IIIB1 and LH IIIB2/ IIIC Early (Thomas ¿J±.D]D3DSDJHRUJLRXHWDO¿J±\$GULPL6LVPDQL\$W1LFKRULD LQWKHWUHQFKHVLGHQWL¿HGDV/+,,,\$,,,%N\OLNHVRIWKH/+,,,\$VW\OHDUHIUHTXHQW6KHOPHUGLQH.\ likes of the LH IIIA2 style also continue at Tsoungiza (Thomas 2011, 479).

<sup>73</sup>&DWOLQJYRO¿J.DUGDPDNL±9DVLORJDPYURX

<sup>74</sup> For the use of LH IIIB1-style kylikes in late LH IIIB see Adrimi-Sismani 2014, 480–485 (occasionally with a PRQRFKURPHLQWHULRU\$OVR&DWOLQJYRO±&DWOLQJYRO¿J3(3(VXJgests a late dating in LH IIIB/IIIC Early for some painted kylikes.

bowl, are largely absent or very rare.75 Group A deep bowls and the small rosette deep bowl with WKHGRWWHGULPKDYHQRWEHHQLGHQWL¿HG\HWZKLOHWKHODUJH\*URXS%GHHSERZORPQLSUHVHQWLQ the destruction deposits of Mycenae, Tiryns and Midea is represented by one fragment in Trench ǻȕ)LJDQGDSRVVLEOHVHFRQGRQHIURPWKH:HVW6WRD)LJ76 Another common deep bowl type with pattern-painted decoration and a medium rim band (Group C) which is also frequently attested in the LH IIIB2 destruction horizon of the Argolid77KDVQRWEHHQLGHQWL¿HGLQ the material of Ayios Vasileios studied so far. Some examples are similar (Fig. 11.38, 45), but their exterior rim band is slightly thinner (1.3cm).

The deep bowls from the area of the court at Ayios Vasileios always have a fully coated interior and an exterior rim band that varies from a thin line (Fig. 11.42–43) to a medium band (1.3cm) (Fig. 11.38).78 Some examples have the exterior rim banding of a stemmed bowl (Fig. 12.54).79 In terms of their style, they resemble either some of the features of the so-called transitional /+,,,%±/+,,,&(DUO\7\SHVDQGDVGH¿QHGE\0RXQWMR\80 or deep bowl variants usually assigned to LH IIIC Early, e.g. Group A with monochrome interior.81 Mountjoy's transitional phase usually correlates with the earliest LH IIIC horizon, for example Jeremy Rutter's LH IIIC Phase 1.82 It postdates the destruction of Mycenae and Tiryns but should be contemporary with WKH¿QDOGHVWUXFWLRQRIPDMRUSDODWLDOVLWHVVXFKDV3\ORVDQG7KHEHV \$UFKLYH5RRP83 Other major contexts dated by Mountjoy to her transitional phase come from Ayios Stephanos and the Menelaion in Laconia, and the group of pots from the NE ascent of the Athenian Acropolis. In the Argolid, the transitional phase is represented by the 'Bothros' of Iria.84

7KHTXHVWLRQDULVLQJLVZKHWKHUWKHGHHSERZOVDW\$\LRV9DVLOHLRVUHÀHFWWKHORFDO/+,,,% Late equivalent or, alternatively, whether they suggest a more advanced chronological stage in /+,,,&(DUO\IRUWKH¿QDOSKDVHDQGDEDQGRQPHQWRIWKHVLWH:KLOHHLWKHUVFHQDULRLVGL൶FXOW WRFRQ¿UPDWWKHPRPHQWGXHWRWKHDEVHQFHRIFORVHGGHSRVLWVWKHUHDUHVRPHDVSHFWVWKDWZH need to keep in mind. First, stratigraphically there is no evidence for a hiatus after the destruction of the palace in LH IIIB Middle (Wall 108). Second, recent studies suggest the redating of some contexts from transitional LH IIIB2–LH IIIC Early to LH IIIB2 Late and point out that some of the 'transitional' features tend to appear already in LH IIIB2.85 And third, while all the deep bowls from Ayios Vasileios described above appear in the same stratigraphic units, Group A deep bowls with a monochrome interior and a thin exterior rim band that are more typical for LH IIIC Early tend to appear only in the upper parts of the relevant deposits (Figs. 11.44–45, 12.56). If the latter LPSUHVVLRQLVFRQ¿UPHGLQWKHIXWXUHE\PRUHPDWHULDODQGFORVHGFRQWH[WVLWFRXOGVXJJHVWWKDW at Ayios Vasileios the deep bowls with rim band between 1–1.5cm, stemmed bowl banding and occasional Group B deep bowls still date in late LH IIIB, while the variant with an exterior thin rim line is later and dates to LH IIIC Early 1.

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 179 11.11.2022 09:00:45

<sup>75</sup> French 1969; Wardle 1973.

<sup>76</sup> See Voigtländer 2003, pl. 123.Si 23, Si 29, Si 31, Si 35–Si 37 for deep bowls of Group B from the Epichosis of Tiryns. After LH IIIB2 the deep bowl B becomes very rare (Kardamaki 2009, 456, tab. 6). In the NE-Lower Town (Phase 1) there is only one fragment (Stockhammer 2008, vol. 2, pl. 19.382).

<sup>77</sup> Kardamaki 2009, 453–454, tabs. 1–2, pl. 23.466–475. The Group C deep bowl has an exterior rim band between 1.5 and 2.49cm, linear decoration 16.

<sup>78</sup>&I&DWOLQJYRO¿J3(3(3(IRUVSLUDOVZLWKDVROLGFHQWHUIURPWKH3URSKLWLV(OLDV Erosion Gully (LH IIIB2/ IIIC Early).

<sup>79</sup>&I&DWOLQJYRO&DWOLQJYRO¿J\$¿J\$

<sup>80</sup>0RXQWMR\±¿JV±

<sup>81</sup> Mountjoy 1986, 150; Popham et al. 2006, 228–229, tab. 2.1. Deep bowl Type A/B according to Ph. Stockhammer in: French – Stockhammer 2009, 208. The Group A deep bowl with monochrome interior in Kardamaki 2009, 453–454, tabs. 1–2, encompasses deep bowls with a rim band between 0 and 1.49cm.

<sup>82</sup> Mountjoy 1999, 39, tab. II. See Rutter 1977; Rutter 2003.

<sup>83</sup> Mountjoy 1999, 641, 647. But see Andrikou 2006 and Andrikou, this volume, for Thebes.

<sup>84</sup> Mountjoy 1997; Mountjoy 1999, 36, dates the destruction of Midea in this phase, but Demakopoulou 2003 recently DUJXHGIRUDGHVWUXFWLRQLQ/+,,,%¿QDO

<sup>85</sup>9LWDOH'HPDNRSRXORX¿J)UHQFK±6WRFNKDPPHU.DUGDPDNLSOV

Regarding the existence of a LH IIIC Early phase at Ayios Vasileios, there are some other features that point in this direction, but these are very scant. One sherd comes from a painted conical kylix FS 274 with monochrome interior (Fig. 11.47),86ZKLOHDQRWKHUVKHUG IURP7UHQFKǻȕ may come from the same shape or a bowl (Fig. 12.55).87 In the Menelaion one painted conical kylix appears in some of the latest levels of the site assigned by Hector Catling to LH IIIC Early.88 The so-called medium band deep bowls or linear painted deep bowls with monochrome interiors are, so far, absent at Ayios Vasileios.89 The painted cup FS 215 is represented by a single sherd (Fig. 12.57) but it has a banded exterior.90 The absence of the medium band type in the southern 3HORSRQQHVHKDVEHHQGLVFXVVHGE\-HUHP\5XWWHUZKRLGHQWL¿HVLWDVDPRUHQRUWKHUQYDULHW\<sup>91</sup>

The main evidence for the existence of late LH IIIB and/or early LH IIIC at Ayios Vasileios has to be based on the study of the deep bowls. As already mentioned above, one of the most advanced variants is the one with a thin rim band on the exterior (Group A with monochrome interior or Group A/B) (Figs. 11.44–45, 12.56).92 This type is also reported by Mountjoy as rare among the transitional group of deep bowls.93 Although it is considered to be typical for LH IIIC Early, Group A with monochrome interior appears already in LH IIIB1 and LH IIIB Middle, during which phases it was still rare.94 In the second half of LH IIIB it becomes more frequent DQGWKHUHDUHVRPHZHOOVWUDWL¿HGH[DPSOHVIURPWKH\$UJROLG95 According to Podzuweit, at Tiryns the ratio between pattern-painted deep bowls with monochrome interior and Group A deep bowls with monochrome interior is 2:1 respectively during LH IIIB Developed and Final.96 Although this proportion is probably overestimated since similar evidence is lacking in other LH IIIB2 Late contexts of the site, it still shows that the type was in use in the palatial centers of the Argolid prior

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 180 11.11.2022 09:00:45

<sup>86</sup> The painted conical kylix FS 274 is also more typical for a later stage of LH IIIC Early, but in some regions it appears already in LH IIIC Early 1 (Rutter 2003). In the Argolid the type seems to be present only after LH IIIC Early 1 (see French 2011, CD-828 [from LH IIIC Early Tower]). For rare LH IIIB examples see French – Stockhammer ¿JZLWKGRWWHGULP'HPDNRSRXORX±'LYDUL9DODNRXPHQWLRQZKROO\RUSDUWO\FRDWHG kylikes FS 274 and FS 267 from LH IIIB2 deposits in Midea. Monochrome conical kylikes rarely exist in LH IIIB2 Late levels at Kontopigado.

<sup>87</sup> See French – Taylour 2007, CD-277, for conical bowls FS 242 with linear decoration inside/outside (LH IIIB2). The piece from Ayios Vasileios has unusual decoration.

<sup>88</sup>&DWOLQJYRO±&DWOLQJYRO¿J\$2µUHRFFXSDWLRQ¶LQ\$HWRV6RXWK6ORSH)RU DSDLQWHGFRQLFDON\OL[IURP\$\LRV6WHSKDQRVVHH0RXQWMR\¿J

<sup>89</sup> Mountjoy 1986, 152. Linear painted deep bowls with monochrome interior are found occasionally in LH IIIB2 OD\HUV 'HPDNRSRXORX±'LYDUL9DODNRX¿J\$QGULNRXSOV± Podzuweit 2007, pl. 19.5). In the Menelaion there are some linear painted deep bowls with monochrome interior GDWHGPDLQO\WR/+,,,%DQG/+,,,&(DUO\E\&DWOLQJYRO¿J3'¿J\$2 In Dimini medium band deep bowls are mainly associated with the reoccupation layers, dated in LH IIIC Early (Adrimi-Sismani 2014, 523). For earlier, LH IIIB2 medium band deep bowls see Demakopoulou 2003, 84; Podzuweit 2007, pl. 19.10.

<sup>90</sup>&I&DWOLQJYRO¿J3(3URSKLWLV(OLDV(URVLRQ\*XOO\GDWHGE\&DWOLQJWR/+,,,%,,,&(DUO\ and LH IIIC Early).

<sup>91</sup> See Rutter, this volume. The cup with medium rim band and monochrome interior appears in the Argolid in LH IIIB2 but it is still very rare (Kardamaki 2009, 243–244).

<sup>92</sup> This is Podzuweit's pattern-painted deep bowl B with linear decoration 9.2 and 9.2.1 (Podzuweit 2007, 30, 314, %HLOJ GHFRUDWLRQW\SHV±SO±\*URXS\$PRQRFKURPHLQ3RSKDPHWDO¿J 228–229, tab. 2.1. Type A/B: Andrikou 2006, 33; Vitale 2006, 181–182, 190, tab. 2; French – Stockhammer 2009, 209. Kardamaki's 'deep bowl A with monochrome interior' encompasses both thin and medium exterior rim bands (0–1.49cm) (Kardamaki 2009, 453–454, tabs. 1–2). The same is also true for some deep bowls A/B as well (Andrikou 2006, 42, pl. 21.330).

<sup>93</sup>2QO\RQHVKHUGRI7UDQVLWLRQDO7\SHVDQGKDVDWKLQULPEDQG0RXQWMR\¿J

<sup>94</sup>0RXQWMR\¿J6FK|QIHOG¿J¿JGDWHGWR/+ ,,,%(DUO\DQG0LGGOH respectively. According to Stockhammer 2008, vol. 1, 48 n. 255, the deep bowl assigned by Guntram Schönfeld to LH IIIB Early could be LH IIIB Middle. See also Wirghova, this volume.

<sup>95</sup>\*LHULQJSO±'HPDNRSRXORX¿J3RG]XZHLWSO /+ ,,,%'HYHORSHG Tiryns).

<sup>96</sup> Podzuweit 2007, Beil. 5 (Podzuweit's 'Dekor 9.2' applies for deep bowl A with monochrome interior).

to the destruction.97 Regarding its further development in the Argolid, the type becomes common after LH IIIC Early.98

Evidence from other Laconian sites suggest a wide distribution of the Group A deep bowl with monochrome interior. At Ayios Stephanos the relevant layers contain pottery that has been dated to transitional LH IIIB2–LH IIIC Early but mainly to LH IIIC Early.99 At the Menelaion the Group A deep bowl with monochrome interior carries mainly a medium or a thin rim band on the exterior.100 It is, however, important to note that at both Laconian sites Group A deep bowls with monochrome interior appear next to other deep bowl variants and most notably the canonical Group A. The latter is rarer at Ayios Stephanos but relatively well represented at the Menelaion. According to Catling's analysis on selected deposits from the Menelaion, the percentages of \*URXS\$GHHSERZOVDPRQJDOOGHHSERZOW\SHVYDU\IURPWR101 This contrasts strongly with the situation at Ayios Vasileios, where the canonical Group A deep bowl is very rare. In this respect, it is interesting to note that the Menelaion has also yielded evidence for the rare – outside the Argolis – rosette deep bowl, to be precise, a variant of the type that omits the dotted rim.102

Beyond Laconia and the Argolid, excavations at Kontopigado (Attica) brought to light various deposits dating from LH IIIB Late to LH IIIC Early 1. Next to the local variants of the deep bowls,103ZH¿QGWKHFDQRQLFDO\*URXS\$UDUHH[DPSOHVRI\*URXS%DQGDOVR\*URXS\$ZLWKPRQRchrome interior.104 Attested in both LH IIIB as well as LH IIIC Early 1 contexts of Kontopigado is the type with the exterior stemmed bowl rim banding.105 However, the most common deep bowl W\SHLQDOPRVWDOOFRQWH[WVVWXGLHGVRIDULVWKHPRQRFKURPHRQHFRPSULVLQJPRUHWKDQRI the deep bowl rims.106 This probably represents a local development continuing from LH IIIA2,107 and has no parallels at Ayios Vasileios where monochrome deep bowls are extremely rare.108 Moreover, Group A deep bowls with monochrome interior are either absent or extremely rare in LH IIIB deposits of the site.109 In Dimini, the destruction deposits of Megaron B and the abandonment deposit of Megaron A have been dated to LH IIIB2 Late and LH IIIC Early respectively.110

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 181 11.11.2022 09:00:45

<sup>97</sup> In the Western Staircase of Tiryns (LH IIIB2 Late) only one rim possibly belongs to this type (Kardamaki 2009, pl. 2.39).

<sup>98</sup> Podzuweit 2007, Beil. 5. In the Western Staircase of Tiryns the percentage of the deep bowl A with monochrome in-WHULRUDPRQJGHHSERZOULPVLQ=RQH/+,,,%/DWHDQG=RQH/+,,,&(DUO\LVDQGUHVSHFWLYHO\ For the type in the lowest LH IIIC levels of Phase 1 in the NE-Lower Town of Tiryns (LH IIIC Early 1–IIIC Early 2) see Stockhammer 2008, vol. 2, pls. 15.293; 16.301, 306; 17.322; 18.348, 351. In the LH IIIC Early 1 houses of Mycenae deep bowls A with monochrome interior are missing, but this may be accidental since the type appears in WKHWHUUDFH¿OOEHORZWKHKRXVHV)UHQFK&'\*UDSK

<sup>99</sup>0RXQWMR\¿J±±±WKHPDMRULW\ZLWKQRRUYHU\WKLQ H[WHULRUULPEDQG0HGLXPH[WHULRUULPEDQGVRURWKHUOLQHDUGHFRUDWLRQRFFXUDVZHOO0RXQWMR\¿J 6.39.3697). Several transitional-type deep bowls come from the same deposits that date in LH IIIC Early (Mountjoy ¿J¿J±0RXQWMR\

<sup>100</sup>&DWOLQJYRO6HHIRUH[DPSOH&DWOLQJYRO¿J3(±3('HHSERZOVZLWKQR exterior rim band occur mainly at the Aetos Stone Mound but are rarer than other linear decoration.

<sup>101</sup> Catling 2009, vol. 1, 388. In some deposits such as in the NE Wash levels they are more frequent.

<sup>102</sup>&DWOLQJYRO¿J\$±\$

<sup>103</sup>.DUGDPDNL±.D]D3DSDJHRUJLRX¿J¿J

<sup>104</sup>.D]D3DSDJHRUJLRXHWDO¿J±.D]D3DSDJHRUJLRX±.DUGDPDNL¿J)RUGHHS ERZOV\$ZLWKDPRQRFKURPHLQWHULRUIURP7KRULNRVVHH0RXQWMR\¿J±

<sup>105</sup>.DUGDPDNL±.D]D3DSDJHRUJLRX¿J¿J1HLWKHUGHPRQVWUDWLQJWKHW\SLFDOÀDULQJSUR¿OH

<sup>106</sup>.D]D3DSDJHRUJLRXHWDO¿JWDE.DUGDPDNL±.D]D3DSDJHRUJLRX¿J

<sup>107</sup>.D]D3DSDJHRUJLRX±.DUGDPDNL¿J¿J±/DUJHGHHSERZOVVLPLODUWRWKHW\SH usually called truncated stemmed bowl.

<sup>108</sup> At the Menelaion monochrome deep bowls are present, but their exact number is not given. Cf. Catling 2009, YROQ&DWOLQJYRO¿J3(

<sup>109</sup> Kardamaki – Kaza-Papageorgiou 2018, 118–120.

<sup>110</sup>\$GULPL6LVPDQL%XWVHH9LWDOHHWDOWKLVYROXPH7KHPDLQGL൵HUHQFHEHWZHHQWKH/+,,,%DQG LH IIIC Early assemblages in Dimini is the presence of handmade burnished and Gray Ware in the contexts of the latter phase.

The Group A deep bowl with monochrome interior is perhaps the most common variant, while VHYHUDOH[DPSOHVKDYHÀDULQJRUHYHQEHOOVKDSHGSUR¿OHV111 and reserved bases on the interior.112 Furthermore, the Group A deep bowl with monochrome interior is represented in the destruction deposits of Thebes but is clearly rarer than Group A deep bowls.113 This type also occurs in LH IIIB2 Late contexts of Mitrou.114 At Nichoria Group A deep bowls with a monochrome interior were found in the latest Mycenaean deposits of the site that date to LH IIIB2.115

In summary, Group A deep bowls with a monochrome interior do appear in LH IIIB1. In LH IIIB2 they become more frequent, based on the evidence from Tiryns, Mycenae and Midea, but at these sites they never outnumber the canonical Group A deep bowls. Some other regions, on the other hand, show a stronger preference for Group A deep bowls with a monochrome interior (Laconia, Thessaly). Ultimately, however, the available stratigraphy does not allow a conclusive decision on whether the frequent use of Group A deep bowls with a monochrome interior in some regions beyond the Argolid correlates with LH IIIB2 or late LH IIIB2 or whether it suggests occupation in LH IIIC Early.116

#### **ȉKH'HVWUXFWLRQRI\$\LRV9DVLOHLRVLQWKH:LGHU&RQWH[W**

The goal of the present paper was to establish the chronology of the destruction of the palace and the Linear B archive. Based on the present evidence this event most probably took place towards the end of LH IIIB1. In ceramic terms this is most comparable to LH IIIB Middle in the Argol-LGDSKDVHWKDWDFFRUGLQJWRWKHFKURQRORJLFDOV\VWHPRI7LU\QVVWLOOEHORQJVWRWKH¿UVWSDUWRI LH IIIB117 while at Mycenae it bridges LH IIIB1 with LH IIIB2.118 Moreover, the interpretation of the stratigraphy represents a crucial aspect. Although there is evidence suggesting that the destruction was followed immediately by reoccupation, the character of the site in late LH IIIB is still poorly understood due to the small size of the excavated area. Additional evidence comes from the North Cemetery119 and Building A to the northeast of the court120 but the overall picture remains patchy.

This chronological assessment suggests that the palace of Ayios Vasileios was burnt down VRPHGHFDGHVEHIRUHWKH¿QDOGHVWUXFWLRQVRIWKHODWHth–early 12th century BCE. While the latter GHVWUXFWLRQKRUL]RQLVZHOOGH¿QHGDOWKRXJKLWLVFRQVLGHUHGWRKDYHH[WHQGHGRYHURQHRUWZRGHcades,121HDUOLHU/+,,,%HYHQWVDUHPRUHGL൶FXOWWRXQGHUVWDQGGXHWRVXEVHTXHQWRYHUEXLOGLQJ 6WLOOWKHUHVHHPVWREHVX൶FLHQWHYLGHQFHWRVXJJHVWWKDWWKHGHVWUXFWLRQRI\$\LRV9DVLOHLRVGRHV not represent an isolated phenomenon.

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 182 11.11.2022 09:00:45

<sup>111</sup> Adrimi-Sismani 2014, 464. There are also canonical Group A deep bowls, Group A variants and probably rosette deep bowls (Adrimi-Sismani 2014, 431, 465). Most bell-shaped deep bowls are illustrated from the reoccupation level of Megaron A (Adrimi-Sismani 2014, 508–509).

<sup>112</sup> For the discussion of the reserved circle on the interior of vessels see Kardamaki 2009, 228 n. 444. The feature is DOUHDG\DSSOLHGLQ/+,,,\$0RXQWMR\¿J\$\LRV6WHSKDQRV

<sup>113</sup> Andrikou 2006, 29, tab. 5; 31, pl. 13.217.

<sup>114</sup>9LWDOH¿JJ

<sup>115</sup>6KHOPHUGLQH¿J33\$W1LFKRULD/+ ,,,%LVSUHFHGHGE\/+ ,,,\$,,,% 6KHOPHUGLQH 1992, 503).

<sup>116</sup>,Q'LPLQLWKHÀRRUVRIWKHPHJDUDDUHEXLOWRQWRSRI/+,,,\$EXLOGLQJDQGGHVWUXFWLRQUHPDLQV\$GULPL6LVPDQL 2014, 129–130). At Ayios Stephanos and the Menelaion there is no clear LH IIIB2 level. Catling 2009, vol. 1, 252, comments that it is doubtful whether deep bowls with monochrome interiors can be used as a chronological indicator in Laconia. But see Hachtmann – Voutsaki, this volume, for a deposit dated exclusively in LH IIIC Early.

<sup>117</sup> Podzuweit 2007, Beil. 80.

<sup>118</sup> French – Taylour 2007.

<sup>119</sup> See Hachtmann – Voutsaki, this volume.

<sup>120</sup> Vasilogamvrou 2018, 142–147.

<sup>121</sup> J. B. Rutter in: Deger-Jalkotzy – Zavadil 2003, 255.

In the Argolid there is evidence for a destruction followed by rebuilding during a phase in which LH IIIB2 styles were not fully established – the so-called LH IIIB Middle horizon. At Tiryns the walls of some rooms in the Lower Citadel collapsed.122 At Mycenae destruction horizons are documented both inside and outside the Citadel, i.e. in the Cult Centre and the Ivory Houses.123 It is not clear whether the enlargement of the wall happened before or directly after a presumed LH IIIB Middle earthquake but it seems that some rooms or buildings of the Cult Area ceased to be used during LH IIIB2.124 Regarding the area of the palace, there seems to be some GDPDJHDVVLJQHGWRDQHDUWKTXDNHIROORZHGE\¿UH125 Further to the north, the so-called 'Potter's 6KRS¶DW=\JRXULHVZDVGHVWUR\HGE\DQLQWHQVLYH¿UHGXULQJZKLFKVRPHSRWVZHUHEXUQWDQG deformed, giving the impression of kiln wasters – a feature also clearly observed at Ayios Vasileios. This destruction was dated by Patrick Thomas late in LH IIIB1.126 At Thebes, middle LH IIIB GHVWUXFWLRQLVVXSSRUWHGE\VHYHUDO¿QGV2QHUHOHYDQWFRQWH[WLVUHSUHVHQWHGE\WKHMHZHOU\ZRUNshop at 29 Pindar St. that is dated to the middle of the 13th century.127 This event was, however, neither widespread nor did it mean the end of the palatial system that continued up to the end of the 13th century,128 although Eleni Andrikou convincingly comments that the LH IIIB Middle debris could have been removed during subsequent rebuilding.

)LQDOO\LQRWKHU/DFRQLDQVLWHVEH\RQG\$\LRV9DVLOHLRVWKHHYLGHQFHUHJDUGLQJWKH¿UVWSDUW of LH IIIB is still scarce. While pottery of the LH IIIB1 style is, for example, present, neither at the Menelaion nor at Ayios Stephanos is there any level exclusively assigned to this subphase. At Ayios Stephanos LH IIIB1 is considered to be a phase of very restricted occupation – if the site was not even completely deserted.129 At the Menelaion, remodeling in the walls of Mansion 2 was assigned to LH IIIB (Mansion 3). Moreover, Catling excavated a burnt deposit in Mansion 2 that he dated to LH IIIB.130 By combining evidence from the so-called pottery dump in the surrounding area of Mansion 2/3 that was convincingly connected with the occupation in the plateau, Cat-OLQJVXJJHVWHGWKDWWKHDEDQGRQPHQWRIWKHEXLOGLQJPXVWKDYHWDNHQSODFHLQ¿QDO/+,,,%,WLV interesting to note the absence of advanced deep bowl types from the pottery dump and the wash deposits around the mansions – contrary to other areas close to the Menelaion hills – that could support a destruction in the 13th century for Mansion 2/3, although a more precise dating within /+,,,%LVGL൶FXOWWRVXJJHVW<sup>131</sup>

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 183 11.11.2022 09:00:46

<sup>122</sup>.LOLDQ¿J'DPP0HLQKDUGW.ODXV.LOLDQFRUUHODWHGWKLVGHVWUXFWLRQDW7LU\QVZLWKWKH destruction of the House of the Oil Merchant at Mycenae.

<sup>123</sup> Wardle 2015, 591, dates the event at the end of LH IIIB1.

<sup>124</sup> For an outline of development in the Citadel House Area see French – Taylour 2007, 4, tab. 1; 10–12. For the Ivory Houses see French 1967, 150, 182–183. Both the so-called Citadel House Area Phase VII Destruction and the destruction of the Ivory Houses are placed in LH IIIB Middle.

<sup>125</sup>)UHQFK±)RUH[DPSOHWKH3LOODU%DVHPHQWZDVFRQVWUXFWHGLQ/+,,,\$DQGXQGHUWKH¿QDOÀRRU RI/+,,,%WKHUHZDVDQRWKHUÀRRUGHVWUR\HGE\¿UH

<sup>126</sup> Blegen 1928, 37; Thomas 1992, 277–283, 338, 508–509. The date of construction of Building B in LH IIIB1 seems to be secure.

<sup>127</sup> Demakopoulou 1974, 170–171; Demakopoulou 1987, 433.

<sup>128</sup> See Andrikou 2006, 58. The dating of the destruction of Building B in the Kordatzis property in Oedipus St. in the later part of LH IIIB1 is convincingly questioned by Andrikou 2006, 57, who considers it to be LH IIIB2. On the other hand, the pottery from close to the ivory hoard seems to be rather LH IIIB1 (see Symeonoglou 1973, pls. 57–58).

<sup>129</sup>7KHUHLVVRPHHYLGHQFHIRUWKH¿UHGHVWUXFWLRQRIRQHEXLOGLQJWKDWZDVGDWHGWR/+,,,&(DUO\7KHVNXOOVRIIRXU DGXOWVZHUHGHSRVLWHGLQDSLWDQGWKH¿QGZDVUHODWHGWRDKRVWLOHDWWDFNDQGHYLGHQFHIRUDPDVVDFUH-DQNR 605).

<sup>130</sup>&DWOLQJYRO±&DWOLQJYRO¿J;±;;

<sup>131</sup>0RVWZHOOSUHVHUYHG GHHS ERZOV EHORQJWR\*URXS\$ &DWOLQJ YRO ¿J :1 ¿J :6¿J3'±3'¿J3'7KHUHDUHIHZULPVIURPGHHSERZOVZLWKPRQRFKURPH LQWHULRUVDQGPHGLXPULPEDQGVRQWKHH[WHULRU&DWOLQJYRO¿J:(±:(7KHUHLVRQH OLQHDUSDLQWHGGHHSERZOZLWKWKHH[WHULRUULPEDQGLQJRIDVWHPPHGERZO&DWOLQJYRO¿J3' 49).

#### **Discussion and Conclusions**

7KHSUHVHQWHYLGHQFHVXJJHVWVWKDWWKH¿UHGHVWUXFWLRQRIWKHSDODFHDW\$\LRV9DVLOHLRVWRRNSODFH in LH IIIB Middle. This event was followed by a reoccupation that may have lasted throughout WKHODWHUSDUWVRI/+,,,%DQGFRQWLQXHGWRWKHHDUO\SDUWRI/+,,,&(DUO\1ROD\HULVLGHQWL¿HG that can be exclusively assigned to LH IIIB2 in terms of the Argive sequence. The post-destruction rebuilding in the area of the court seems to have been hasty, but in other areas of the palace there is evidence for a more substantial occupation.132 The pottery from Ayios Vasileios shows local preferences, a tendency that is mainly expressed by the group of pattern-painted vessels. Most characteristic in this respect is the apparent late adoption of the deep bowl that occurred in a substantial way after the destruction and much later than in the Argolid. But regional preferences are also observed within Laconia, with the Menelaion showing a greater variety in the decoration of deep bowls.133

On a wider scale, Ayios Vasileios may provide some new evidence related to the history and development of the Mycenaean palaces. One of the crucial questions raised by our study is wheth-HUGHVWUXFWLRQHYHQWVZLWKDVXSUDUHJLRQDOLPSDFWWRRNSODFHDWOHDVWRQHPRUHWLPHEHIRUHWKH¿QDO collapse of the palatial system at the end of LH IIIB2 and LH IIIC Early 1 and if so, whether such events are in any way interconnected.134 Although the archaeological remains from the other major Laconian sites do not allow a detailed reconstruction of the LH IIIB occupation, the correlation between the destruction of Ayios Vasileios and the LH IIIB Middle destructions at Mycenae and 7LU\QVVHHPVSRVVLEOH'HVWUXFWLRQVFRQQHFWHGZLWKWKH¿UVWSDUWRI/+,,,%DUHNQRZQIURPHOVHwhere (see above). In Thebes, the jewelry workshop in Pindar and Oedipus Sts. and another house in Pelops St. on the southeastern and eastern part of Kadmeia Hill respectively show evidence for ¿UHGHVWUXFWLRQDQGKDYHEHHQGDWHGWRWKHHQGRI/+,,,%135 Regarding the House of Kadmos, the possibility cannot be ruled out that it was destroyed during a later part of LH IIIB1, but this issue is still not resolved.136 In a recently published paper Salvatore Vitale suggests a change in the political landscape of Boiotia and east Locris, with Thebes taking over control in Mitrou after a possible destruction at Glas and Orchomenos in early LH IIIB2.137 Although the exact dating RIWKHGHVWUXFWLRQRI2UFKRPHQRVLVGL൶FXOWWRVXSSRUWRQWKHEDVLVRIWKHSXEOLVKHGPDWHULDODQ earlier destruction of Glas than for Thebes seems likely and strengthens the hypothesis that the mid-13th century was a time of unrest in many regions of Mycenaean Greece.138

+RZHYHUZKDWGL൵HUHQWLDWHV\$\LRV9DVLOHLRVIURPWKHRWKHUSDODFHVWKDWSUREDEO\H[SHULHQFHG some kind of violent interruption in LH IIIB Middle is its later development. Not only was the monumental West Stoa not repaired, suggesting the abandonment of a whole sector but – at least so far – there is no evidence for the existence of written tablets at the site during the later parts of the 13th century. This could not contrast more with the situation at Mycenae and Tiryns. It is well known and has been clearly demonstrated that LH IIIB Middle represents a turning point in

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 184 11.11.2022 09:00:46

<sup>132</sup>6HH9DVLORJDPYURXIRUWKHDOWDUDQGWKHJURXSRIWKHEXOO¿JXUHVIRXQGRQDVXUIDFHFUHDWHGRQOHYHOOHGDUHDV of Building A.

<sup>133</sup> Deep bowls without a solidly painted interior (Group A) are much better attested at the Menelaion than at Ayios Vasileios.

<sup>134</sup> At Ayios Vasileios there are several deposits that date to LH IIIA2 and may come from the cleaning of rooms after a destruction (Kardamaki 2017). Also, Building A was destroyed in LH IIIA (Vasilogamvrou 2018).

<sup>135</sup> Andrikou 2006, 58.

<sup>136</sup> The destruction of the House of Kadmos falls in early LH IIIB1 but a later dating is also stated as a possibility (Dakouri-Hild 2001). The destruction deposit contains plain angular cups FS 222 like the ones in the West Stoa of Ayios Vasileios and a conical kylix FS 274 (cf. Raison 1968). The conical kylix FS 274 is absent in the Terraces below the Ivory Houses that, according to Schönfeld 1988, 163, tab. 4; 185, date to LH IIIB Early and the beginning of LH IIIB Middle (Terrace under the House of the Oil Merchant). In Tsoungiza Deposit EU, which dates to LH IIIB1 Early, the plain conical kylix is very rare (Thomas 2005, 512).

<sup>137</sup> Vitale 2018, 155.

<sup>138</sup> See Shelmerdine, this volume, for Iklaina and its incorporation into the Pylian state.

the history of the Mycenaean palaces of the Argolid. After a destruction which was put down to an earthquake and in some cases to a human act139 the palaces were rebuilt and refurbished following a program that exceeded everything else known before.140 LH IIIB2 was also a period of cautiousness. There are several indications for the latter. Magazines with transport commodities like the House of the Oil Merchant must have been transferred into the secured and controlled environment of the citadel, as argued by Joseph Maran.141 Moreover, the new Cyclopean walls represented the latest word in defensive architecture in the Aegean. Besides their high symbolic value, their rebuilding and expansion must have also been directed by careful planning of defensive strategies.142

\$¿QDOSRLQWPD\EHRIUHOHYDQFHKHUH,QWKHODWHUSDUWRIWKHth century, Tiryns was involved in a wide exchange network, as demonstrated by the large numbers of ceramic containers from Crete and various parts of the eastern Mediterranean discovered at the site.143 LH IIIB2 also coincides with the increase of Kytheran imports at Tiryns such as stirrup jars and pithoi.144 In fact, after Crete, Kythera is the second most common area of provenance for the LH IIIB2 stirrup jars recovered at Tiryns. While it needs to be stressed that the less extensive LH IIIB1 material record from Tiryns due to later rebuilding does not allow secure conclusions for the frequency of Kyther-DQVWLUUXSMDUVGXULQJWKH¿UVWKDOIRIWKHth century at the site, at Mycenae at least it is possible to say that Kytheran stirrup jars are absent from the magazines of the Oil Merchant.145 Kythera as a region was strongly connected to Laconia from LH I onwards. This is not only suggested because of the geographic proximity between the two regions but is obvious from various aspects of material culture. Kytheran pottery was frequently imported to the Menelaion and Ayios Vasileios from LH IIB onwards, including not only large transport containers but also common wares such as cooking tripods and utensils.146 Based on the presence of Kytheran pithoi at Kommos and Pylos, Rutter argued that the former must have played an important role in the movement of goods between Crete and Pylos and more precisely of oil that would have been very important for the perfume industry of the palace.147 In this respect, it is interesting to note that the range of LH IIIB2 Kytheran containers from Tiryns encompasses a larger variety of shapes, i.e. large stirrup jars and not only pithoi. Thus, it is not inconceivable that after the destruction of Ayios Vasileios, Tiryns and the Argolid gained more access to this part of the Aegean that would have been an important connection to Crete.

The overview given above raises more questions than it provides answers. Our present impression is that Ayios Vasileios did not resume its function after LH IIIB Middle, although the palatial system of administration was still fully operating as we know from Pylos and Thebes. If this is WUXHWKHGHVWUXFWLRQRI\$\LRV9DVLOHLRVFRXOGUHÀHFWDFULVLVWKDWZRXOGWDNHDPRUHJHQHUDODQG radical form approximately two generations later.148

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 185 11.11.2022 09:00:46

<sup>139</sup> For the House of the Oil Merchant see Wace 1951, 255–256, who ascribes the destruction of the building to looting DQGYLROHQW¿UHWKDWFDXVHGVRPHRIWKHYDVHVWREHFRPHYLWUL¿HG\$FFRUGLQJWR\$ODQ:DFHWKHVWLUUXSMDUVZHUH deliberately unstoppered and overturned so that their contents could be used as fuel.

<sup>140</sup> Maran 2015. Regarding Mycenae see Wardle 2015. It is not clear whether the construction of the Lion Gate and the enlargement of the west wall at Mycenae took place before or after the LH IIIB Middle destructions.

<sup>141</sup>6HH0DUDQIRUWKH\$UJROLG7KLVK\SRWKHVLVLVFRQ¿UPHGE\WKHODUJHQXPEHURI&UHWDQDQGRWKHUIRUHLJQ containers discovered in the LH IIIB2 dumps of the Tirynthian palace (Kardamaki et al. 2016).

<sup>142</sup> Iakovidis 1973; Maran 2010, 247–250.

<sup>143</sup> Kilian 1988; Maran 2005.

<sup>144</sup> Kardamaki et al. 2016, 150, 157. See Wirghová, this volume for the presence of Kytheran wares also in LH IIIB Early and Middle contexts of the Lower Citadel.

<sup>145</sup> Haskell et al. 2011, tab. 27 nos. MYC 17–MYC 31, MYC 39, MYC 72–MYC 74, MYC 89–MYC 99, MYC 103.

<sup>146</sup> Kardamaki 2017.

<sup>147</sup> Rutter 2005, 40.

<sup>148</sup>:LWKUHJDUGWRWKH¿QDO/+,,,%WKHWKHRU\RIQDWXUDOHYHQWVDVWKHPDLQFDWDO\VWDQGµSULPHPRYHU¶IRUWKHFROODSVH of the palaces seems to be largely compromised by recent research (Maran 2010, 255–257; Jung 2016; Jung 2017; Hinzen et al. 2018; Maran, this volume.

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## **The Ayios Vasileios North Cemetery in the Palatial Period**

*Vasco Hachtmann*1 *– Sofia Voutsaki* <sup>2</sup>

**Abstract:**,QWHQ\HDUVRI¿HOGZRUNDWWKHQHZO\GLVFRYHUHGVLWHRI\$\LRV9DVLOHLRVQHDU;LURNDPELSOHQW\RIHYLGHQFH has been collected to identify this site as the political center of Laconia during the Mycenaean Palatial period. We are, however, still at the very beginning of understanding the process and implications of its rise, operation, and fall. One precondition to do so is to get the archaeological record in chronological order. Secondly, it is our belief that any report RQWKHVLJQL¿FDQFHRI\$\LRV9DVLOHLRVUHTXLUHVDV\QRSVLVRIDOODYDLODEOHHYLGHQFH,QWKLVSDSHUZHZRXOGWKHUHIRUHOLNH WRFRQWULEXWHWRWKLVV\QRSVLVE\EULHÀ\SUHVHQWLQJDOOFXUUHQWO\DYDLODEOHHYLGHQFHIURPWKH(DUO\0\FHQDHDQFHPHWHU\ in the north of the Ayios Vasileios Hill concerning the Palatial and early Post-palatial period. The margins of the North Cemetery yielded evidence of later use of the area in the form of architectural remains and ceramic deposits that may help to synchronize phases of construction and destruction at Ayios Vasileios. In our attempt to approach the political and cultural development in central Laconia between the 15th and the 12th century BC, we also include in our discussion VLJQL¿FDQWDVSHFWVRIWKHFHUDPLFVHTXHQFHDQGVHWWOHPHQWGHYHORSPHQWDWWKH0HQHODLRQWKHEHVWUHVHDUFKHGVLWHLQ the region.

**Keywords:** Ayios Vasileios, North Cemetery, pottery, chronology, Menelaion, political development, Mycenaean Laconia

#### **Introduction**

7KHPRUHZHNQRZDERXWDVLWHWKHPRUHFRQ¿GHQWZHDUHLQWKHUHFRQVWUXFWLRQRILWVKLVWRU\7KLV is particularly important in the case of Ayios Vasileios, the recently discovered palatial center in Laconia, whose history seems to diverge from that of other palatial sites.3 In this paper we use the evidence from the North Cemetery area at Ayios Vasileios4 to contribute to the reconstruction of the site's history from the time the palace was operating until its destruction and the aftermath, i.e. in the Late Helladic III period. Although the main period of the cemetery is the LH I–II period, DVDWWHVWHGE\ERWKWKHFHUDPLFR൵HULQJVDQGWKHUDGLRFDUERQDQDO\VLVRIWKHKXPDQUHPDLQV<sup>5</sup> the 1RUWK&HPHWHU\DUHDGRHVR൵HUHYLGHQFHIRUWKHODWHUSKDVHV7RVWDUWZLWKWKHODUJHUEXLOWWRPE

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 193 11.11.2022 09:00:46

<sup>1</sup> Institute for Prehistory, Protohistory and Near Eastern Archaeology, University of Heidelberg, Germany; e-mail: hachtmann@uni-heidelberg.de.

<sup>2</sup> Groningen Institute of Archaeology, The Netherlands; e-mail: s.voutsaki@rug.nl.

<sup>3</sup> Vasilogamvrou 2013; Vasilogamvrou 2014; Vasilogamvrou 2015a; Vasilogamvrou 2015b; Kardamaki 2017. At Ayios Vasileios numerous baked Linear B tablets were embedded in burnt and collapsed building material found in VLWXLQWKHDUHDRIWKH:HVW6WRD9DVLORJDPYURXE7KLVOD\HUDQGRWKHUH[WHQVLYHWUDFHVRI¿UHGHVWUXF-WLRQDUHGDWHGRQWKHEDVLVRIFHUDPLF¿QGVDURXQGWKHPLGGOHRI/+,,,%.DUGDPDNLSHUKDSVDFRXSOH RIGHFDGHVHDUOLHUWKDQWKH¿QDOGHVWUXFWLRQVRIWKHSDODFHVLQWKH\$UJROLGDQGDW3\ORV

<sup>4</sup> The North Cemetery at Ayios Vasileios is situated at the northernmost point of the hill where the Mycenaean palace was built. See Voutsaki et al. 2021. The excavation of the North Cemetery is part of the Ayios Vasileios Excavation Project, carried out under the auspices of the Archaeological Society in Athens and the general direction of Ad-DPDQWLD9DVLORJDPYURX6R¿D9RXWVDNL8QLYHUVLW\RI\*URQLQJHQKDVEHHQUHVSRQVLEOHIRUWKHH[FDYDWLRQVVLQFH ZLWKWKHDVVLVWDQFHRIDQLQWHUQDWLRQDOWHDPRIVSHFLDOLVWV7KHH[FDYDWLRQKDVEHHQ¿QDQFHGE\WKH\*URQLQJHQ ,QVWLWXWHRI\$UFKDHRORJ\ZKLOHWKHVFLHQWL¿FDQDO\VHVKDYHEHHQFRYHUHGE\DJHQHURXVJUDQWIURPWKH\$PPRGR Foundation, The Netherlands. The study of the pottery has been carried out thanks to a post-doctoral fellowship from the Institute for Aegean Prehistory (INSTAP), while the Mediterranean Archaeological Trust (MAT) has contributed to the study of both the pottery and the human remains.

<sup>5</sup> Erdil et al. forthcoming.

(Grave 21), which contained approximately 27 burials, may have remained in use until LH IIIA1. In addition, in the later phases the cemetery was used, albeit only occasionally, for the burial of infants. Finally, the abundance of deposits with pottery dated within LH IIIA and LH IIIC Early at the margins of the cemetery indicates certain activities in this area though the graves were never overbuilt or disturbed.

While the nature of these activities is still a matter of further investigation, we may provide here a picture of higher chronological resolution and evaluate the intensity of use of the North Cemetery area during the Palatial period phase by phase. The emphasis in this paper is thus on the types and groups of pottery relevant for a chronological sequence. Regarding the still limited available evidence from Ayios Vasileios, from both the palace and the North Cemetery area, it is advisable to refer back to the sequence presented by Hector Catling for the Menelaion. After all, WKH0HQHODLRQR൵HUVWKHODUJHVWFRUSXVRISXEOLVKHG/DWH%URQ]H\$JHSRWWHU\LQFHQWUDO/DFRQLD Moreover, Catling has observed that the ceramic sequence at the Menelaion seems much closer to the Argolid than, for example, to the palace on Epano Englianos at Pylos,6 a comment which is of considerable importance considering the fact that the Argolid is the leading reference for the typology of Late Helladic pottery.

Our investigation elucidates some general problems of ceramic studies in central Laconia but also provides an opportunity to synchronize occupational events at Ayios Vasileios with those at the Menelaion – an exercise which may help us understand shifts in the political landscape in Laconia and developments in the Mycenaean Palatial and early Post-palatial period in general.

### **Conditions for the Study of the Late Helladic Pottery**

When attempting to reconstruct the sequence of a new Late Helladic site outside the Argolid, RQHLPPHGLDWHO\HQFRXQWHUVWKHSUREOHPWKDWVRPHRIWKHFKURQRORJLFDOO\PRVWVLJQL¿FDQWYHVVHO W\SHV IRU FHUWDLQ SKDVHV DUH QRWRULRXVO\ UDUH DQG GL൶FXOW WR GHWHFW DPRQJ ZRUQ DQG HQFUXVWed sherd material such as that from the North Cemetery at Ayios Vasileios. Diagnostic items of this kind include all vessel types decorated with a single motif without horizontal banding such as Ephyraean-style vessels (LH IIB), Zygouries kylikes (LH IIIB1) and rosette deep bowls /+,,,%QRQHRIWKHVHW\SHVKDYH\HWEHHQLGHQWL¿HGDWWKH1RUWK&HPHWHU\EXWWKH\DUHDOVR extremely rare among the better preserved material in the nearby palace area. In our attempt to reconstruct the relative chronological sequence at Ayios Vasileios we have to rely at the moment largely on the study of plain, linear and monochrome decorated types of pottery. There are, however, pottery-related hints that might provide an expedient.7 A detailed rim typology developed for the Ayios Vasileios project8 occasionally referred to in this paper may help in understanding the local ceramic development and provide useful supplemental chronological information. In addition, radiocarbon dates have now been obtained from the human skeletons which can be FRPSDUHGWRWKHUHODWLYHGDWHVREWDLQHGIURPFHUDPLF¿QGV<sup>9</sup>

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 194 11.11.2022 09:00:46

<sup>6</sup> Catling 2009, vol. 1, 366.

<sup>7</sup> As can be derived from occasional notes, Catling observed for the Menelaion a morphological development of rim shapes of open vessels similar to that at Ayios Vasileios. Concerning the material from the South Erosion Deposit on the North Hill (NS), which is predominately of LH II date, Catling notes that 'nearly all the everted rims are ERWKYHU\ORQJDQGYHU\VOLP¶&DWOLQJYRO&DWOLQJYRO¿J16±16ZKLOH his distinction between monochrome goblets from LH II and from LH IIIA1 is based on his observation that the typical goblet of the later phase 'has a rather fatter, still everted, rim which in some cases verges on wedge-shaped' (Catling 2009, vol. 1, 354). Among the most obvious changes between LH IIIA and LH IIIB, Catling mentions the 'disappearance of the lip, whether distinguished by eversion, or some kind of modelling' (Catling 2009, vol. 1, 404). For Ayios Vasileios see Kardamaki 2017, 81.

<sup>8</sup> Kardamaki 2017, 80–83; Kardamaki – Hachtmann forthcoming.

<sup>9</sup>7KHKXPDQDQGDQLPDOERQHVDUHVWLOOEHLQJVWXGLHGE\,RDQQD0RXWD¿DQG<RXULYDQGHQ+XUN

Fig. 1 Plan of Ayios Vasileios North Cemetery with locations of deposits (drawing I. Koulogeorgiou, digitization G. Nobles with additions by V. Hachtmann).

,Q WKH IROORZLQJ VHFWLRQV FKURQRORJLFDOO\ VLJQL¿FDQW FHUDPLF IHDWXUHV DQG WKH FRQWH[WV LQ ZKLFKWKH\ZHUHIRXQGDUHGLVFXVVHGEULHÀ\SKDVHE\SKDVHUHJDUGLQJWKHTXHVWLRQRIZKDWWKH\ can tell us about the history of the North Cemetery area.

#### **LH IIIA1 to LH IIIA2 Early**

The ceramic evidence from the graves in the North Cemetery at Ayios Vasileios suggests that the main phase of use for burials ended in LH IIB or LH IIIA1.10 The latest burial activities took SODFHLQWKHODUJHVWEXLOWWRPE\*UDYHZLWKRYHUEXULHGLQGLYLGXDOV)LJ%HIRUHWKH¿UVW VNHOHWRQVDSSHDUHGODUJHVWRQHVZHUHIRXQGRYHUODLQE\D¿OORIVRLOLQWKHXSSHUPRVWOD\HUVRI the grave. On top of the layer of soil, concentrations of larger vessel fragments, small stones and bones – possibly both animal and human – were documented in the position in which they were found (Fig. 2). Among the 17 fragments from this 'Surface under Layer 3', one upper part of a goblet with tall everted rim, monochrome interior and plain exterior except for a thin rim band is WKHPRVWVLJQL¿FDQW)LJ11 Based a) on the presence and the typo-chronology of this fragment

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 195 11.11.2022 09:00:48

<sup>10</sup> Voutsaki et al. 2021.

<sup>11</sup>7KLVYHVVHOW\SHRFFXUVLQ/+,,,\$DW7VRXQJL]DDQG3DWULFN7KRPDV¿J±QRWHGWKDWWKHWKLQ exterior rim band may be a characteristic feature of this phase; however, the rims on the Tsoungiza goblets are all of a shorter type than the piece from Grave 21. We would like to follow Kardamaki (2017, 93), who has suggested on WKHEDVLVRIVWUDWL¿HGHYLGHQFHLQWKHSDODFHDUHDRI\$\LRV9DVLOHLRVWKDWWKLVYHVVHOW\SHZLWKWKLQH[WHULRUULPEDQG begins already in LH IIIA1 and that this feature perhaps does not yet appear in LH IIB. Consequently, in respect RIWKHWDOOHYHUWHGULPWKHJREOHWIURPWKHXSSHUPRVW¿OORI\*UDYHVKRXOGEHGDWHGLQ/+,,,\$6LPLODUYHVVHOV from the Menelaion are discussed among the LH IIB pottery (Catling 2009, vol. 1, 345–346, and e.g. Catling 2009, YRO¿J6767

)LJ 'LVFRYHU\RI\*UDYH6TXDUH2ȕ7UHQFK6XUIDFHXQGHU/D\HU (drawing A. Balitsari, digitization V. Hachtmann).

)LJ µ9HVVHO¶RQWRSRI\*UDYH6TXDUH2ȕ7UHQFK6XUIDFHXQGHU/D\HU Scale 1:3 (drawing V. Hachtmann).

DQGERQWKHWRWDODEVHQFHRIODWHUFHUDPLFIHDWXUHVZHPD\GDWHWKHXSSHUPRVW¿OORI\*UDYH above the stones to the LH IIIA1 subphase.12 This date signals the end of the main use of the North Cemetery, although the area remained respected and was occasionally used for infant burials.

The North Cemetery area yielded plenty of evidence from the period after its main use as a burial ground. A large deposit with fragmented pottery was found east of Grave 21 (Fig. 1). The 'Deposit East of Grave 21' contained pottery from LH II to IIIA1; however, the youngest component may have crossed over into the next phase. There are possible monochrome kylikes and possible stemmed bowls, both types which are introduced in LH IIIA2 Early (Fig. 4.1–3).13

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<sup>12</sup>%\XVLQJGLJLWDOUHFRUGLQJDQGUHFRQVWUXFWLRQPHWKRGVGH5DD൵HWDOFRQYLQFLQJO\VXJJHVWHGWKDWWKHVWRQHV found within Grave 21 originated from a cairn above wooden beams and tumbled into the grave when the beams collapsed. This may have happened just before or during the LH IIIA1 period, when the cavity formed after the FROODSVHRIWKHURRIZDV¿OOHGZLWKVRLOFRQWDLQLQJSRWWHU\DQGERQHVWDNHQIURPWKHFORVHUYLFLQLW\

<sup>13</sup> Shelmerdine 1992, 495–497; Vitale 2011, 334; Kardamaki 2017, 78–79, 114. See also a recently presented LH IIIA1 closed context at Kontopigado/Athens without monochrome kylikes and stemmed bowls (Kaza-Papageorgiou – Kardamaki 2018). But see Thomas 2011, 198–201 n. 50.

Fig. 4 Examples of pottery from pure deposits. 1–3. 'Deposit East of Grave 21' (LH IIIA1–IIIA2 Early); 4–6. Square O12, Trench 5 West, Layer 3 (LH IIIA2 Early); 7–9. Square O12, Trench 5 West, Layer 4 (LH IIIA1). Scale 1:3 (drawings V. Hachtmann).

Moreover, some lips of open shapes are short and everted, typical for LH IIIA2; however, there is no pattern-painted pottery from this phase. Due to the absence of pattern-decorated kylikes FS 256 and 257 there is no reason to believe that this deposit reaches beyond an initial stage of the LH IIIA2 subphase.14 Two deposits in the palace area of similar ambivalence between LH IIIA1

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 197 11.11.2022 09:00:49

<sup>14</sup> Shelmerdine 1992, 495–497; Vitale 2011, 334.

and LH IIIA2 Early were studied by Eleftheria Kardamaki.15 One of them comes from the con-VWUXFWLRQ¿OOXQGHUWKHÀRRURIWKH:HVW6WRDDQGZRXOGDFWXDOO\GDWHWKHODUJHWHUUDFHXSRQZKLFK the monumental stoas and the court of the palace were built. Considering that some of the pottery LQWKHFRQVWUXFWLRQ¿OORIWKH0DQVLRQDWWKH0HQHODLRQPLJKWGDWHWR/+,,,\$16 although the bulk of the material is of LH IIIA1 date, the construction of Mansion 2 and of important monumental features at Ayios Vasileios such as the court and the West Stoa may be more or less contemporary.

While the 'Deposit East of Grave 21' appears to be a mix of pottery from LH II to IIIA2 Early, a clearer sequence of LH IIIA1 and LH IIIA2 Early, termed 'Sequence in Square O12, Trench 5 West', was found west of the cemetery in two layers superimposed upon each other (Fig. 1).17\$OWKRXJKWKHGLYLVLRQRIWKHVHWZROD\HUVZDVDUWL¿FLDODQGHYLGHQFHLVRQFHPRUH limited by the small amount of sherd material, the upper layer (Layer 3) contained shapes missing in the lower layer (Layer 4), in particular fragments of monochrome kylikes and of one stemmed bowl (Fig. 4.4–6). Layer 4 instead contained exclusively goblets with tall to medium-tall everted rims and one fragment of a pattern-decorated LH IIIA1 kylix with shallow bowl (Fig. 4.7–9).

In summary, intensive and large-scale building activities took place on the top of the hill around the transition from LH IIIA1 to LH IIIA2 as part of the construction, or perhaps the expansion or monumentalization of the palatial main complex. This is attested on the basis of pottery GHSRVLWVEHORZDQGDERYHWKHODUJH&RXUWDQGWKHPDWHULDOLQVLGHWHUUDFH¿OOV18 The 'Deposit East of Grave 21' may indicate that certain rearrangements of space also took place around the same time in the cemetery area. By then, the construction of tombs and the deposition of burials within them had certainly stopped. With the exception of occasional infant burials, the cemetery may have functioned as a memorial from then on.

### **LH IIIA2**

In two areas in the North Cemetery area, vases were found in situ in non-funerary contexts: fur-WKHUHDVWRIWKHµ'HSRVLW(DVWRI\*UDYH¶LQ6TXDUH2DQGVRXWKRIWKHFHPHWHU\LQ6TXDUHȄ (Fig. 1). Segments of walls were encountered in both areas; however, the in situ vases and possi-EOHÀRRUVFRXOGQRWEHUHODWHGWRWKHVHZDOOVZLWKFHUWDLQW\(DVWRIWKHFHPHWHU\LQ6TXDUH2 a large part of a cooking tripod was found that was reassembled from more than 30 sherds (Fig. 5.1). One of the two units that contributed most sherds to this vessel19 also contained, amongst other things, one fragment of a monochrome stemmed bowl with short everted rim (Fig. 5.2). 2QO\PWRWKHHDVWDQRWKHULQVLWXYDVHZDVIRXQGDVPDOOMXJRI¿QHSODLQ0\FHQDHDQIDEULF the rim of which was missing (Fig. 5.3). Although the stratigraphic relationship between these two vessels is unclear due to disturbances in this area during the Byzantine period, it seems possible that both belong to one single horizon that overlay the 'Deposit East of Grave 21' and that can be dated to the full LH IIIA2 subphase. In any case, it is worth noting that there were no indicators in this area for the LH IIIB and IIIC Early phases. The tripod cooking pot indicates domestic activities in direct proximity to the cemetery and the use of this area may imply an expansion of the settlement in this phase.

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 198 11.11.2022 09:00:49

<sup>15</sup>.DUGDPDNLWDEµKLJKHVWSHEEOHVXUIDFHµ)ORRU¶¶DQGµFRQVWUXFWLRQ¿OOEHORZ:HVW6WRD¶

<sup>16</sup> Kardamaki 2017, 77 n. 18, 113–114.

<sup>17</sup> Kardamaki et al. in press.

<sup>18</sup> Kardamaki 2017, 111.

<sup>19</sup> Find Groups 2334 and 2358. After mending, Unit 2334 contained 141 fragments of utilitarian pottery and Unit 2358 FRQWDLQHGIUDJPHQWV8QLWZDVFRQWDPLQDWHGZLWKHLJKWIUDJPHQWVRI%\]DQWLQHWLOH:LWKLWVÀDWEDVHDQG WKHVVKDSHGULPSUR¿OHWKLVFRRNLQJWULSRGKDVDJRRGSDUDOOHOLQ5RRP7UHQFK,ĮLQWKHSDODFHDUHDGDWHGWR /+,,,\$/DWHEDVHGRQLWVFRQWH[W.DUGDPDNL¿J6HHDOVR.DUGDPDNL±WDE

Fig. 5 In situ vases in Square O15. Scale 1:3 (drawings V. Hachtmann).

,Q6TXDUHȄVRXWKRIWKHFHPHWHU\)LJPDQ\SHEEOHVZKLFKSRVVLEO\UHSUHVHQWWKHUH-PDLQVRIDSHEEOHÀRRUZHUHHQFRXQWHUHGRQO\FFPEHORZWKHPRGHUQVXUIDFH\$PRQJRWKHU sherds and animal bones, this layer yielded one large fragment of a monochrome basin (Fig. 6.1) and many sherds that were reassembled as one almost complete carinated kylix with the handle PLVVLQJ)LJ7KHULPRIWKLVN\OL[LVUDWKHUÀDULQJDQGTXLWHGLVVLPLODUWRHYHU\RWKHUFDULQDWed kylix rim from the 'Deposit East of Grave 21' or from the 'Sequence in Square O12, Trench 5 West' mentioned above. It resembles a later type found in quantity in the so-called 'Fresco Dump' LQ6TXDUHǻZHVWRIWKHODUJH&RXUWGDWLQJWR/+,,,\$/DWH20 According to our current state

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<sup>20</sup>.DUGDPDNL¿J±

)LJ ,QVLWXYDVHVLQ6TXDUHȄ7UHQFK6FDOHGUDZLQJV9+DFKWPDQQ

of knowledge, the 'Fresco Dump' can be connected with a possible refurbishment or rebuilding activity prior to the main destruction of the palace.21 Whether the in situ vases in the North Cemetery area represent one single horizon and, if they do, whether they were contemporary with WKHµ)UHVFR'XPS¶RUWKHODWHUGLVDVWURXVFRQÀDJUDWLRQRIWKHSDODFHFDQQRW\HWEHGHFLGHG

#### **LH IIIB**

A less well-attested period for Ayios Vasileios is LH IIIB, although evidence is pointing towards the destruction of the palace somewhere in the middle of this period.22 In the palace area painted pottery of LH IIIB1 style is rare.23 However, in the area of the court and in the West Stoa there is subtle evidence for this phase embedded in a red layer that seems to derive from the collapsed XSSHUÀRRUDIWHUWKH¿UH24 In the North Cemetery area this phase is even more elusive. Fragments of pattern-decorated kylikes are uncertain and deep bowls of canonical25 Type A (without mono-FKURPHLQWHULRUDUHUDUH2QHIUDJPHQWRID\*URXS\$GHHSERZOZLWKWUDFHVRIDÀRZHUGHFRUDWLRQ found in a LH IIIC Early context is among the very few pattern-decorated pieces from the North &HPHWHU\DUHDWKDWFDQEHVDIHO\GDWHGWR/+ ,,,% )LJ2QO\RQHVLQJOH¿QGJURXSLQWKH ZHVWRIWKHFHPHWHU\ZLWKRXWDQ\UHODWLRQWRZDOOVRUÀRRUV)LQG\*URXS26 (Fig. 1), delivered a couple of fragments from plain kylikes and shallow angular bowls with characteristics of WKLVSKDVH7KHULPVRIWKHVHYDVHVDUHOLSOHVVURXQGHGRUVOLJKWO\ÀDULQJ)LJ±3DUDOOHOV in safe LH IIIB1 contexts can be found e.g. at Mycenae and at Tsoungiza.27 A date in LH IIIA2

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<sup>21</sup> Kardamaki 2017, 114.

<sup>22</sup> See Vasilogamvrou et al., this volume.

<sup>23</sup> Kardamaki 2017, 114.

<sup>24</sup> Kardamaki 2017, 111. See also Vasilogamvrou et al., this volume.

<sup>25 &#</sup>x27;Canonical' is here referring to interior rim bands; the emphasis is on the contrast with vessels with a monochrome interior.

<sup>26</sup> Find Group 2205 contained 147 fragments of utilitarian pottery after mending. These include also Early Mycenaean and some EH II sherds. Three historical sherds and one fragment of a Byzantine roof tile can be interpreted as intrusive into Find Group 2205.

<sup>27</sup>0\FHQDHIRUWKHURXQGHGN\OLNHVVHH0RXQWMR\¿J)RUSODLQRSHQVKDSHVLQJHQHUDOVHH:DUGOH ±¿JV±7VRXQJL]D7KRPDV¿J±¿J±

Fig. 7 Fragment of a Group A deep bowl (Post-palatial deposit). Scale 1:3 (drawing V. Hachtmann).

Fig. 8 Fragments from Find Group 2205. Scale 1:3 (drawings V. Hachtmann).

Late, however, cannot be entirely ruled out for this group of fragments.28 In any case, it is important to note that fragments of deep bowls were totally absent in Find Group 2205, although this shape was extraordinarily well represented in a Post-palatial deposit 35m further east (see below). This may suggest that the plain kylikes in Find Group 2205 predate the phase when deep bowls came into use at Ayios Vasileios. The plain kylikes in Find Group 2205 may be placed between LH IIIA2 Late and the earlier part of LH IIIB. It may even be suggested that they date just before or around the time of the palace destruction. The relatively large size of the fragments may imply that they were broken not too far away from the place they were found.29 Pottery signaling the LH IIIB2 phase, in particular the Group B deep bowl and the rosette deep bowl,30 has not yet been found among the material from the North Cemetery.

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 201 11.11.2022 09:00:52

<sup>28</sup>6KHOPHUGLQH¿J3±31LFKRULD/+,,,\$0LGGOH±/DWH

<sup>29</sup> The group of fragments in Find Group 2205 may also be related to one of the infant burials dated according to radiocarbon date in LH IIIB.

<sup>30</sup> Mountjoy 1999, 36.

Fig. 9 Fragments of Group A deep bowls with monochrome interior from the 'Post-palatial deposit'. Scale 1:3 (drawings V. Hachtmann).

#### **LH IIIC Early**

7KHQH[WSRWWHU\SKDVHLGHQWL¿HGDWWKH1RUWK&HPHWHU\KDVEHHQDWWULEXWHGWRWKH/+,,,&(DUO\ phase and probably dates in its early part (LH IIIC Early 1)31 since characteristic types of ad-YDQFHG/+,,,&(DUO\KDYHQRW\HWEHHQLGHQWL¿HGDWWKLVVWDJH32 LH IIIC Early is characterized at Ayios Vasileios by deep bowls with a thin to medium-wide exterior rim band, monochrome interior, and a wide range of motifs, of which the antithetic spiral is the most frequent (Fig. 9.1–5). In the palace area material dated to LH IIIB2/IIIC Early is so far only known from secondary deposits.33 In the cemetery area one large dump of fragmented LH IIIC Early pottery, the so-called µ3RVWSDODWLDO'HSRVLW¶)LJZDVIRXQGQRUWKHDVWRIWKHJUDYHVLQ6TXDUHȆLQFRQQHFWLRQ with a wall. Whether this wall was built during LH IIIC Early or earlier, while the palace was VWLOOLQWDFWLVQRW\HWFOHDUDQGDGH¿QLWHDQVZHUKDVWRDZDLWIXUWKHUVWUDWLJUDSKLFDQDO\VHV(LWKHU way, the 'Post-palatial Deposit' clearly indicates certain activity in the cemetery area during the LH IIIC Early phase.

#### **The Menelaion Sequence**

At this point we may recall the situation at the well-researched Menelaion. LH IIIA2 at the Menelaion was described by Catling as a 'period of uncertainty'.34 This phase is mainly represented in wash levels and in only one of them, the 'Prophitis Elias South Wash Level' (PES), does LH IIIA2 seem to be the dominant component.35 The reason for the assumed scarcity of LH IIIA2 deposits

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<sup>31</sup> French 2011; Kardamaki 2015, 88–93.

<sup>32</sup> For example, painted conical kylikes FS 274. For LH IIIC Early 1 contexts in the Argolid see French 2011 and Kardamaki 2015. We cannot exclude that the material we call here LH IIIC Early also includes pottery attributable to Mountjoy's transitional LH IIIB2/IIIC Early phase (Mountjoy 1995; Mountjoy 1997; Mountjoy 1999). The study is VWLOOLQSURFHVVDQGDGH¿QLWHDQVZHUUHJDUGLQJWKLVSKDVHPXVWEHGHOD\HGXQWLOWKH¿QDODQDO\VLV:HQHHGWRSRLQW out that the fragmentary state and poor preservation of the material at the Ayios Vasileios North Cemetery hampers WKHLGHQWL¿FDWLRQRIDSKDVHZKLFKKDVEHHQGH¿QHGODUJHO\RQWKHEDVLVRIFRPSOHWHYDVHV\$WWKH0HQHODLRQWKH WUDQVLWLRQDO/+,,,%,,,&(DUO\SKDVHKDVEHHQSRVLWLYHO\LGHQWL¿HGE\0RXQWMR\WKURXJKZHOOSUHVHUYHGYHVVHOV

<sup>33</sup> Kardamaki 2017, 114.

<sup>34</sup> Catling 2009, vol. 1, 461.

<sup>35</sup> Catling 2009, vol. 1, 359.

may partly be due to the rarity of pattern-decorated pottery from this phase in mixed sherd material.36

Although few architectural remains can be assigned with certainty to the LH IIIB phase, extensive wash levels were found with corresponding pottery indicating an occupation throughout this phase at almost all excavated locations of the site.37 An early phase within LH IIIB is clearly signaled by decorated kylikes FS 258A (Zygouries kylix) and FS 258B. The best evidence for these types of kylikes was found concentrated in the 'Aetos Stone Mound' although the number of sherds belonging to these types is small.38 Evidence for the most common open shape during LH IIIB, the deep bowl FS 284 of canonical Type A, is widespread over the site.39 By contrast, the Group B deep bowl with exterior rim band around 3cm wide, characteristic for the LH IIIB2 subphase in the Argolid, is virtually absent at the Menelaion. Two well-preserved rosette deep bowls from the Aetos Stone Mound may also postdate the LH IIIB2 subphase.40 The most common type of deep bowl at the Menelaion is the Group A deep bowl with monochrome interior so common in the 'Post-palatial Deposit' in the Ayios Vasileios North Cemetery mentioned above. At the Menelaion, this type of deep bowl was especially frequent in the 'Prophitis Elias, Erosion Gully' (PE) and in the 'Aetos Stone Mound' (A), two large deposits with mixed material assigned by Catling to LH IIIB and LH IIIC Early.41 By contrast, in the wash levels around the slopes of the Mansion (WN, WE, WS and PD) that have been connected with the occupation of Mansions 2 and 3, the Group A deep bowl with monochrome interior is conspicuously rare, while the canonical one is relatively well attested there.42 This could be interpreted as showing that the Mansion had fallen out of use before the Group A deep bowl with monochrome interior became popular. While in the Argolid the Group A deep bowl with monochrome interior is traditionally regarded as an element of LH IIIC,43 Catling assumes that this type was commonplace already in LH IIIB

<sup>38</sup>&DWOLQJYRO¿J\$\$\$±\$\$±\$

<sup>40</sup>&DWOLQJYRO&DWOLQJYRO¿J\$±\$)RUURVHWWHGHHSERZOVLQWKHWUDQVLWLRQDO LH IIIB2/IIIC Early and LH IIIC Early periods see Mountjoy 1997, 116.


Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 203 11.11.2022 09:00:52

<sup>36</sup>:KLOHSDWWHUQGHFRUDWHGSRWWHU\ZDVUDUHLQWKHZDVKOHYHOVQRUWKDQGHDVWRIWKH0DQVLRQRIWKHGHFRUDWHG SRWWHU\ZDVPRQRFKURPHSDLQWHG&DWOLQJYRODVLJQL¿FDQWSDUWRIZKLFKPD\DFWXDOO\FRPHIURP the LH IIIA2 occupation (Catling 2009, vol. 1, 80). In fact, LH IIIA2 pattern-decorated pottery was found in the Mansion area during the old excavations by Richard Dawkins (Dawkins 1910, 8–9, pl. 1).

<sup>37</sup> Catling 2009, vol. 1, 461. On the Menelaion Hill rebuilding/repair activities referred to as 'Mansion 3' are believed to date to LH IIIB. North Hill and Aetos Hill were occupied as well.

<sup>39</sup>&DWOLQJYRO±&DWOLQJYRO¿J:6¿J3'¿J1& ¿J1:¿J3(¿J\$\$±\$\$¿J\$2\$2¿J\$ 65–A 69, A 78.

<sup>43</sup> Catling 2009, vol. 1, 387.

at the Menelaion.44 Recently the Group A deep bowl with monochrome interior has also been securely attested in the Argolid already for LH IIIB, but the canonical type without monochrome interior was still predominant in LH IIIB2 destruction layers.45 The motifs on deep bowls with and without monochrome interiors are similar: paneled compositions and continuous patterns occur, but on the latter the antithetic spiral motif is particularly frequent.

At this point, a note on the Menelaion sequence concerns the transitional LH IIIB2/IIIC Early phase of Penelope Mountjoy. According to Mountjoy, the Menelaion was among the sites that yielded evidence for this phase.46 In the Argolid this transitional phase was used to describe the period immediately after the destruction of the palaces at Mycenae and Tiryns when ceramic features of LH IIIB2 and LH IIIC Early were in use together with certain features unique to this tran-VLWLRQDOSKDVHDVGH¿QHGE\0RXQWMR\477KHGH¿QLWLRQRIWKLVSKDVHKRZHYHUZDVUHFHLYHGZLWK VNHSWLFLVP-HUHP\5XWWHUV\QFKURQL]HGLWZLWKKLV/+,,,&3KDVHGH¿QHGIRU.RUDNRX48 and Salvatore Vitale attributed the features and contexts of the transitional phase to either LH IIIB2 Late or LH IIIC Phase 1.49

There is, however, also secure evidence at the Menelaion suggesting that the site was occupied beyond LH IIIC Early 1. This evidence includes e.g. one type of decorated conical kylix with inward-curving upper body FS 274 and carinated cups FS 240.50 In fact, some of the material from the 'Prophitis Elias, Erosion Gully' and the 'Aetos Stone Mound', including plenty of Group A deep bowls with monochrome interior, may also date to the more advanced LH IIIC Early. In any case, a stratigraphic sequence that would allow us to distinguish between LH IIIB Late, LH IIIC (DUO\DQGPRUHDGYDQFHG/+,,,&(DUO\KDVQRW\HWEHHQLGHQWL¿HGDWWKH0HQHODLRQDQGWKH same is true for the Ayios Vasileios North Cemetery.

#### **Summary of Pottery Evidence from Ayios Vasileios and the Menelaion**

Stylistically, the LH III sequences at Ayios Vasileios and the Menelaion are closely comparable. The rims of open shapes follow the same development observed elsewhere in southern Greece IURPWDOO DQG PHGLXPWDOO HYHUWHGLQ /+ ,,,\$WR VKRUW HYHUWHG VKRUW ÀDULQJ DQG URXQGHGLQ LH IIIA2. In this period goblets and kylikes occur together. Monochrome pottery is extremely common compared to patterned ware. Pattern-decorated kylikes FS 256, characteristic of /+ ,,,\$DUHGL൶FXOWWRLGHQWLI\DPRQJWKH IUDJPHQWHGPDWHULDO IURPWKH1RUWK&HPHWHU\DW Ayios Vasileios. They are attested in the palace area and also at the Menelaion, but in the former they are rare.51

Concerning the LH IIIB period, evidence is getting thin at the Ayios Vasileios North Cemetery. Mycenaean decorated pottery of this phase is virtually absent there. Only one small group of fragments from plain vases may be attributed to LH IIIA2 Late or the earlier part of LH IIIB DQGQRWKLQJZDVIRXQGWKDWQHFHVVDULO\GDWHVWR/+,,,%DVGH¿QHGLQWKH\$UJROLG,QWKHSDODFH area, the canonical Group A deep bowl is extremely rare in the area of the court and the West

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 204 11.11.2022 09:00:52

<sup>44</sup> Catling 2009, vol. 1, 459. Catling 2009, vol. 1, 367, refers to Nichoria, where deep bowls with a monochrome interior have been assigned to LH IIIB2, although, according to Mountjoy 1997, 124, this material may also belong in WKHWUDQVLWLRQDO/+,,,%,,,&(DUO\SKDVH)RU1LFKRULDVHH6KHOPHUGLQH¿J

<sup>45</sup>6HHHJ'HPDNRSRXORX¿J±.DUGDPDNLWDE:LUJKRYiWKLVYROXPH

<sup>46</sup> Mountjoy 1997, 123; Mountjoy 1999, 36–38.

<sup>47</sup> Mountjoy 1997, 111–112, 116–117. See also Mountjoy 1995, 196, and Mountjoy 1999, 36–38. See, however, Kardamaki 2015, 86; Wirghová, this volume.

<sup>48</sup> Rutter 2003.

<sup>49</sup> Vitale 2006.

<sup>50</sup>&DWOLQJYRO¿J3(±FDULQDWHGFXS)6¿J\$2¿J\$ (conical kylix with inwards-curving rim).

<sup>51</sup>\$\LRV9DVLOHLRVSDODFHDUHD.DUGDPDNL¿J±0HQHODLRQ&DWOLQJYRO± DQGHJ&DWOLQJYRO¿J:(±:(

Stoa, and only two examples of the Group B deep bowl have been found there so far.52 Catling wrote about the 'Pottery Dump' (PD) at the northwestern corner of the Mansion that 'the predominant character of the pottery contents is of LH IIIB2 type'.53 There are, indeed, a couple of Group A deep bowls in the Mansion wash deposits supporting occupation during LH IIIB; KRZHYHUWKHLGHQWL¿FDWLRQRIWKH/+,,,%SKDVHDJDLQLQFRPSDULVRQWRZKDWZHNQRZFLUFXlated in the Argolid at that time, is not really convincing for the entire Menelaion ridge. In fact, Mansion 2 (or rather Mansion 3) may have fallen out of use before the end of the LH IIIB phase. Although too little is known to discuss the reasons for the abandonment of the Mansion, the GLVFRYHU\RISDWFKHVRIEXUQLQJLQFRQQHFWLRQZLWKDÀRRUGHSRVLWWKDWZDVGDWHGE\&DWOLQJWR /+,,,%PD\VXJJHVWDGHVWUXFWLRQE\¿UH54 In the southernmost sector of the Menelaion ridge, in particular on the Prophitis Elias ridge and on the Aetos Hill, occupation continued, however, well into LH IIIC Early. This phase is also well attested again at Ayios Vasileios in the form of the Group A deep bowl with monochrome interior that is often decorated with antithetic spirals, like those from the Menelaion.

#### **Conclusions**

\$IWHU KDYLQJ H[DPLQHG VLJQL¿FDQW FHUDPLF GHSRVLWV IURPWKH\$\LRV9DVLOHLRV 1RUWK&HPHWHU\ and compared them both with deposits from the palace area and the nearly continuous ceramic sequence at the Menelaion, we may approach a synchronization of construction and destruction phases at the two sites. Around the LH IIIA1–IIIA2 Early transition, major building activities took place at Ayios Vasileios. A large terrace was built to support new monumental extensions of the palace.55\$WWKH0HQHODLRQVRPHFHUDPLFHYLGHQFHLQWKHFRQVWUXFWLRQ¿OORI0DQVLRQ suggests that it was built around the same time.56 The two settlements were probably in operation during the LH IIIA2 phase, although evidence is still limited. A few in situ vases in the North Cemetery may be remnants from this period. Otherwise, broken pottery and other debris may have been cleaned up and dumped in appropriate places.

If we compare the situations at the Menelaion and Ayios Vasileios for the following LH IIIB period, as far as they are known to us, we note that the ceramic sequence at the Menelaion is less incomplete than at Ayios Vasileios thanks to the abundance of the canonical Group A deep bowl. Both sites, however, have in common the absence of the most characteristic types of deep bowls for LH IIIB2 in the Argolid: the Group B deep bowl and the rosette deep bowl. Is this due to a VHWWOHPHQWKLDWXVLQFHQWUDO/DFRQLDRUWRDGL൵HUHQWVW\OLVWLFGHYHORSPHQWRIWKHSRWWHU\GLYHUJLQJ from the Argolid? This examination has shown that the question of 'occupational gap or regional diversity of ceramic style'57 cannot be answered from the perspective of the Ayios Vasileios North Cemetery alone. In the palace area, subtle evidence of an earlier phase in LH IIIB exists that ZRXOGSODFHWKHGHVWUXFWLYH¿UHVRPHZKHUHLQWKHPLGGOHRIWKLVSKDVH58 But where is the second half of LH IIIB? One ceramic-related solution to shorten the gap in LH IIIB, or make it disappear, is to believe, with Catling, that the Group A deep bowl with monochrome interior, found in large quantities at both sites, the Menelaion and Ayios Vasileios, was already regularly in use in Laconia in LH IIIB. Consequently, since this vessel type seems to appear only after the destruction of the palace at Ayios Vasileios and the abandonment, or perhaps destruction, of the Mansion at the

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 205 11.11.2022 09:00:53

<sup>52</sup> See Vasilogamvrou et al., this volume, also for another possible deep bowl B fragment from the destruction deposit of the West Stoa.

<sup>53</sup> Catling 2009, vol. 1, 132.

<sup>54</sup>&DWOLQJYRO±&DWOLQJYRO¿J;±;;

<sup>55</sup> Kardamaki 2017, 111.

<sup>56</sup> Kardamaki 2017, 77 n. 18, 113–114.

<sup>57</sup> This was the title of the paper presented at a workshop in memory of Christopher Mee (Kardamaki et al. in press).

<sup>58</sup> See Vasilogamvrou et al., this volume.

Menelaion, both events could be placed somewhere in the middle of the LH IIIB phase. Moreover, it seems possible that these events may have taken place within a very short span of time, or even were exactly contemporary. At the beginning of LH IIIB, the use of traditional shapes such as the decorated kylix may have continued, while in the Argolid, the deep bowl FS 284 was already the most common shape on the dinner table.59 The fact that the canonical Group A deep ERZOLV VRPHZKDW EHWWHU UHSUHVHQWHG DWWKH0HQHODLRQWKDQ DW\$\LRV9DVLOHLRVPD\ UHÀHFWWKH current state of research and may change with continuing excavation. In this respect, we may consider the perhaps surprising but nevertheless plausible suggestion that the construction and destruction of both the palace of Ayios Vasileios and of Mansion 2/3 at the Menelaion were more or less synchronous,60 though the limited evidence from both sites recommends some caution. This assumption would, however, support the view that Ayios Vasileios and the Menelaion belonged to the same political entity.

In any case, there is clear evidence at Ayios Vasileios of a major destruction from which the palace may have never fully recovered, and there are hints that this destruction, according to the latest results, took place at the end of LH IIIB1.61 This destruction may not have caused DFRPSOHWHKLDWXVEXWQHYHUWKHOHVVDVLJQL¿FDQWUHGXFWLRQLQRFFXSDWLRQIRUDSSUR[LPDWHO\ years that might explain the scarceness of deposits from this phase. During this time the cemetery area may have largely fallen into disuse, while other parts of the hill may still have been inhabited. Thereafter, the edges of the cemetery area were used again in LH IIIC Early – albeit only for a short time.

#### **Bibliography**

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Dawkins 1910

R. M. Dawkins, Laconia. I. Excavations at Sparta, 1910. § 2. The Mycenaean city near the Menelaion, The Annual of the British School at Athens 16/1909/1910, 1910, 4–11.

Deger-Jalkotzy – Zavadil 2003

S. Deger-Jalkotzy – M. Zavadil (eds.), LH III C Chronology and Synchronisms. Proceedings of the International Workshop Held at the Austrian Academy of Sciences at Vienna, May 7th and 8th9HU|൵HQWOLFKXQJHQGHU0\NHQLVFKHQ Kommission 20 (Vienna 2003).

Demakopoulou 2003

K. Demakopoulou, The pottery from the destruction layers in Midea: Late Helladic III B2 Late or Transitional Late Helladic III B2 Late/Late Helladic III C Early?, in: Deger-Jalkotzy – Zavadil 2003, 77–92.

GH5DD൵HWDO

<GH5DD൵±69RXWVDNL±79HUODDQ±\*1REOHV'HVWUXFWLRQFRQVWUXFWLRQUHFRQVWUXFWLRQWKHDUFKLWHFWXUHRIWKH built tomb of the North Cemetery at Ayios Vasileios, Laconia, in: C. Wiersma – M. Tsouli (eds.), Middle and Late Helladic Laconia. Competing Principalities? (Leiden 2022) 229–241.

Erdil et al. forthcoming

P. Erdil – M. Dee – S. Voutsaki – V. Hachtmann, The history of the North Cemetery at Ayios Vasileios: absolute and relative chronology, forthcoming.

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Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 206 11.11.2022 09:00:53

<sup>59</sup> For similar observations at Nichoria in relation with a transitional LH IIIA2/IIIB1 phase see Shelmerdine 1992, 503–504.

<sup>60</sup> Compare Kardamaki 2017, 112.

<sup>61</sup> Kardamaki 2017, 111; see also Vasilogamvrou et al., this volume.

#### The Ayios Vasileios North Cemetery in the Palatial Period 207

#### Kardamaki 2015

E. Kardamaki, Conclusions from the new deposit at the Western Staircase terrace at Tiryns, in: A.-L. Schallin – I. Tournavitou (eds.), Mycenaeans Up to Date. The Archaeology of the North-Eastern Peloponnese – Current Concepts and New Directions (Stockholm 2015) 79–97.

#### Kardamaki 2017

E. Kardamaki, The Late Helladic IIB to IIIA2 pottery sequence from the Mycenaean palace at Ayios Vasileios, Laconia, Archaeologia Austriaca 101, 2017, 73–142.

#### Kardamaki et al. in press

E. Kardamaki – V. Hachtmann – A. Vasilogamvrou – N. Karadimas – S. Voutsaki, Regional diversities or occupational gap? Pottery styles during the late 14th and the 13th centuries BCE at Ayios Vasileios, in: D. Smith – W. Cavanagh – J. Bennet – A. Papadopoulos (eds.), The Wider Island of Pelops. Studies in Aegean Prehistoric Pottery in Memory of Prof. Chris Mee (in press).

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K. Kaza-Papageorgiou – E. Kardamaki, A Late Helladic IIIA1 deposit from Kontopigado, Alimos and processes of Mycenaeanization at Athens, Athenische Mitteilungen 133, 2018, 1–58.

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P. A. Mountjoy, Late Helladic IIIB 1 pottery dating the construction of the South House at Mycenae, The Annual of the British School at Athens 71, 1976, 77–111.

#### Mountjoy 1995

P. A. Mountjoy, Thorikos mine no. 3: the Mycenaean pottery, The Annual of the British School at Athens 90, 1995, 195–227.

#### Mountjoy 1997

P. A. Mountjoy, The destruction of the palace at Pylos reconsidered, The Annual of the British School at Athens 92, 1997, 109–137.

#### Mountjoy 1999

P. A. Mountjoy, Regional Mycenaean Decorated Pottery 1–2 (Rahden/Westf. 1999).

#### Rutter 2003


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C. W. Shelmerdine, The Mycenaean pottery from the settlement. Part III: Late Helladic IIIA2–IIIB2 pottery, in: W. A. McDonald – N. C. Wilkie (eds.), Excavations at Nichoria in Southwest Greece 2. The Bronze Age Occupation (Minneapolis 1992) 495–517, 537–547.

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P. M. Thomas, A deposit of Late Helladic IIIA2 pottery from Tsoungiza, Hesperia 80, 2011, 171–228.

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\$ǺĮıȚȜȠȖȐȝȕȡȠȣǹȞĮıțĮijȒ ıIJȠȞDZȖȚȠǺĮıȓȜİȚȠȁĮțȦȞȓĮȢȆȡĮțIJȚțȐ IJȘȢ İȞǹșȒȞĮȚȢǹȡȤĮȚȠȜȠȖȚțȒȢǼIJĮȚȡİȓĮȢ 165/2010, 2013, 65–80.

#### Vasilogamvrou 2014

\$ǺĮıȚȜȠȖȐȝȕȡȠȣǹȞĮıțĮijȒ ıIJȠȞDZȖȚȠǺĮıȓȜİȚȠȁĮțȦȞȓĮȢȆȡĮțIJȚțȐ IJȘȢ İȞǹșȒȞĮȚȢǹȡȤĮȚȠȜȠȖȚțȒȢǼIJĮȚȡİȓĮȢ 166/2011, 2014, 59–68.

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\$ǺĮıȚȜȠȖȐȝȕȡȠȣǹȞĮıțĮijȒ ıIJȠȞDZȖȚȠǺĮıȓȜİȚȠȁĮțȦȞȓĮȢȆȡĮțIJȚțȐ IJȘȢ İȞǹșȒȞĮȚȢǹȡȤĮȚȠȜȠȖȚțȒȢǼIJĮȚȡİȓĮȢ 167/2012, 2015, 63–76.

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69RXWVDNL±9+DFKWPDQQ±,0RXWD¿6SDFHSODFHDQGVRFLDOVWUXFWXUHLQWKH1RUWK&HPHWHU\\$\LRV9DVLOLRVLQ B. Eder – M. Zavadil (eds), (Social) Place and Space in Early Mycenaean Greece. International Discussions in Mycenaean Archaeology, October 5–8, 2016, in Athens, Mykenische Studien 35 (Vienna 2021) 323–340.

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Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 208 11.11.2022 09:00:53

## **LM IIIB Ceramic Regionalism and Chronological Correlations with LH IIIB–C Phases on the Greek Mainland**

#### *Jeremy B. Rutter* <sup>1</sup>

**Abstract:** Over the past quarter-century, the published evidence for variability in the nature and extent of ceramic regionalism within LM II–IIIB Crete (c. 1450–1180 BC) has increased dramatically. Assessing the implications of that evidence, however, has been hampered by the continuing failure of pottery specialists to agree upon criteria IRUGH¿QLQJFHUDPLFSKDVHVWKDWDSSO\WKURXJKRXWWKHLVODQGDVZHOODVE\WKHODFNRIHVWDEOLVKHGPHWULFVZKHUHE\ varying degrees of ceramic uniformity or regionalism can be determined. By reviewing some results of a recent de-WHUPLQHGH൵RUWRQWKHSDUWRIVSHFLDOLVWVWRH[SORUHLQFUHPHQWDOFHUDPLFFKDQJHDVZHOODVUHJLRQDOLVPGXULQJWKHth century in particular, the suggestion is made that the appearance of dark-surfaced Handmade and Burnished Ware +0%:DJUHHGWREHRIVRXWK,WDOLDQDQFHVWU\DQGLWVLPLWDWLRQLQORFDOSDOH¿ULQJ¿QHIDEULFVRQ&UHWHDVZHOO as on the southern and central Greek mainland can be used to correlate the ceramically based relative chronologies of these two Aegean regions. The short-lived LH IIIB2 Final through earliest IIIC destruction horizon of mainland palatial centers occurred during the phase termed LM IIIB2 (or LM IIIB Late) on Crete. Thus, mainland refugees from those destructions can be expected to be recognizable on Crete before LM IIIC begins. Indeed, their arrival may KDYHSOD\HGDVLJQL¿FDQWUROHLQWKHGUDPDWLFFKDQJHVLQVHWWOHPHQWSDWWHUQWKDWDUHREVHUYDEOHWKURXJKRXWPXFKRI Crete during the later LM IIIB period.

**Keywords:** ceramic regionalism, Chania, Dimini, Handmade Burnished Ware, Late Minoan III

#### **Introduction**

Two major international conferences in the early 1990s hosted respectively by the French School and the Danish Institute in Athens, a third such gathering in 2003 in the same city hosted by the Italian Archaeological School and, most recently, a fourth organized and hosted by the AEGIS research group at the Université catholique de Louvain (Belgium) late in 2013 have, in combination, had an enormous impact on our current understanding of Minoan Crete from the mid-15th to the early 12th centuries BC. Building upon Athanasia Kanta's pioneering 1980 monograph, the published proceedings of these conferences, and particularly those of the three most recent, have put special emphasis on the ceramically determined relative chronology of these 250–275 years, on the history and nature of ceramic regionalism during this era, and on the variability within it of connections between Crete and the Greek mainland.2 Another PDMRUVRXUFHRILPSRUWDQWFRQWULEXWLRQVFRQVLVWVRIWKHQXPHURXVVLWHVSHFL¿F¿QDOUHSRUWVRQ ceramic sequences from a host of both settlements and cemeteries that have vastly increased the quantities of data at our disposal.3 7KHPRVWYDOXDEOHFRQWULEXWLRQRIDOORQWKHVSHFL¿FLVVXHRI regional variability within Crete from the collapse of Neopalatial culture to the end of the 13th century, however, is the detailed, synthetic analysis of the central and western portions of the island published by Charlotte Langohr in 2009.4

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 209 11.11.2022 09:00:53

<sup>1</sup> Department of Classics, Dartmouth College, USA; e-mail: jeremy.rutter@dartmouth.edu.

<sup>2</sup> Kanta 1980; Driessen – Farnoux 1997; Hallager – Hallager 1997; D'Agata et al. 2005; Langohr 2017a.

<sup>3</sup> For listings of most of those published since 1980 see the bibliographies in Nezeri 2013, 267–318; Langohr 2017b, 29–35.

<sup>4</sup> Langohr 2009, esp. 175–239.

#### 210 J. B. Rutter

#### **LM II–IIIB Ceramic Regionalism**

What can we say about the ups and downs of ceramic regionalism within Crete from c. 1450 to 1180 BC? Any response to this question should begin by acknowledging that the diversity of µH[SHUWRSLQLRQV¶RQWKLVVXEMHFWFRQVWLWXWHVDVFKRODUO\PLQH¿HOGWKHFKRRVLQJRIDVSHFL¿FSDWK through which is necessarily a personal, and at times inevitably subjective, endeavor. What follows should therefore be understood as merely one person's opinion rather than an indication of any widely held consensus.

The nature of ceramic regionalism during this 270-year-long era, one that encompasses what are on Crete a so-called Monopalatial period of some 75–110 years' duration,5 a Final Palatial period that may have lasted up to a century longer, and then the beginning of an even lengthier Post-palatial period, is certainly not a constant. That is, the degree to which individual regions GL൵HUIURPHDFKRWKHULQWKHLUSURGXFWLRQDQGFRQVXPSWLRQRIFHUDPLFFRQWDLQHUVLVQRWWKHVDPH WKURXJKRXWQRUDUHWKHUHJLRQVLQTXHVWLRQWKHPVHOYHVDOZD\VWREHGH¿QHGLQWKHVDPHZD\)RU example, ceramic regionalism during LM II is almost impossible to discuss at present due to a ODFNRIVX൶FLHQWGDWDIURPPXFKRIWKHLVODQG%\FRQWUDVWWKHLPPHGLDWHO\IROORZLQJ/0,,,\$ phase witnesses a remarkable degree of uniformity, at least in the principal table wares, across much of the center and west of the island, while the far east (beyond the Bay of Mirabello) is TXLWHGL൵HUHQW\$VWLPHJRHVRQGXULQJ/0,,,\$DQG,,,%URXJKO\FRHYDOZLWKWKH0\FHQDHDQ palatial era), regional products and preferences in the center and west of Crete seem to become progressively more distinct all the way down to quite late in the LM IIIB phase, at which point a comparatively brief era of relatively uniform ceramic assemblages characterizing much of Crete has been claimed to exist in the terminal LM IIIB and early LM IIIC phases.6

Of course, such simple statements about changes in the nature of ceramic regionalism through time presuppose the existence of some objective methodology whereby various degrees of ce-UDPLFGL൵HUHQFHFDQEHDVVHVVHGRUPHDVXUHG/LNHZLVHWKH\UHTXLUHJHQHUDODJUHHPHQWRQKRZ to draw the temporal boundaries of ceramic phasing during the periods in question. Consultation of the contributions to pan-Cretan conferences on ceramic phasing during such cultural stages as WKHWHUPLQDO1HRSDODWLDOSKDVHZHFDOO/0,%RUWKH¿QDOOLWHUDWHSKDVHZHFDOO/0,,,%(DUO\RU LM IIIB1 shows all too clearly that agreement on ceramic subphasing is often problematic.7 Even WKHGLVWLQFWLRQVEHWZHHQPDMRUSKDVHVVXFKDV/0,,,\$DQG/0,,,%PD\YDU\VLJQL¿FDQWO\IURP specialist to specialist.8 \$VXVXDOLQRXU¿HOG,ZRXOGDUJXHWKDWWKHEHVWUHVSRQVHWRVXFKGLVsension is simply to be as explicit as possible about one's criteria for whatever spatial, temporal, typological, functional, or methodological distinctions one is proposing to make.

\$ODUJHQXPEHURIGL൵HUHQWIHDWXUHVLQYROYLQJHLWKHUVKDSHRUGHFRUDWLRQRUDFRPELQDWLRQ RIWKHWZR KDYH EHHQH[SORUHGDQG VRPHWLPHV XWLOL]HGLQDQDWWHPSWWR GH¿QHFKURQRORJLFDO horizons within the LM IIIA2–B ceramic continuum on Crete.9 As far as shape morphology goes, the focus has understandably been on the most common open shapes, that is, deep rim-handled cups, deep bowls, kylikes, footed one-handled cups, and various forms of small handleless bowls LQFOXGLQJWKHXELTXLWRXVµFRQLFDOFXS¶7KHERG\DQGULPSUR¿OHVRISDWWHUQGHFRUDWHGFXSVDQG deep bowls and the handle placement on the latter shape have attracted a good deal of comment,

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 210 11.11.2022 09:00:53

<sup>5</sup> The duration of this period in absolute years depends principally on when the major LM IIIA2 Early destruction of Knossos is to be dated, either comparatively early (c. 1375/1370) or as much as a full generation later (c. WKHODWHUGDWHEHLQJEDVHGRQWKHLGHQWL¿FDWLRQRIDUHIHUHQFHWRD6HGIHVWLYDORQDVFDUDERIWKH(J\Stian pharaoh Amenophis III recovered from Sellopoulo Tomb 4 at Knossos (Wiener 2018).

<sup>6</sup> Brogan et al. 2002; Kanta 2003; Smith 2004; Smith 2005; Warren 2005; Langohr 2009, 200–204, 209–217, 220– 221, 230–233; Smith 2010.

<sup>7</sup> Hallager – Hallager 1997 (LM III); Brogan – Hallager 2011 (LM IB).

<sup>8</sup> Hallager 2011a, 377–379.

<sup>9</sup> For overviews of and commentary on these features from various points of view see the papers in Hallager – Hallager 1997 and Langohr 2017a; see also Rutter 2006a, 517–518, 586–589, 610–630; Langohr 2009, 209–212, 219–227.

yet in my opinion have failed to yield any very useful chronological criteria. Similarly, the banding at the rim and below the decorated zone on patterned cups and bowls have repeatedly been targets of those seeking to generate rules for how to distinguish between LM IIIA2 and LM IIIB pieces. But the number of exceptions to any attempt to apply such rules strictly makes them essentially useless for discerning anything but very broad trends in decorative preferences.

2IJUHDWHUYDOXHIRUGDWLQJSXUSRVHVDOWKRXJKVWLOOLQFDSDEOHRIEHLQJXVHGDVSUR¿WDEO\DVVR PDQ\/+,,,GDWLQJFULWHULDFDQEHDUHWKHIRRWSUR¿OHVRIRQHKDQGOHGIRRWHGFXSVDOVRNQRZQ as champagne cups,10 or the appearance of octopus decoration on Minoan transport stirrup jars,11 both useful as criteria for distinguishing LM IIIB from LM IIIA2. An even more dependable clue WRGL൵HUHQWLDWLQJ/0,,,%IURP/0,,,\$LVWKHDGRSWLRQRQ0LQRDQYHVVHOVIURPPDQ\GL൵HU-HQWSDUWVRI&UHWHRIHLWKHULQGLYLGXDOSDWWHUQVRUVSHFL¿FGHFRUDWLYHV\QWD[HVFKDUDFWHULVWLFRI LH IIIB. Some of these become quite popular at individual Minoan sites, to such an extent that they are occasionally cited as evidence for the actual presence of Mycenaean mainlanders at the Minoan sites in question. A recently published example of such vessels and this kind of interpretation is a set of three high-stemmed kylikes from the pottery-manufacturing center of Gouves situated between Knossos and Malia and practically on the northern coast.12 These have been LGHQWL¿HGDVWKHORFDOSURGXFWVRIDVLQJOHSRWWHUZKRPWKHH[FDYDWRUVXJJHVWVZDVDQLPPLJUDQW from the Peloponnese, possibly from the area around Zygouries. Certainly, the decorative syntax of the Gouves kylikes is closely related to Mycenaean LH IIIB1 kylikes, except for the very sparse banding on the stems, and their solid rather than pierced stems are just as certainly more at home on the mainland than on LM IIIB Crete. Clay analyses, possibly supporting even if not proving their local manufacture at Gouves, would enhance the excavator's case that these drinking vessels are the works of a migrant mainland potter who came to Gouves at some point during the 13th century to work there. But whether or not their maker was a mainland potter, the early LH IIIB style of these kylikes furnishes only a *terminus post quem* for their date. Precisely *when* within LM IIIB such Minoan adaptations of Mycenaean patterns began or became truly popular LVGL൶FXOWWRVD\JLYHQWKHSUHVHQWVWDWHRISXEOLFDWLRQRIZHOOVWUDWL¿HG/0,,,%FRQWH[WVRQWKH island. As a consequence, the usages of adopted Mycenaean patterns such as paneled patterns (FM 75) or antithetic spiral compositions (FM 50) are not presently as useful as they may become if subjected to more detailed study.13

Careful analyses of the impact of Mycenaean as well as regional Minoan decorative motifs on the output of particular Minoan 'workshops' have been undertaken in the case of the so-called Local Kydonian Workshop,14 and also in the cases of the LM IIIA–B pottery from Mochlos15 and

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 211 11.11.2022 09:00:53

<sup>10</sup> Hallager 1997a, 30; Hallager 1997b, 408 (shape A6); Hallager 2011a, 378.

<sup>11</sup> Hatzaki 2017, 67, tab. 3.3.

<sup>12</sup>&KDW]L9DOOLDQRX±¿J

<sup>13</sup> More detailed analyses of these imitations of Mycenaean decorative motifs form part of a 2013 PhD thesis by Katrin Bernhardt at the University of Vienna recently published in monograph form (Bernhardt 2021). But if an analytical program of research of this kind is to be undertaken (e.g. Bernhardt 2016 for a sample methodology), LWZLOOREYLRXVO\EHLPSRUWDQWWREHVXUHWKDWWKHSDWWHUQVRUVKDSHIHDWXUHVLGHQWL¿HGDVLPLWDWLRQVRI0\FHQDHDQ /+,,,%GDWHKDYHEHHQDFFXUDWHO\LGHQWL¿HGDVVXFK0XOWLSOHVWHPSDWWHUQV)0QHHGQRWEHRI0\FHQDHDQ origin or LM IIIA2–B date, since loosely comparable patterns on Crete exist already as early as LM IB in the form RIPXOWLSOHTXLUNVHJ5XWWHUDQR;¿J;QR;1¿J;1WKDW could have evolved on Crete into a pattern close to the mainland version of multiple stem cited by Bernhardt as an H[DPSOHRI/0,,,%&UHWDQERUURZLQJ:DWURXVQR¿JSO %HUQKDUGW¿J\$Q intermediate LM IIIB pattern that shows clearly enough how this evolution might have occurred without the need to LQYRNHDQ\0\FHQDHDQLQÀXHQFHDSSHDUVRQDSDLURIGHHSULPKDQGOHGFXSVDOVRIURP.RPPRV:DWURXV QR¿JSO±QRSO)RUWKH0\FHQDHDQLPSDFWRQ0LQRDQFHUDPLFSURGXFWLRQGXULQJ the LM IIIA–B periods, see now Bernhardt 2021, 113–253.

<sup>14</sup> Hallager – Hallager 2000, 171–172, 203–205; Hallager – Hallager 2003, 261, 298–299; Hallager 2011a, 375–376, ¿J +DOODJHU¿J+DOODJHUE±+DOODJHU±+DOODJHU±¿J

<sup>15</sup> Smith 2010.

the contemporary local products from the Armenoi-Rethymno region of west-central Crete.16 But sites within the orbit of Knossos in north- and south-central Crete like Archanes, Ayia Triada, and .RPPRVDUHPRUHGL൶FXOWWRH[DPLQHLQWKLVZD\QRWOHDVWEHFDXVHWKHVHWKUHHVLWHVLQSDUWLFXODU KDYH\LHOGHGSULQFLSDOO\VHWWOHPHQW¿QGVUDWKHUWKDQIXQHUDU\DVVHPEODJHVDQGVRWKHLUSRWWHU\LV decidedly more fragmentary.17 Moreover, the actual production locales at LM III sites, marked by pottery kilns and associated workshop facilities, have been found only rarely, notably at Gouves and much further west at Chamalevri.18 Fotini Nezeri has nevertheless suggested plausible criteria IRUWKHLGHQWL¿FDWLRQRIDWOHDVWHLJKW/0 ,,,\$±% µZRUNVKRSWUDGLWLRQV¶DQGKDVSURSRVHGWKH H[LVWHQFHRIDQDGGLWLRQDO¿YHORFDORUUHJLRQDOWUDGLWLRQVWKHODWWHUPRUHWHQWDWLYHO\GXHWRWKHIDU scantier bodies of relevant evidence for these. In this endeavor, she is following in the footsteps RI.DQWDZKRLQZDVDUJXDEO\WKH¿UVWWRPDNHDV\VWHPDWLFH൵RUWWRLGHQWLI\ORFDOFHUDPLF traditions within LM III Crete.19

How are we to agree on ceramic phasing and subphasing when we all recognize that regional identities are becoming progressively more disparate with time after the end of LM IIIA1 or very early in the LM IIIA2 phase? The answer is surely that we must depend on the existence of LQWHUUHJLRQDOH[FKDQJHVRIFHUDPLFVZLWKLQ&UHWHDVZHOODVRQWKHLPSRUWDWLRQRIWLPHVSHFL¿F SRWWHU\W\SHVIURPRXWVLGHWKHLVODQGWRFRUUHODWHWKHYDULRXVVLWHVSHFL¿FFHUDPLFFKURQRORJLHV with each other. The good news is that there is plenty of intra-island ceramic exchange during the 14th and 13thFHQWXULHVDVZHOODVFRQVLGHUDEOHWUD൶FLQSRWWHU\ERWKWRDQGIURPFXOWXUH]RQHV outside of Minoan Crete. The bad news is that we have yet to quantify and otherwise evaluate VXFKH[FKDQJHVLQVX൶FLHQWGHWDLOWRDOORZWKHPWRDVVLVWXVPXFKLQ¿UPLQJXSRXUGH¿QLWLRQV of both phases and regional identities.20 We also have relied – as has also been the tradition on the Greek mainland – overwhelmingly on decorated table wares and failed until very recently to pay VX൶FLHQWDWWHQWLRQWRVWRUDJHDQGWUDQVSRUWYHVVHOVRUWRFRRNLQJSRWWHU\7KHEHVWNQRZQH[DP-SOHVRILQWUDLVODQGFHUDPLFH[FKDQJHDUH¿QHGHFRUDWHGSRWWHU\SURGXFHGLQ&KDQLDWKHRXWSXW of the already cited Local Kydonia Workshop), Knossos,21 and Palaikastro,22 as well as large and for the most part coarse transport stirrup jars,23ZKLOHWKHPRVWZLGHO\SXEOLVKHGR൵LVODQGLPSRUWV DUH0\FHQDHDQDQG&\SULRW¿QHZDUHVDOWKRXJKDIDLUDPRXQWRIDWWHQWLRQKDVDOVREHHQSDLGWR transport vessels such as Canaanite and Egyptian amphorae and Cypriot pithoi.24

Why is the issue of ceramic regionalism on Crete relevant to the issue of 'Synchronizing the Destructions of the Mycenaean Palaces'? One answer to this question involves the interpretation of such regionalism and thus its potential implications, regardless of where it may appear. On Crete, as already noted, there is a fairly sudden change in the nature of ceramic regionalism at the end of LM IIIA1 or early in LM IIIA2. There appears to be universal agreement among specialists that the subsequent increase in the degree of regionalism in central and western Crete is a direct

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 212 11.11.2022 09:00:53

<sup>16</sup> Nezeri 2013, 57–63, 161–185.

<sup>17</sup> For an overview of the relationships between the major excavated sites in the western Mesara (Ayia Triada, Kommos, and Phaistos) in Neopalatial and Post-palatial times see Shaw 2006, esp. 866–875, tab. 5.1. For the frequency of Knossian ceramic imports to Kommos relative to those from any other Cretan production centers see Watrous 1992, 149–154; Rutter 2017a, 174–175, 195–196, 218–230. For Ayia Triada, Kommos, and Phaistos in LM IIIB see Borgna 2017; D'Agata 2017; Rutter 2017b.

<sup>18</sup> &KDW]L9DOOLDQRX\*RXYHV/0,,,%\$QGUHDGDNL9OD]DNL±3DSDGRSRXORX¿JV±&KDPDlevri, LM IIIC Early).

<sup>19</sup> Kanta 1980, 288–293.

<sup>20</sup> For a recent overview of the correlation of Minoan and Mycenaean ceramic phasing during the LM/LH IIIA–B periods, see Bernhardt 2021, 22–24, 319–325, 327–329.

<sup>21</sup> Watrous 1992, 150–152; Hallager – Hallager 2003, 246–248; Hallager 2011a, 360–363; Rutter 2017a, 218–230.

<sup>22</sup>:DWURXV +DOODJHU ±+DOODJHU 6PLWK ±¿J 5XWWHU D ± Hallager 2011a, 363–364; Rutter 2017a, 419, s.v. 'imported pottery: East Cretan'.

<sup>23</sup> Day et al. 2011; Haskell et al. 2011; Kardamaki et al. 2016; Pratt 2016; Knapp – Demesticha 2017.

<sup>24</sup> Watrous 1992, 153–169; Rutter 2006b; Karageorghis et al. 2014; Rutter 2014a; Rutter 2014b; Bernhardt 2016; Demesticha – Knapp 2016; Knapp – Demesticha 2017; Bernhardt 2021.

UHVXOWRIWKHPDMRUGHVWUXFWLRQE\¿UHRIWKHSDODFHDW.QRVVRVDWWKDWWLPHWKHRQO\LGHQWL¿DEOH palatial center on the island and the location of its only literate palatial administration.25

Three avenues of inquiry immediately suggest themselves. First, is there any indication on WKH\*UHHNPDLQODQGRIDQLPPHGLDWHULSSOHH൵HFWVWHPPLQJIURPWKH.QRVVLDQSDODWLDOGHVWUXFtion just cited, and if so, how extensive might it be? For example, how does the demise of the LH IIIA predecessor of the last palace at Pylos in Messenia line up chronologically with Mervyn Popham's LM IIIA2 Early date for the Knossian palace's principal Late Bronze Age destruction horizon?26 Second, how comparable is the onset of ceramic regionalism as a cultural phenomenon on Crete after this Knossian destruction to what has repeatedly been observed since Vincent R. d'A. Desborough's 1964 publication of *The Last Mycenaeans and Their Successors*, namely that *Mycenaean* pottery assemblages beginning not quite three centuries later become stylistically less homogeneous as time goes on during the mainland's Post-palatial era.27 Addressing such a question presupposes a belief in what one might call *comparative regionalism* and would once again clearly require a careful consideration of methodology. But in addition, it draws attention to the problem of an excessive specialization and compartmentalization that has for some time now plagued Aegean prehistoric research. Simply put, how many ceramic specialists working on either Crete or the Greek mainland feel equally comfortable in both areas and thus would be prepared to undertake such a comparative analysis of the history of ceramic regionalism in the DIWHUPDWKRISDODWLDOFROODSVHDWWZRGL൵HUHQWWLPHVLQWKHVHWZRDUHDV"\$UHWKHUHRWKHUFXOWXUH zones in the Aegean that might supply useful comparative data in addressing this question? For example, what might be observable in the Cyclades or in the Dodecanese with respect to ceramic regionalism in the aftermath of either the LM IIIA2 Early destruction of Knossos or the LH IIIB2 Final to earliest LH IIIC palatial destructions on the Greek mainland?28 And third, is the claim that LM IIIB Late and earliest LM IIIC pottery on Crete exhibits a return to greater ceramic uniformity29 sustainable or not? If so, how should this reversal in the phenomenon of regionalization be interpreted, and how should the beginning of this tendency toward greater ceramic uniformity on Crete be dated in mainland Greek terms?

I would like to conclude this highly personal overview of LM III ceramic phasing and contem-SRUDU\UHJLRQDOLVPE\GUDZLQJDWWHQWLRQWRDIXQGDPHQWDOGL൵HUHQFHLQGHWHUPLQLQJWKHUHODWLYH ceramic date of 14th and 13th century Minoan as opposed to Mycenaean excavation contexts. For the past 45 years, thanks principally to the well-known works of Arne Furumark, Elizabeth )UHQFKDQG3HQHORSH0RXQWMR\,KDYHKDGQRVLJQL¿FDQWGL൶FXOW\LQDVVLJQLQJDUHODWLYHGDWHWR WKHSRWWHU\IURPWKHPDLQODQGFRQWH[WVWKDW,KDYHVRUWHGWKURXJKDWDUDQJHRIHLJKWGL൵HUHQWVLWHV both major and minor. Well-established criteria for the determination of such dates have been in existence since I began such work in 1972, and although those have become progressively more UH¿QHGRYHUWKHHQVXLQJGHFDGHVWKHRULJLQDOFULWHULDDUHVWLOOH[WUHPHO\UHOLDEOH%\FRQWUDVWFRQ- ¿GHQWO\HVWDEOLVKLQJUHODWLYHGDWHVIRU0LQRDQFRQWH[WVKDVRIWHQEHHQPRUHSUREOHPDWLFIRUWKH simple reason that ceramic regionalism on Crete seems to have been more pervasive throughout

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 213 11.11.2022 09:00:53

<sup>25</sup> Hence the term Monopalatial for the period from the collapse of the Polypalatial era of Neopalatial Crete at the end RI/0,%F%&WRWKHGHVWUXFWLRQE\¿UHRIWKHORQHUHPDLQLQJSDODFHDW.QRVVRVHDUO\LQ/0,,,\$HLWKHU as early as c. 1375 BC or as late as c. 1340 BC). A minority view that the palace at Knossos continued to function as a major administrative center until an advanced stage of LM IIIB has recently been restated by Hallager – Hallager 2015.

<sup>26</sup> See Vitale et al. and Shelmerdine, this volume. Note that there is now solid evidence from more than one Minoan site that LH IIIA2 had begun before LM IIIA1 ended on Crete (Hallager 1988, 181; Hallager 2005; Rutter 2006b, 670–671; Hallager 2007, 196, tab. 1; Hallager – Hallager 2016, 283; Rutter 2017a, 229). Thus, a date for the Knossian destruction in LM IIIA2 Early or even slightly before should be equivalent to a developed LH IIIA2 date, perhaps even later than what mainland specialists from Furumark onwards have been calling LH IIIA2 Early (Thomas 2011; Vitale 2011).

<sup>27</sup> Desborough 1964, 9–17; Desborough 1972, 15–25; Rutter 1977; Mountjoy 1999, 44–47, 50–51, 53–55.

<sup>28</sup> For an even broader comparative perspective see the paper by Jung, this volume.

<sup>29</sup> Langohr 2017b, 25–26.

#### 214 J. B. Rutter

the Bronze Age than in the Peloponnese and central Greece. I would therefore argue that the ceramic specialist working on Crete needs to become aware of a far larger series of typologies involving morphology, decoration and surface treatment, and fabric variability than would be true of a colleague working on the Greek mainland. In my opinion, it is fair to characterize Helladic pottery production as more disciplined than that of Crete, more rule-bound.30 And because Minoan producers and consumers had a greater tolerance for variety and experimentation, the creation by archaeologists of reliable yet comparatively simple Minoan ceramic taxonomies is made much PRUHGL൶FXOWDQGFRPSOH[7KHUHLVDJRRGUHDVRQZK\QR0LQRDQHTXLYDOHQWVRI)XUXPDUN¶V FODVVL¿FDWLRQRU0RXQWMR\¶VKHOSIXOKDQGERRNH[LVW7KHVXEMHFWRI0LQRDQFHUDPLF YDULDELOLW\LVVLPSO\WRRFRPSOLFDWHGHYHQZLWKWKHDGYHQWRIGLJLWDOGDWDEDVHVWREHFRGL¿HGLQD way that applies helpfully and usefully to all of Crete, even for periods of time much shorter than the full duration of the Late Bronze Age.

#### **LM IIIB2 and its Chronological Correlation with the LH III Sequence**

In the remainder of this paper, I will focus on the comparatively short but in my opinion very VLJQL¿FDQW VWDJH RI0LQRDQFHUDPLF GHYHORSPHQWWKDWZDVFRQYLQFLQJO\LVRODWHG RYHUWZR GHcades ago by Birgitta and Erik Hallager at Chania, where they christened this phase LM IIIB2, a phase that has, however, stubbornly resisted easy recognition at other sites. My goals are to draw DWWHQWLRQWRZK\WKLVSKDVHKDVEHHQVRGL൶FXOWWRLGHQWLI\HOVHZKHUHRQ&UHWHWRVXJJHVWKRZ this Minoan phase should be dated in mainland Greek terms, and to show why the peculiarities of this phase are important in the context of a discussion of the major Mycenaean palatial collapses at the end of the LH IIIB period. The content of what follows has been greatly facilitated by the papers given at a workshop held in October 2013 at Louvain-la-Neuve, the proceedings of which were published at the very end of 2017.31 The organizer, Charlotte Langohr, has provided an infor-PDWLYHRYHUYLHZRIWKH¿QGLQJVRIWKDWZRUNVKRSLQDQLQWURGXFWLRQWRWKHVHSURFHHGLQJVHQWLWOHG 'The Late Minoan IIIB Phase on Crete. The State of Play and Future Perspectives', exceptionally helpful for the accuracy, detail, and scope of its coverage.32 The chronological conclusions for the subdivision and absolute dating of this period at eleven major sites on the island were summarized in a table that was jointly produced by the workshop's participants under Langohr's editorial supervision and that is reproduced here as Tab. 1.33

My ensuing comments on the LM IIIB2 or LM IIIB Late phase derive from two principal SHULRGVRIUHVHDUFK¿UVWWKH\HDUV,VSHQWIURPWRLQFKDUJHRIWKHSURFHVVLQJDQDOysis, and publication of Late Minoan pottery from Kommos;34 and second, the half-dozen years from 2012 to the present during which I have had a similar responsibility for the LH IIIC pottery sequence recovered during the most recent excavations of the Austrian Archaeological Institute at Aigeira in eastern Achaea.35

The LM IIIB2 phase at Chania and the distinctive characteristics of its ceramic assemblage KDYHEHHQGHVFULEHGLQDQXPEHURIGL൵HUHQWIRUPDWVRYHUWKHSDVWWZHQW\\HDUV36 The settlement of this phase in Ayia Aekaterini Square represents a partial reoccupation as well as an extension RIDODUJHUHVLGHQWLDOVWUXFWXUH%XLOGLQJGHVWUR\HGLQWKH¿UHWKDWSXWDQHQGWRWKHSUHFHGLQJ LM IIIB1 settlement.377KHUHDUHFRPSHOOLQJUHDVRQVLQWKHIRUPRI¿JXULQHXVDJHIRUVHHLQJLQ

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 214 11.11.2022 09:00:53

<sup>30</sup> Bernhardt 2016, 13–14.

<sup>31</sup> Langohr 2017a.

<sup>32</sup> Langohr 2017b.

<sup>33</sup> Langohr 2017a, 398. See also ns. 69 and 74 below.

<sup>34</sup> E.g. Rutter 2006a; Rutter 2017a; Rutter 2017b.

<sup>35</sup> Gauß et al. 2013; Gauß et al. 2015; Rutter in press.

<sup>36</sup> Hallager 2003, 105–116; Hallager – Hallager 2003; Hallager 2005; Hallager 2007; Hallager 2017.

<sup>37</sup>+DOODJHU±+DOODJHU±±±+DOODJHU±¿J±

the occupants of this reconstructed and extended building personnel who behaved more like My-FHQDHDQPDLQODQGHUVWKDQ0LQRDQVDOWKRXJKWKLVFXOWXUDOLGHQWL¿FDWLRQRILWVRFFXSDQWVPD\KDYH been true of this building alone among those cleared in this sector of the larger settlement.38 Ceramic hallmarks of this LM IIIB2 phase are linearly decorated cups with a single high-swung handle39DQGGHHSERZOVRIGHFLGHGO\0\FHQDHDQL]LQJW\SHZLWKEHOOVKDSHGSUR¿OHVOLSOHVVÀDULQJ rims, and two thin bands at the rim and just below on the interior.40 Among the pattern-decorated GHHSERZOVDUHWKH¿UVWH[DPSOHVRIWKLVVKDSHGHFRUDWHGZLWKDQWLWKHWLFVSLUDOVDQGDGUDPDWLF increase in those decorated with paneled patterns having exterior outlines elaborated with joining semicircle fringes or half-rosettes. Unlike most Minoan-style deep bowls of this period, those of /0,,,%&KDQLDIHDWXUHDKLJKO\YDULDEOHQXPEHURIEDQGVRU¿QHOLQHVEHORZWKHKDQGOH]RQH<sup>41</sup> A couple of these LM IIIB2 deep bowls also feature a deep rim band similar to that characteristic of so-called Group B deep bowls on the mainland, although the Chaniote bowls in question bear typical Minoan rather than standard LH IIIB2 patterns.42 The LM IIIB2 settlement once again FDPHWRDQHQGLQDZLGHVSUHDG¿UHEXWLQWKHVXFFHHGLQJ/0,,,&(DUO\SKDVHWKHVDPHEXLOGLQJV ZHUHUHXVHGZLWKWKHVDPHÀRRUV<sup>43</sup>

I have summarized what has been published about the LM IIIB2 settlement at Chania at some OHQJWK IRUWZR UHDVRQV¿UVW IRUWKHFOHDULQFUHDVHLWVSRWWHU\ UHYHDOVLQZKDWPLJKWEHWHUPHG +HOODGLFLQÀXHQFHRQORFDO¿QHZDUHSURGXFWLRQ44 and second, for the evidence it has yielded for a version of a Minoan LM IIIB1 house being converted into what the excavators imagine to have been the residence of 'Mycenaeans'. But the discovery of two complete dark-surfaced, handmade DQG EXUQLVKHG SRWV SDUW RI D VXEVWDQWLDO ÀRRU GHSRVLW RI YHVVHOV IRXQGLQ5RRP\$ RIWKLV building, has also suggested the possibility that some of this building's occupants may have been immigrants from southern Italy.45

Chania is thus far the only site on Crete to have yielded large quantities of the dark-surfaced handmade and burnished class of pottery (hereafter, HMBW) with clear southern Italian anteced-HQWVWKDWLVDOVRDVLJQL¿FDQWFRPSRQHQWRIWKHFHUDPLFDVVHPEODJHVDWDVXEVWDQWLDOQXPEHURI Peloponnesian sites in the earliest phases of the Post-palatial era.46 In the cases of Chania as well as several sites in the Argolid, the earliest evidence for the presence of this Italianizing but evidently locally produced handmade pottery occurs in small quantities in the phase immediately *preceding*WKHSKDVHZKHQLWDSSHDUVLQVXEVWDQWLDOTXDQWLWLHVDQGDVSDUWRIDVLJQL¿FDQWFKDQJH in the overall ceramic assemblage – that is, in LM IIIB1 at Chania and in LH IIIB2 at Mycenae, Tiryns, and Midea.47 Very shortly after the beginning of the LH IIIC period on the mainland, one of the most distinctive HMBW shapes – a carinated cup known to Italian prehistorians as either a *tazza carenata* (if small) or a *ciotola carenata* (if larger) – begins to be imitated by Mycenaean potters in the form of a wheelmade carinated cup (FS 240), initially either solidly coated (as at

<sup>39</sup>+DOODJHU±¿JE±F+DOODJHU±+DOODJHUSO+DOODJHU¿J

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 215 11.11.2022 09:00:53

<sup>38</sup>+DOODJHU±+DOODJHU)RU0\FHQDHDQ¿JXULQHXVDJHVHH9HWWHUV

<sup>40</sup>+DOODJHU±¿JH±K+DOODJHU±+DOODJHUQ±+DOODJHU±¿J 41 Hallager – Hallager 2003, 208, pl. 51; Hallager 2017, 45.

<sup>42</sup>+DOODJHU±¿JM+DOODJHU±+DOODJHUQR3SOVDQR3SOV 51, 121a.2; 208; Hallager 2017, 46.

<sup>43</sup> Hallager – Hallager 2003, 186–194; Langohr 2017a, 398.

<sup>44</sup> Hallager – Hallager 2003, 261–262.

<sup>45</sup>+DOODJHU±+DOODJHU±%HWWHOOL'¶\$JDWDHWDO±¿JV±WDEV,,±,9

<sup>46</sup> For other sites on Crete at which HMBW pottery of southern Italian derivation has been found see Hallager 2011a, Q5DKPVWRUI¿J\$\LD3HOD\LD.QRVVRV.DVWHOOL3HGLDGD.DQWD±.RQWRSRGL ¿JJ.DVWURNHIDOD'¶\$JDWDHWDO±¿JV±WDE9,,,7KURQRV.HIDOD-XQJ± Aside from a thorough discussion of the evidence from LM IIIB Chania for pottery of this kind (above n. 45), '¶\$JDWDHWDO±¿JV±WDEV9±9,,SURYLGHWKHPRVWGHWDLOHGVXUYH\RIWKDWIURP/0,,,&FRQtexts throughout the island (Ayia Pelayia, Kastelli Pediada, Kastrokefala and Knossos) before concentrating on the LM IIIC evidence from Thronos Kefala.

<sup>47</sup> Jung 2006, 21–47; Kilian 2007; Stockhammer 2008, 283–294; Lis 2009; Hallager 2011a, 371–372, pl. 128; Rahm-VWRUI5RPDQRV6WRFNKDPPHU±'¶\$JDWDHWDO±¿JV±WDEV,,±,9

)LJ &KDQLD\$\LD\$HNDWHULQL6TXDUH/0 ,,,%¿QHZDUHLPLWDWLRQVRIGDUNVXUIDFHG+0%:FDULQDWHGFXSV Scale 1:3 (after Hallager – Hallager 2003, plates as cited in parentheses). 1. 80-P0457/1440 (+70-P0545/0547/0548) (pl. 69); 2. 01-P0101 (pl. 53); 3. 80-P0724/0774 (+84-P0917) (pl. 47); 4. 84-P0545 (pl. 47); 5. 83-P0369 (+80-P0465/ 83-P0312/0324) (pl. 47); 6. 84-P0553 (pl. 47); 7. 84-P0821 (pl. 47); 8. 71-P1389 (pl. 47); 9. 70-P0352/0802/0956 (pl. 85); 10. 71-P0182 (pl. 85).

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 216 11.11.2022 09:00:54

Tiryns and Lefkandi) or bearing principally linear decoration (as at Korakou and Aigeira) – that is, banding. This wheelmade Mycenaean shape is, in fact, a principal diagnostic of the phase now known as LH IIIC phase 2 or LH IIIC Early 2.48

/HWXVUHWXUQWR&KDQLD,Q/0,,,%RQO\DVPDOOQXPEHUSLHFHVRURIWKHWRWDO SLHFHVLQYHQWRULHGRI+0%:IUDJPHQWVKDYHEHHQLGHQWL¿HGLQFOXGLQJH[DPSOHVRIERWKMDUV – *olle* – and carinated cups.49 But in LM IIIB2 the amount of HMBW becomes substantially JUHDWHUSLHFHVRURIWKHWRWDOLQYHQWRULHGVKHUGV50DQGWKH¿UVWORFDOZKHHOmade imitations of carinated cups appear in the form of a single plain example (Fig. 1.1),51 one or two possible pattern-decorated specimens (Fig. 1.2–3),52 but most strikingly in the form of the banded cups that are a particular hallmark of the LM IIIB2 phase (Fig. 1.4–8).53 Most of WKHVHEDQGHGFXSVDFWXDOO\KDYHURXQGHGUDWKHUWKDQPDUNHGO\FDULQDWHGERG\SUR¿OHVDQGWKH\ can be quite large (rim diameters range between 12 and 18cm), but their high-swung handles GL൵HUHQWLDWHWKHPVKDUSO\IURPWUDGLWLRQDO/0,,,FXSW\SHVDQGPDNHWKHLUFRQQHFWLRQZLWKWKH HMBW *tazze* and *ciotole carenate* (Fig. 1.9–10) clear. The parallelism between the appearance and subsequent impact of this HMBW vessel form at Chania and, say, Tiryns is striking, even if WKHORFDOLPLWDWLRQVRIWKH,WDOLDQFDULQDWHGFXSIRUPDUHUDWKHUGL൵HUHQWDW&KDQLDIURPWKRVHRQ the mainland, the mainland variety being as a rule smaller and provided with a far more distinct carination. The Chaniote imitations, in fact, appear to be rather atypical even for Crete, since a somewhat later solidly painted wheelmade imitation (Fig. 2.2) of a dark-surfaced HMBW model (Fig. 2.1), both vessels from contemporary LM IIIC Early contexts at Kastrokefala, ORRNVYHU\VLPLODUWRWKHPDLQODQGW\SHRILPLWDWLRQLQERWKLWVSUR¿OHDQGGHFRUDWLRQ54 Also noteworthy is the fact that the two pattern-decorated carinated open shapes from LM IIIB2 Chania cited above (Fig. 1.2–3) bear simple patterns just above their carinations that closely resemble the incised patterns (continuous vertical bars; opposed diagonals) that occur rarely at and above the carination of Italianizing HMBW carinated cups from LH IIIC Early contexts at Lefkandi, Dimini, Volos-Palia, and Korakou on the mainland.55 Finally, it has become clear that WKH\*UD\:DUHWKDWDSSHDUVDW&KDQLDLQTXDQWLW\IRUWKH¿UVWWLPHLQ/0,,,%DQGWKDWGXULQJ that phase is most abundantly represented in the form of carinated high-handled cups sugges-WLYHRIDVRXWKHUQ,WDOLDQDQFHVWU\¿QGVLWVFORVHVWSDUDOOHOVLQWKH\$HJHDQZRUOGDW'LPLQLDQG perhaps also Tiryns, but that it is not as closely related to the Gray Ware of southern Italy as is that from LH IIIC Early 1 Dimini.56

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 217 11.11.2022 09:00:54

<sup>48</sup> Rutter 1977; Deger-Jalkotzy 1982; Stockhammer 2008, 53–58; Rutter 2020, 213–215.

<sup>49</sup>+DOODJHUD±QSOVF±+DOODJHUE±'¶\$JDWDHWDO±¿J 4, tabs. II–III.

<sup>50</sup>+DOODJHU±+DOODJHU±±WDEV%HWWHOOL±¿JV±±'¶\$JDWDHWDO ±¿JWDEV,,,9+DOODJHU

<sup>51</sup> Hallager – Hallager 2003, 157, 204, 236, pls. 69.80-P0457/1440 (+70-P0545/0547/0548); 129d.7.

<sup>52</sup> Hallager – Hallager 2003, 151, 212, pls. 53.01-P0101; 122f.4; 164, 261, pls. 47.80-P0724/0774 (+84-P0917); 130e.3.

<sup>53</sup>+DOODJHU±+DOODJHUQ±SOV'¶\$JDWDHWDO¿J%5XWWHU±Q ¿J±+DOODJHU¿J

<sup>54</sup>.DQWD±.RQWRSRGL¿JJLIURPWZRGL൵HUHQWURRPVZLWKLQWKHVDPHEXLOGLQJFRPSOH[

<sup>55</sup>-XQJ±SO%HWWHOOL¿J\$GULPL6LVPDQL¿J>VKHUGQR@5XWWHU ¿JV±6HHDOVRDVKDOORZKDQGOHOHVVERZOLQGDUNVXUIDFHG+0%:IURP'LPLQLZLWKYHU\VLPLODU decoration (Jung 2006, 36; Adrimi-Sismani 2013, 250 no. BE 2969, pl. 80a).

<sup>56</sup> For the Gray Ware from LM IIIB2 Chania see Hallager – Hallager 2003, 254–256, pl. 86; D'Agata et al. 2012, tabs. II–V. For the relationships of the various Gray Ware assemblages from Chania, Tiryns, and Dimini to each other see Jung 2006, 47–51. He repeats and agrees with Bettelli's 1999 arguments that the Gray Ware cups from Chania should not be compared to southern Italian Gray Ware cups (Jung 2006, 50 n. 363), in marked contrast to the Gray Ware carinated cups from Dimini. For the Gray Ware from LH IIIC Early 1 contexts at Dimini see Adrimi-Sismani 2006; Adrimi-Sismani 2013, 248–249. Note Reinhard Jung's reservations about the presence of Gray Ware carinated cups at Tiryns (Jung 2006, 48 n. 339–340). I am grateful to Bartek Lis for drawing Jung's comments about this Tirynthian material to my attention.

)LJ .DVWURNHIDOD/0,,,&(DUO\FDULQDWHGFXSV6FDOHDIWHU.DQWD±.RQWRSRGL¿JJL+0%:FXS (Building complex 1, Room 11); 2. wheelmade and solidly painted cup (Building complex 1, Room 13).

The preceding review of the appearance of high-handled carinated cups at Chania in the local LM IIIB2 phase in both a dark-surfaced handmade and burnished ware as well as in a wheel-PDGH¿QH\*UD\:DUHDQGWKHVHHPLQJO\FRQWHPSRUDU\LPLWDWLRQRIWKDWVKDSHRFFDVLRQDOO\LQ plain as well as pattern-decorated local fabrics, but most commonly in a linearly decorated and more rounded form, when juxtaposed with the appearance of similar wheelmade Gray Ware (in LH IIIC Early 1) and HMBW (in LH IIIC Early 1–2) carinated cups on the Greek mainland, followed by their imitation there in solidly coated as well as linearly decorated versions in LH IIIC Early 2, raises the possibility that the introduction of this distinctive high-handled cup form was roughly contemporary in both areas, as opposed to being a phenomenon that occurred decades earlier on Crete than on the mainland. In other words, might Chaniote LM IIIB2 not be largely, perhaps even completely, contemporary with LH IIIC Early 1, and perhaps even part of Early 2, at Tiryns, Lefkandi, and Korakou?57

A number of additional considerations suggest that this could indeed be the case. For example, several other unusual pottery shapes appear in LM IIIB2 Chania that, though paralleled in LH IIIB2 contexts on the mainland, are in some cases better-paralleled in LH IIIC Early contexts: a pattern-decorated side-handled kalathos (FS 291) with a distinctly Helladic-looking pro- ¿OH)LJ58 a very shallow bowl from the same context that resembles what would be called a tray (FS 322) on the mainland (Fig. 3.2);59 a linear basin of typical Helladic type (FS 294) that is characteristic of both LH IIIB2 and LH IIIC Early contexts in the Peloponnese but that here IHDWXUHVOLJKWRQGDUNEDUJURXSVLQDGGHGZKLWHRQWKHÀDWWHQHGWRSRIWKHOLS)LJ60 and a linearly decorated deep cup with a hollowed raised base (FS 215) from Post-Minoan strata at

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 218 11.11.2022 09:00:54

<sup>57</sup>7KHDUJXPHQWWKDWIROORZVKDVEHHQDQWLFLSDWHGRQVRPHZKDWGL൵HUHQWJURXQGVE\-XQJLQKLVUHYLHZRIWKH+0%: evidence from Chania (Jung 2006, 181–185).

<sup>58</sup> Hallager – Hallager 2003, 27, 225 n. 308, pls. 64.73-P0725; 90f.1. For this shape in mainland contexts, Mountjoy VYµ.DODWKRV)6¶3RSKDPHWDO¿J±1RWHWKHÀDWWHQHGWRSRIWKHULPDQG WKHLQWHULRUKROORZLQJRIWKHOLSRQWKHNDODWKRVIURP&KDQLDDQGFRPSDUH/+,,,&0LGGOHSUR¿OHVRQWKLVVKDSH HJ0RXQWMR\¿JERWWRPIRUWKHGHFRUDWLRQRQWKH&KDQLDSLHFHDQGHVSHFLDOO\LWVV\QWD[FRPSDUHDQ H[DPSOHIURPWKH0HQHODLRQLQ/DFRQLD&DWOLQJYROQR\$'&DWOLQJYRO¿J AD 24).

<sup>59</sup> Hallager – Hallager 2003, 27, 225, pls. 64.73-P0594; 90f.2. For this shape in mainland contexts see Popham et al. ¿J\$QH[DPSOHRIWKHW\SHKDVEHHQLGHQWL¿HGLQDFRQWH[WRI/+,,,&(DUO\DW\$LJHLUDVRLWZDV introduced on the mainland earlier than its conventional LH IIIC Middle 2 date of appearance (Mountjoy 2007, 222, ¿J

<sup>60</sup> Hallager – Hallager 2003, 169 (with the mention of the light-on-dark motif), 209, pls. 53.84-P1338, 132f.4. For WKLVVKDSHLQPDLQODQGFRQWH[WVVHH3RSKDPHWDO¿J±&DWOLQJYRO±HVSKLV \*URXS>D@.DUGDPDNL±)RUWKHSUR¿OHRIWKHH[DPSOHIURP&KDQLDFRPSDUHDSODLQEDVLQIURPWKH 0HQHODLRQLQ/DFRQLD&DWOLQJYROQR\$'&DWOLQJYRO¿J\$'

Fig. 3 Chania, Ayia Aekaterini Square, LM IIIB2 pottery with close parallels from LH IIIB2–IIIC Early parallels on the Greek mainland. Scale 1:3 (after Hallager – Hallager 2003, plates as cited in parentheses). 1. patterned kalathos 73-P0725 (pl. 64); 2. patterned tray 73-P0594 (pl. 64); 3. linear basin 84-P1338 (pl. 53); 4. linear deep semi-globular cup 77-P2154 (+77-P0212; 77-P0222; 77-P2149) (pl. 87).

Chania that is quintessentially characteristic of LH IIIC Early as well as of later LH IIIC phases (Fig. 3.4).61

2QWRSRIWKHDERYH¿QGLQJVDW&KDQLDLWVHOIRQHPD\QRWHWKHGLVFRYHU\RIWZR/0,,,%&KDniote vessels, a deep bowl62 and a stirrup jar,63 that have been found at the southern Italian site of Punta di Zambrone in contexts associated with late LH IIIB and LH IIIC Early 1 pottery.64

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 219 11.11.2022 09:00:55

<sup>61</sup> Hallager – Hallager 2003, 183, 258, pls. 87.77-P2154; 137b.2. See also the linear rim 71-P0461 described and illustrated on Hallager – Hallager 2003, 182, 258, pl. 136a.1. For a full discussion of the still disputed date of appearance of such cups on the mainland see Kardamaki 2009, 241–245; for the shape during the full LH IIIC SHULRGVHH3RSKDPHWDO¿J\$OWKRXJKWKHVLQJOHH[WHULRUERG\EDQGDWWKHEDVHRIWKHKDQGOH]RQH on the cup from Chania can be paralleled only occasionally on mainland cups in the Argolid (Kardamaki 2009, 242 QQRWXQWLO/+,,,&0LGGOHLQ\$WWLFD0RXQWMR\QQR¿JDQGUDUHO\LIDW all further north, this feature appears to be common in LH IIIC Early Laconia, both at the Menelaion (Catling 2009, YROQRV3(3(3(3(±&DWOLQJYRO¿J3(3( 3(3(DQG\$\LRV6WHSKDQRV0RXQWMR\QR¿JDVZHOODVDW.RXNRXQDULHV RQ3DURV0RXQWMR\QQR¿JDWDOOWKUHHVLWHVZLWKDEDQGDWWKHH[WHULRUEDVHDV well. The Chania cup unfortunately comes from a Post-Minoan context, so that its attribution to LM IIIB2 by the H[FDYDWRUVPXVWEHFRQVLGHUHGXQFHUWDLQEXWVLQFH/+,,,&FHUDPLFLPSRUWVLGHQWL¿HGLQ/0,,,&FRQWH[WVRQ&UHWH are extremely unusual (Hallager – Hallager 2003, 252 n. 534), even at Chania, there is a very good chance that this piece has been appropriately attributed to the LM IIIB2 settlement there.

<sup>62</sup>-XQJHWDOD±QR¿J\$VQRWHGE\-XQJHWDOWKLV&KDQLRWHLPSRUWLVFORVHO\SDUDOOHOHGLQ shape and decoration by a patterned deep bowl reused as a lamp from a relatively late LM IIIB context at Kommos (Rutter 2006a, 541 no. 59/6, pls. 3.67; 3.93a–b; for the date within LM IIIB of its context of discovery at Kommos, the destruction horizon of Building N in the Southern Area, see Langohr 2017a, 398; Rutter 2017b, 246).

<sup>63</sup>-XQJHWDOD±QR¿J

<sup>64</sup>)RUWKH1\$\$DQDO\VHVWKDWKDYHFRQ¿UPHGWKHVHSLHFHVDVEHLQJRI&KDQLRWHRULJLQVHH-XQJHWDOE± tab. 3, samples Zamb3 and Zamb9. I am extremely grateful to Reinhard Jung for drawing these two Chaniote exports to southern Italy and their analyses to my attention.

#### 220 J. B. Rutter

\$FRXSOHRIDGGLWLRQDOIHDWXUHVRIWKH/0,,,%SRWWHU\IURP&KDQLDDUHZRUWKQRWLQJWKH¿UVW solid stirrup jar false necks appear at this time,65DVGRWKH¿UVWGHHSERZOVZLWKDUWLFXODWHGEDVHV whether of genuine ring type or hollowed and raised.66 The second of these two features links this phase at Chania with what has been termed LM IIIB Late at sites in central Crete such as Knossos, Kalamafka, and Kommos,67 while the appearance at Kommos and also at Sissi of imported LH IIIC Early stirrup jars in LM IIIB Late contexts68 supports the notion that the Post-palatial era on the mainland had begun well before the end of what we have been calling LM IIIB. But if Chaniote LM IIIB2 is contemporary with what is being called LM IIIB Late at these other sites,69 ZK\GRHVLWVFHUDPLFDVVHPEODJHORRNVRGL൵HUHQW"

7KHDQVZHUWRWKLVTXHVWLRQOLHVLQWKHORFDOFLUFXPVWDQFHVWKDWD൵HFWHGGL൵HUHQWSDUWVRI &UHWHLQYHU\GL൵HUHQWZD\VDWWKLVWLPHDVZHOODVLQWKHIDLUO\DGYDQFHGQDWXUHRIWKHFHUDPLF regionalism that had come to characterize the island generally by the last quarter of the 13th century BC. Knossos, Kommos, and Ayia Triada, to name just three major central Cretan sites, had been in gradual decline for some time by the latter part of LM IIIB. The Post-palatial town of Knossos was soon to be abandoned and relocated in LM IIIB Late, possibly after a brief hiatus in settlement, a good deal further to the west than during LM IIIA2 and LM IIIB Early times, in the process of which move its inhabitants evidently gave up writing and began living LQDVLJQL¿FDQWO\GL൵HUHQWZD\70 Kommos and Ayia Triada were almost completely abandoned by the end of the LM IIIB period, their inhabitants probably relocating to the renascent center at Phaistos.71 Both small and large settlements further east such as Mochlos and Palaikastro appear to have been abandoned even earlier within LM IIIB, and when reoccupied in LMIIIB Late witnessed similar relocations, in the case of Palaikastro to the more defensible summit of Kastri. The foundations of new settlements in the west-central region of Crete at the sites of Chamalevri (on the Tsikouriana ridge)72 and Thronos Kefala (Sybrita)73 show that such major moves were a feature of virtually all regions of Crete at one point or another during LM IIIB (Tab. 1).74 What sets Chania apart is the presence of south Italian and possibly also some Myce-QDHDQLPPLJUDQWVWKH¿UVWVKRZLQJXSLQVPDOOQXPEHUVLQWKHORFDO/0,,,%SKDVHDQGERWK being well represented in what has been called LM IIIB2. As far as Mycenaeans are concerned, &KDQLDFDQERDVWRIKDYLQJUHFHLYHGVRPHRIDOOGRFXPHQWHG0\FHQDHDQ/+,,,\$±%LPports to Crete:75 it is no real surprise that its own potters should have absorbed more in the way RI0\FHQDHDQFHUDPLFLQÀXHQFHE\WKHHQGRIWKH/0,,,%SHULRGWKDQLVGHWHFWDEOHDQ\ZKHUH else on Crete by that time.

\$OORIWKLVHYLGHQFHIRUPRYHPHQWRIVXEVWDQWLDOQXPEHUVRIZLGHO\GLVSHUVHG\HWRQFH¿UPO\ anchored local populations indicates that a high degree of turbulence as well as social mobility

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 220 11.11.2022 09:00:55

<sup>65</sup> Hallager – Hallager 2003, 215–216 n. 208–209.

<sup>66</sup> Hallager – Hallager 2003, 29, 208 n. 113, 209 n. 118, 257, pls. 52.71-P0761; 91a; 205 n. 89, 93, pls. 49.71-P0813, 91b.

<sup>67</sup> .QRVVRV+DW]DNL±¿J±+DW]DNL¿JV3333.D-ODPDIND.DQWD±.RQWRSRGL±¿JD.RPPRV:DWURXVQRSOPLVODEHOHG '1742'); 109 nos. 1920–1922; 145, 147, pls. 26, 48–49; Rutter 2006a, 574 no. 78/16, 628–629, pl. 3.85.

<sup>68</sup>.RPPRV5XWWHUE¿J&6LVVL/DQJRKUF±¿JH6HHDOVR.DQWD ±.RQWRSRGL¿JD±E.DODPDINDWKH¿UVWRIWKHVHWZRVWLUUXSMDUVVHHPVLQVHYHUDOUHVSHFWVWREH a close imitation of a mainland LH IIIC stirrup jar of FS 175 type). For the broader implications of LH IIIC Early imports in LM IIIB contexts see Langohr 2017b, 22–24.

<sup>69</sup>)RUDPXOWLSO\DXWKRUHGDWWHPSWDWDVVHPEOLQJD UHODWLYHFKURQRORJ\RIVLJQL¿FDQWFHUDPLFGHSRVLWVRIWKHODWHU /0,,,%SHULRGEDVHGXSRQ¿QGLQJVDWGL൵HUHQW0LQRDQVLWHVRFFXSLHGGXULQJWKHVHFRQGKDOIRIWKHth century BC, see Langohr 2017a, 398 (= Tab. 1 of the present article).

<sup>70</sup> Hatzaki 2005; Warren 2005; Warren 2007; Hatzaki 2017.

<sup>71</sup> Borgna 2017; D'Agata 2017; Langohr 2017b, 19–20, 25; Rutter 2017b.

<sup>72</sup> Andreadaki-Vlazaki – Papadopoulou 2005.

<sup>73</sup> D'Agata 2003; D'Agata 2007.

<sup>74</sup> Langohr 2017a, 398; Langohr 2017b, 17–20.

<sup>75</sup> Bernhardt 2016, 14.

Fig. 4 Aigeira, LH IIIC Early transport stirrup jar with SRVW¿ULQJ LQFLVHG PDUN RQ XSSHU VXUIDFH RI IDOVH QHFN disc, inventory no. FGA 1975/365-1 (courtesy of Austrian Archaeological Institute's excavations at Aigeira, director Walter Gauß).

FKDUDFWHUL]HGWKLVSHULRGZLWKWKHGL൵HUHQFH at Chania being that the population movement in question consisted of *immigration* rather than *emigration*. The relocation of south Italian and possibly also mainland Greek groups to Chania in LM IIIB2 times is surely reminiscent of what must have been happening during the earliest LH IIIC period in the immediate aftermath of the palatial destructions at sites such as Dimini and the Lower Town at Tiryns. But what is missing at almost all Minoan sites at the end of their respective LM IIIB stages of occupation are destruction horizons. Instead, abandonment is the rule, with Chania sticking out as a noteworthy exception.

One consequence of all the moving around in later or latest LM IIIB is that the ensuing LM IIIC Early phase becomes far more uniform in terms of its ceramic assemblages than had previously been the case. This increased homogeneity of ceramic production, distribution, and consumption is presumably due to the movement of both potters and their production facilities in addition to that of the populations that they served. The excavated production center at Gouves was abandoned *before* this LM IIIC Early phase, as must have been the long-

established workshops in the Palaikastro area even earlier. Thus, the localized ceramic tra-GLWLRQV RI WKH /0 ,,,\$±% SHULRGV LGHQWL¿HG E\ .DQWD +DOODJHU DQG 1H]HUL76 presumably GLVDSSHDUHGJUDGXDOO\EHFDXVHRIWKHSRSXODWLRQPRYHPHQWVWKDWFKDUDFWHUL]HGGL൵HUHQWSDUWV RI&UHWHDWUDWKHUGL൵HUHQWWLPHVGXULQJWKHFRXUVHRIWKH/0,,,%SHULRG2QO\WKHWUDGLWLRQ centered at Chania continued, and along with it the lengthier survival of a tradition of writing in the form of the Linear B inscriptions painted on transport stirrup jars, a practice that interestingly appears to have reached its peak during LM IIIB2, thus possibly accounting for the discovery of quite a few fragments as well as an occasional whole example of such large stirrup jars in LH IIIC Early levels at Tiryns.77 Could it be that the population mix of LM IIIB2 Chania had been altered by the arrival of refugees from the destructions occurring at numerous locations throughout the Peloponnese at the very end of the LH IIIB period? Might the occupants of Building 1 in Ayia Aekaterini Square be a mixture of Mycenaean mainlanders and recently arrived south Italian immigrants similar to the mix seemingly attested by a very similar mixture of ceramic assemblages at LH IIIC Early 1 Dimini?

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 221 11.11.2022 09:00:55

<sup>76</sup> Kanta 1980, 288–293; Hallager – Hallager 2000, 163–164, 171–172; Hallager – Hallager 2003, 246–248, 260; Hallager 2011a, 360–364, 375–376; Nezeri 2013, 161–185.

<sup>77</sup> Maran 2005; Kardamaki et al. 2016.


Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 222 11.11.2022 09:00:55



Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 223 11.11.2022 09:00:55

Tab. 1 (continued).

Here, within a chronological table covering the 13thFHQWXU\%&WKHGL൵HUHQWFRQWULEXWRUVWULHGWRVLWXDWHWKHRFFXSDWLRQDOSKDVHVRIWKHLUUHVSHFWLYH/0,,,%VLWHVDQGWKHUHODWHGEXLOGLQJVDUHDVFRQWH[WVRUFHUDPLFVHTXHQFHSKDV-LQJJURXSV7KLVHYHQWXDOO\FRQWULEXWHVWRRXUFROODERUDWLYHH൵RUWWREHWWHUGH¿QHRXURULJLQDOTXHVWLRQ³KRZORQJLVDFHQWXU\"´

#### LM IIIB Ceramic Regionalism and Chronological Correlations 223

#### 224 J. B. Rutter

I will end this imaginative reconstruction of events on Crete with the observation that the LH IIIC Early population that settled Aigeira in eastern Achaea shortly after the beginning of the mainland's Post-palatial era (LH IIIC Early 2) made use of linear carinated cups in small numbers at the time of their arrival at the site, although there is no evidence whatsoever for either *tazze carenate* or *ciotole carenate* within the highly distinctive HMBW pottery repertoire from the site.78 They also had access to a small number of transport stirrup jars, including one example ZLWKDQLQFLVHGDQGSUREDEO\&\SULRWSRVW¿ULQJPDUNFHQWHUHGRQLWVIDOVHQHFNGLVF)LJ<sup>79</sup> Most of the attention traditionally devoted by archaeologists to Post-palatial Aegean population mobility has arguably been focused on the emigration of Minoan, Mycenaean, and island groups to regions outside of the Aegean, whether to the east (Cyprus, Cilicia, Syria, Philistia) or west (southern Italy). Perhaps it is time to devote a little more time and energy to investigating those who remained within the Aegean, even if they, too, had abandoned their former homes *en route* to settling into new locations and mingling with new neighbors.

**Acknowledgments:** I am very grateful to Reinhard Jung, Elina Kardamaki, and OREA for the invitation to participate in the stimulating workshop at which the original version of this paper was delivered. Many thanks to Bartek Lis and Reinhard Jung for information concerning the Italian antecedents of Aegean HMBW, to Walter Gauß for permission to include an image of the incised transport stirrup jar from Aigeira illustrated in Fig. 4, to Katrin Bernhardt for sharing her unpublished PhD dissertation with me prior to its 2021 publication in revised and updated form, to Tina Ross for preparing the layouts of the line drawings, and especially to Bartek Lis, Charlotte Langohr, and both editors for helpful comments on earlier versions of this paper. Its remaining failings, whatever they may be, are entirely my own.

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Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 230 11.11.2022 09:00:55

## **The Demise of the Mycenaean Palaces: The Need for an Interpretative Reset**

#### *Joseph Maran*<sup>1</sup>

**Abstract:** This paper dealing with the demise of the Mycenaean palaces is intended as a plea for an interpretive reset and a departure from any search for a single 'prime mover' allegedly responsible for this historical watershed. The doubts regarding the validity of the 'earthquake hypothesis' should be perceived as an opportunity to look for alternatives to previous explanatory approaches that were too simplistic. In order to do this, attention must shift away from events and towards assessing those structures and processes that enabled the palaces' demise. In this respect, three closely interrelated factors of historical, political, and social relevance to which I ascribe a crucial importance will be GLVFXVVHG¿UVWFRQÀLFWVDPRQJWKHHOLWHVVHFRQGODUJHVFDOHFRQVWUXFWLRQSURMHFWVDQGWKLUGFKDQJHVLQWKHSDODWLDO DUPHGIRUFHV,WLVDUJXHGWKDWWKHSDODFHVZHUHEURXJKWGRZQ¿UVWDQGIRUHPRVWE\LQWHUQDOFRQWUDGLFWLRQVWKDWKDG long built up in the palatial polities and were exploited by members of the elite. Alongside antagonistic fault lines that developed over a long period of time, centrifugal forces were unleashed by social groups pursuing their own interests and forging alliances to strengthen their power base.

**Keywords:** Mycenaean palaces, destructions, medium- and long-term factors, collective violence

#### **Beyond the Search for 'Prime Movers' and the Focus on the Short-Term**

One of the few certainties about the Mycenaean Palatial period is that it came to an end with H[WHQVLYHFRQÀDJUDWLRQV\$UJXDEO\SDODFHVKDGJRQHGRZQLQÀDPHVORQJEHIRUHWKHHQGRIWKH SKDVH/+,,,%DVH[HPSOL¿HGQRWOHDVWE\WKHH[FDYDWLRQVDW\$\LRV9DVLOHLRVDQGIXUWKHUVXSSRUW-HGE\¿UHGHVWUXFWLRQVGDWLQJWRWKHth or late 14th century BCE at Mycenae, Tiryns and Thebes. <HWWKHPDVVLYHGHVWUXFWLRQVWKDWEURXJKWWKH3DODWLDOSHULRGWRDFORVHZHUHGL൵HUHQWVLQFHWKH SDODFHVZRXOGQHYHUUHFRYHUIURPWKHP\$IWHUWKH¿QDOGHVWUXFWLRQVIDUPRUHWKDQWKHSDODFHV disappeared. The Linear B script ceased to exist, as, apparently, did administrative practices and monumental architecture, while special types of skilled crafts such as wall painting and ivory processing were practiced, at most, on a greatly reduced scale. The crucial question, therefore, LVZK\WKHVHGHVWUXFWLRQVKDGIDUPRUHODVWLQJFRQVHTXHQFHVDWDOORIWKHD൵HFWHGSDODWLDOFHQWHUV than those of earlier periods, when palaces had always managed to recover and reestablish their administrative grip on societies.

Until the 1970s, the prevailing opinion blamed the destructions on attacks by the 'Dorians' or 'Sea Peoples' engaged in long-distance migrations.2 Only in the 1980s did this belief begin to shift after excavations in Midea and Tiryns appeared to provide evidence that a major earthquake KDGFDXVHGWKHSDODWLDOFRQÀDJUDWLRQV<sup>3</sup> 7KLVPDUNHGWKHELUWKRIWKHLQÀXHQWLDOµHDUWKTXDNHK\- SRWKHVLV¶ZKLFKDWWKHWLPHPXVWKDYHEURXJKWVLJQL¿FDQWUHOLHIE\UHSODFLQJROGHUµPLJUDWLRQist' theories that had long dominated research and that by then were regarded as antiquated and

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 231 11.11.2022 09:00:55

<sup>1</sup> Institute for Prehistory, Protohistory and Near Eastern Archaeology, University of Heidelberg, Germany; e-mail: joseph.maran@zaw.uni-heidelberg.de.

<sup>2</sup> For the history of research see Hooker 1976, 166–176; Dickinson 2006, 46–54; Dickinson 2010, 483–484.

<sup>3</sup> Kilian 1980, 182–185; Åström 1985; Kilian 1985, 74–75; Kilian 1988a, 134; Åström – Demakopoulou 1996, 37–40; Kilian 1996. For possible earthquakes at Mycenae see already Iakovidis 1977, 134; but see French 1996 for a cautious perspective.

#### 232 J. Maran

embarrassing.4 Indeed, the formulation of this 'earthquake hypothesis' was an important step as LWUHPLQGHGWKRVHLQWKH¿HOGWKDWWKHSUREOHPRIZKDWKDGFDXVHGWKHGHVWUXFWLRQZDVDQ\WKLQJ but resolved.

Nevertheless, in retrospect, it may be said that the 'earthquake hypothesis' too posed major problems. Since it was formulated by archaeologists5 and based mostly on archaeological arguments,6 it would have been appropriate for them to assess its validity in joint projects with geoscientists at the respective sites.7 ,QVWHDGKRZHYHUWKLQJVWRRNDYHU\GL൵HUHQWWXUQ7KHHDUWKquake hypothesis was considered proven by the 1990s and came to serve as a basis for further hypotheses by geoscientists and archaeologists,8 thereby encouraging the latter to assume that it ZDVFRUUHFW<HWZKHQZHUHFHQWO\WHVWHGWKHµHDUWKTXDNHK\SRWKHVLV¶IRUWKH¿UVWWLPHDW7LU\QV and Midea in a project with the seismologist Klaus-Günter Hinzen and the cooperation of Katie Demakopoulou, we found no clear evidence that an earthquake had caused the destructions marking the end of the Palatial period (LH IIIB2) at these sites.9 This does not preclude the possibility that future investigations may prove otherwise,10 but it does show that the mystery of the causes EHKLQGWKH¿QDOSDODWLDOGHVWUXFWLRQVUHPDLQVXQVROYHGDQGWKDWZHDUHZHOODGYLVHGWRVHHNDQswers elsewhere than in earthquakes.11 Such a reorientation of our attention seems unavoidable, in fact, since it is unlikely in general that earthquakes alone could account for the downfall of any Mycenaean palatial polity. As Nicholas Ambraseys reminds us: 'In contrast with wars, epidemics DQGRWKHUORQJODVWLQJFDODPLWLHVWKDWKDYHVHULRXVDQGSURORQJHGH൵HFWVHDUWKTXDNHVQRPDWWHU how large, seem to have had little long-term impact on Man.'12

This paper does not aim to present an alternative 'prime mover' that would replace the 'earth-TXDNHK\SRWKHVLV¶DVWKHFDXVHRIWKH¿QDOSDODWLDOFRQÀDJUDWLRQV,QVWHDGLWLVLQWHQGHGDVDSOHD for an interpretive reset and a departure from any search for another single 'prime mover' that would serve as the prevalent explanation for a few years before being replaced by its successor.13,WVHHPVWRPHWKDWWKHGRXEWVUHJDUGLQJWKHYDOLGLW\RIWKHµHDUWKTXDNHK\SRWKHVLV¶R൵HU an opportunity to look for alternatives to previous explanatory approaches that, in my opinion, are too simplistic, because one thing is certain: most likely the causes of the destruction were highly complex.14 As a consequence, we must shift our attention away from events and towards assessing those structures and processes that enabled the palaces' demise.15 In addition, we must WU\WRLGHQWLI\DQGGLVHQWDQJOHDYDULHW\RISURFHVVHVWKDWXQIROGHGZLWKLQGL൵HUHQWUDQJHVRIWLPH ,WKHUHIRUHDUJXHWKDWXQGHUVWDQGLQJWKHSRWHQWLDOIDFWRUVWKDWOHGWRWKH¿QDOSDODWLDOGHVWUXFWLRQV requires an analysis of the short as well as medium-to-long-term time frame.

By short-term, I mean the time of the destructions themselves and the years immediately leading up to them, while by the medium- to long-term, I refer to the few decades to roughly a century RUHYHQPRUHWKDWSUHFHGHGWKHP2QHRIWKHSHFXOLDULWLHVRIPRVWSUHYLRXVDSSURDFKHVWRWKH¿QDO

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 232 11.11.2022 09:00:56

<sup>4</sup> Schachermeyr 1980, 26–27.

<sup>5</sup> For an excellent synopsis of the history of research of the 'earthquake hypothesis' see Vanschoonwinkel 2002.

<sup>6</sup> Ambraseys 2006; Kreimerman 2017, 180; Middleton 2017, 138–140.

<sup>7</sup> For an exemplary methodology see Jusseret et al. 2013.

<sup>8</sup> Zangger 1994; Nur – Cline 2000; Nur – Burgess 2008, 11–31, 224–245.

<sup>9</sup> Hinzen et al. 2018.

<sup>10</sup> Force – Rutter 2019, discuss intriguing signs of a possible relation between a tectonic fault running through the &XOW&HQWHURI0\FHQDHDQGWKHGLVWULEXWLRQRI¿QGVHVSHFLDOO\LQWKH7HPSOHFRPSOH[7KH\FRQFOXGHWKDWWHFWRQLF movements along this fault were probably noticed by people of the Palatial period and were integrated into ritual practice. Whether this geological fault or others at Mycenae (Maroukian et al. 1996) could account for some of the destructions of the site during the Palatial period needs to be investigated.

<sup>11</sup> See also Millek 2017, 114.

<sup>12</sup> Ambraseys 2006, 1015.

<sup>13</sup> For a critique of the search for 'prime movers' see already Dickinson 2010, 487–489; Knapp – Manning 2016, 113, 136–138.

<sup>14</sup> Cline 2014, 168–170.

<sup>15</sup> Dickinson 2006, 54–56.

destruction of the palaces is that their scope has been limited to the short-term range and that they have regarded the matter as resolved once a 'prime mover' – be it an earthquake or human agency ±KDVEHHQLGHQWL¿HG\$WPRVWWKH\SRVLWDEULHIFULVLVMXVWEHIRUHWKHFDODPLW\\$QLQWHUUXSWLRQ in the supply of metal in the eastern Mediterranean16DVZHOODVFOLPDWLFÀXFWXDWLRQV17 or even epidemics18 have all been cited as possibilities in this respect. While I consider the arguments for an interruption in the East-Mediterranean metal trade in the second half of the 13th century BCE unconvincing,19 I do believe that the climate factor in particular merits closer examination, as weather did have a direct impact on agriculture and may have caused uprisings and other forms of collective violence when crops failed. The paleoclimatic investigations to date, however, have rested on a relatively crude chronological solution, which is why they are of only limited value to the analysis of short-term historical change such as that which interests us here.20 But I would like to go a step further and state that even the idea of a crisis immediately preceding the destruction falls far short of providing an adequate explanation for it.

7KHJHQHUDOSUREOHPZLWKPRVWSUHYLRXVLQWHUSUHWDWLRQVRIWKH¿QDOSDODWLDOGHYDVWDWLRQVLVWKDW WKH\ZHUHEDVHGRQQHYHUDUWLFXODWHGDQGKLJKO\FRQWHVWDEOHSUHUHTXLVLWHV7KXVDVGL൵HUHQWDV the migration and the earthquake hypotheses seem to be, they both rely – as was already pointed out by Guy Middleton – on a simplistic model, according to which the Mycenaean palaces were, in principle, stable until the very end,21 and were brought down, perhaps after a brief crisis, by events suddenly striking from the outside or from the interior of the earth. For this reason, re-VHDUFKHUVIHOWWKDWLWLVVX൶FLHQWWRUHVWULFWWKHLUIRFXVWRWKHVKRUWWHUP6XFKUHDVRQLQJLVEDVHG on the romantic notion of the downfall of a blossoming civilization through an unforeseen disaster that exerts a great fascination on today's observers and assures an immediate media presence for anyone who claims to be able to pinpoint the reasons behind such a catastrophe.22 But what if the SLFWXUHRIDÀRXULVKLQJDQGVWDEOH0\FHQDHDQSDODWLDOUXOHFXWVKRUWLQLWVSULPHLVÀDZHG":KDW if, on the contrary, this rule rested on a fragile basis throughout its duration and was accompanied E\SHUHQQLDOFULVHV")LQDOO\ZKDWLIORQJEHIRUHWKHLU¿QDOGHVWUXFWLRQWKHVHSDODWLDOVRFLHWLHVKDG DOUHDG\EHHQIUDJPHQWHGLQWRIDFWLRQVZLWKGL൵HUHQWLQWHUHVWVZKLFKDWWLPHVZHUHDQWDJRQLVWLFDOly opposed to each other? In such a case, the destruction of c. 1200 BCE would mark the endpoint of a cumulatively unstable and contested political order.23 It was Manolis Andronikos, who in 1954 argued that the Mycenaean palaces were brought down not by population movements, but E\ORQJWHUPLQQHUVRFLHWDOFRQWUDGLFWLRQVDQGWHQVLRQVEHWZHHQGL൵HUHQWVHJPHQWVRIVRFLHW\<sup>24</sup> It seems to me that he was right and that, if one looks at the Mycenaean palatial centers from WKLVSHUVSHFWLYHRQHZLOO¿QGFOXHVWKDWDUHLQFRQVLVWHQWZLWKWKHQRWLRQRIDVWDEOHFRQWLQXRXVO\ evolving Palatial period. In the course of their existence, all centers were repeatedly subject to fundamental changes in their architectural design, which often occurred after bouts of destruction.25 Some political centers (such as Glas in Boiotia) may have been abandoned before the end of the Palatial period; others (such as Ayios Vasileios in Laconia or Iklaina in Messenia) seem to KDYHVX൵HUHGVLJQL¿FDQWVHWEDFNVZHOOEHIRUH%&(ZKLOH\HWRWKHUVLWHVVXFKDV7LU\QVDQG perhaps also Midea in the Argolid) do not seem to have been fully developed from an architectural SRLQWRIYLHZXQWLOWKH¿QDOVWUHWFKRIWKH3DODWLDOSHULRG:KHUHVWDWHPHQWVDERXWWKHVHTXHQFH of large-scale construction projects can be made, as in the Argolid, one can show that these were

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 233 11.11.2022 09:00:56

<sup>16</sup> Iakovidis 1993.

<sup>17</sup> Carpenter 1966; Bryson et al. 1974; Zerefos – Zerefos 1978; Kaniewski et al. 2010; Kaniewski et al. 2011; Kaniewski et al. 2013; Langgut et al. 2013; Finné et al. 2017; Kaniewski – Van Campo 2017.

<sup>18</sup> Walløe 2000; Middleton 2017, 145–146; Wiener 2017, 47–48.

<sup>19</sup> Maran 2010; Cline 2014, 148–152.

<sup>20</sup> Knapp – Manning 2016, 102–111; Middleton 2017, 136; Middleton 2019, 279–282; Middleton 2020b, 14.

<sup>21</sup> Middleton 2017, 144–145.

<sup>22</sup> Middleton 2017, 4–5.

<sup>23</sup> Parkinson 1999, 98–101; Shelmerdine 2001, 375–376; Deger-Jalkotzy 2008, 387–390; Jung 2016.

<sup>24</sup> Andronikos 1954.

<sup>25</sup> Shelmerdine 2001, 372–373; Dickinson 2006, 42–43; Wiener 2017, 48–49.

conducted with ever-increasing intensity until reaching a true crescendo26LQWKH¿QDOGHFDGHVRI the palaces' existence. Based on such considerations, I will argue here that it is the assessment of the medium- to long-term range that holds the key to understanding not only the background of the destruction in all its complexity, but also the reasons behind its far-reaching consequences.

%XWOHWXV¿UVWDGGUHVVWKHVKRUWWHUPLQZKLFKWKH¿QDOSDODWLDOGHVWUXFWLRQVWRRNSODFHWKH DQDO\VLVRIZKLFKVWLOO UHPDLQVDQLPSRUWDQWLVVXH ,QWKLV UHVSHFWZHDUH IDFHG¿UVWDQG IRUHmost with the unsolved problems of chronological synchronizations.27 It is important to know in which sequence Pylos, Thebes, Mycenae, Tiryns, Dimini, and Kastro-Palia were destroyed and whether the time between their respective devastation can be counted in days, weeks, months or HYHQ\HDUV7KDWVDLGWKHFRQVSLFXRXVFRQFHQWUDWLRQRIFDWDFO\VPLFGLVDVWHUVLQWKH¿QDOVWUHWFK of LH IIIB or the transition to LH IIIC does indicate some interrelation between these acts of destruction. The palaces may have come down simultaneously or in succession, or the destruction may have begun with one palatial polity – perhaps the one centered on the Argolid28 – from which LWVSUHDGHLWKHUWKURXJKDGRPLQRH൵HFWRUE\ UDGLDWLQJWRVXUURXQGLQJ UHJLRQV7KLVEULQJVXV back to the causes behind the devastation. In those sites where assessment is possible, the event appears to correspond to Type 1 of the typology recently proposed by Igor Kreimerman, or 'Complete Burning of an Entire City'.29+RZHYHUVLQFHRQO\DIHZVLWHVR൵HUGHWDLOHGLQIRUPDWLRQRQ WKHLQWHQVLW\DQGQDWXUHRIWKHGHVWUXFWLRQLQVSHFL¿FDUHDVWKHTXHVWLRQUHPDLQVDVWRZKHWKHUWKH palaces were destroyed with greater intensity than were other areas of the respective settlements. The potential research to which this question may give rise has been recently demonstrated by Rein hard Jung,30 to whose conclusions I shall soon return. All the sites suggest that their destruc-WLRQZDVDFFRPSDQLHGE\¿UHZKLFKFRXOGRQO\KDYHEHHQVSDUNHGE\DQHDUWKTXDNHRUKXPDQ DJHQF\2WKHU IDFWRUV VXFKDVFOLPDWLFÀXFWXDWLRQ RUHSLGHPLFVFRXOG QRW KDYHWULJJHUHG¿UHV GLUHFWO\EXWPXVWVWLOOEHFRQVLGHUHGDVSRVVLEOHFDWDO\VWVWKDWSUHFLSLWDWHGWKH¿QDOGHVWUXFWLRQ<sup>31</sup>

#### **Collective Violence as the Cause of the Final Palatial Destructions**

As noted, there is currently no unequivocal evidence that any of the destructions were caused by earthquakes, which is why I will not pursue this option any further. This leaves us with 'human agency' as the sole alternative. In the case of this factor, collective violence is the only possibility32 as the sheer amount of destruction and its far-reaching consequences allow us to exclude neg-OLJHQFHDVWKHFDXVHRIPXOWLSOH¿UHV\$PRQJWKHYDULRXVPDQLIHVWDWLRQVRIµFROOHFWLYHYLROHQFH¶ I would distinguish between attacks by an external enemy on the respective polity and clashes among hostile groups within one and the same polity. The external attacks may have come from neighboring regions, from more distant areas of Greece or the Aegean, or from beyond the Ae-JHDQ,QWHUPVRIDUPHGFRQÀLFWVZLWKLQDSROLW\,ZRXOGGL൵HUHQWLDWHEHWZHHQRSSRQHQWVZKR confronted each other 'horizontally' and those who did so 'vertically' in the social space. Opponents who faced each other 'horizontally' would be primarily factions within the respective elites of the polities, while 'vertically' opposed adversaries may have engaged in uprisings or rebellions organized by social groups with lesser resources against the palatial elites in general or rulers in particular. The driving force behind such uprisings may have been an oppressed population,33 and/

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 234 11.11.2022 09:00:56

<sup>26</sup>0DU]RO൵µDWHPEHUDXEHQGHVDUFKLWHNWRQLVFKHV&UHVFHQGR¶VHHDOVR0DUDQ±0DUDQ 280–282.

<sup>27</sup> Vitale 2006; French – Stockhammer 2009.

<sup>28</sup> Maran 2010, 255–256.

<sup>29</sup> Kreimerman 2017, 182–184.

<sup>30</sup> Jung 2016; Jung 2017b.

<sup>31</sup> Knapp – Manning 2016, 113, 136; Middleton 2017, 347–349; Wiener 2017, 47–53.

<sup>32</sup> Wiener 2017, 50–51.

<sup>33</sup> Andronikos 1954, 236–239; Ekholm Friedman 2005, 81–84; Jung 2016, 563–567; Jung 2017b, 88–93, 96–101.

or, as I shall argue, members of the palatial military in coalition with certain factions of the elite. Here, too, various combinations of 'external' and 'internal' as well as 'horizontal' and 'vertical' SDWWHUQVRIFROOHFWLYHYLROHQFHDUHFRQFHLYDEOH3DODWLDOHOLWHV IURPGL൵HUHQW UHJLRQVPD\KDYH formed a coalition to attack another polity or several polities. Groups within the elite of a polity may have taken advantage of the 'anger' or dissatisfaction of segments of the military or of certain populations, then entered into coalitions with groups from other places in the same polity or from other regions of Greece or the Mediterranean, to name just a few of the possible constellations. I will return to these issues later.

Although the available archaeological evidence of the destructions alone does not allow us to specify the forms of collective violence involved, the assumption that the palaces were destroyed by violent force seems to me far better founded than the earthquake hypothesis. Based on meticulous investigation, Jung has recently presented arguments for his belief that the destruction of the palatial remains that he investigated was triggered by collective violence.34 His analysis focuses, LQSDUWRQWKHGLVWULEXWLRQRIWKHWUDFHVRI¿UHDW7LU\QVZKHUHWKH\DUHPRUHSURQRXQFHGLQWKH area of the Upper Citadel and especially that of the palace than, for example, in the Lower Cita-GHO)URPWKLVKHGHGXFHVWKDWWKH8SSHU&LWDGHOZDVVSHFL¿FDOO\WDUJHWHGDQGGHOLEHUDWHO\EXUQHG down.35 Jung is certainly right in pointing out that excavations at Tiryns since Heinrich Schliemann and Wilhelm Dörpfeld uncovered tall stumps of burnt and melted building materials solely in the area of the central part of the palace36 and not in the Lower Citadel; these remind us to this GD\RIWKHLQWHQVLW\RIWKH¿UHV,QWKHFDVHRI7LU\QVKRZHYHURQHDOVRKDVWRFRQVLGHUDGGLWLRQDO HOHPHQWVZKHQLQWHUSUHWLQJWKHGLVWULEXWLRQDQGFRQVHUYDWLRQRILWVPDVVHVRIGHEULV7KH¿UVWDUH WKHZLQGVZKLFKGXULQJWKHGD\PD\KDYHVWRNHG¿UHVLQWKHDUHDRIWKHKLJKO\H[SRVHGEXLOGLQJV of the Upper Citadel far more intensively than in the Lower Citadel, where the buildings were shielded from winds by the high Cyclopean wall.37 The second, even more important factor has to do with the way in which Palatial period ruins were dealt with in the Post-palatial period. The concentration of burnt mudbrick walls in the central part of the palace, emphasized by Jung and still recognizable today, is the result of a deliberate shaping of a ruin mound at the center of which Building T was erected in early LH IIIC.38 The layers of burnt debris found along the western and southwestern slopes of the Upper Citadel39 prove that similar burnt walls must also have existed in other parts of this area, but that these were removed by ablation and relocation. Similar processes may also be responsible for the lack of still-standing remains of mudbrick debris in the Lower &LWDGHO7KHVHGL൵HUHQWLDOLQWHUYHQWLRQVLQWRWKHUXLQVZHUHXQGHUWDNHQLQWKHHDUO\3RVWSDODWLDO period with the intention of reusing only those parts of the Upper Citadel with a strong politico-UHOLJLRXVVLJQL¿FDQFHWKDWZHUHVLWXDWHGDURXQGWKHFHQWHURIWKHIRUPHUSDODFH<sup>40</sup>

,QVKRUW7LU\QVFXUUHQWO\VHHPVWREHWKHRQO\VLWHZKHUHSRVVLEOHGL൵HUHQFHVLQWKHLQWHQVLW\ RIDFRQÀDJUDWLRQFDQEHVWXGLHG:KLOH,VHH-XQJ¶VPHWKRGRORJ\DVEHLQJH[HPSODU\DQGEHOLHYH WKDWKHKDVFRUUHFWO\REVHUYHGWKHIDUPRUHSURQRXQFHGLQGLFDWLRQVRIGHVWUXFWLRQE\¿UHLQWKH palace area, the validity of his conclusions needs to be reassessed in those palatial centers whose appearance was not as altered by post-destruction interventions as they were at Tiryns (as, for example, at Pylos,41 where we do not yet know whether the palace was more intensely destroyed than other parts of the settlement). To this end, projects should be initiated that, with the help RI¿UHH[SHUWVWDNHDFORVHUORRNDWWUDFHVRI¿UHVVWLOOYLVLEOHLQWKHSDODWLDOUXLQVDQGORRNIRU

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 235 11.11.2022 09:00:56

<sup>34</sup> Jung 2016, 556–560; Jung 2017b, 87–88; see also Middleton 2020, 16–17.

<sup>35</sup>)RUWKHLQWHUSUHWDWLRQWKDWWKHSDODFHZDVSDUWLFXODUO\WDUJHWHGVHHDOVR0DU]RO൵

<sup>36</sup> Maran 2012, 154.

<sup>37</sup> Jung 2016, 559.

<sup>38</sup> Maran 2020.

<sup>39</sup> Kardamaki 2015.

<sup>40</sup> Maran 2011, 173–174; Maran 2012, 158–160.

<sup>41</sup> For selective interventions into the ruin of the palace of Pylos after c. 1075 BCE see LaFayette Hogue 2011, 31–41. 282–290; LaFayette Hogue 2016.

SDWWHUQVLQWKHSDODWLDOFRQÀDJUDWLRQVWKDWSRVVLEO\SRLQWWRLQWHQWLRQDOLW\7RP\NQRZOHGJHQRQH have yet been undertaken.

It is the evidence that Jung presented as proof of pillage of at least some of the palaces prior to WKHGHVWUXFWLRQWKDW,¿QGSDUWLFXODUO\SHUVXDVLYH42 The excavations in Ayios Vasileios remind us of the precious objects typically expected at the site of a suddenly destroyed palace. Similar as-VHPEODJHVRI¿QGVKDYHFRPHWROLJKWLQGHVWUXFWLRQOD\HUVRIWKHSDODFHRI7KHEHV43 By contrast, neither at Tiryns nor at Mycenae or Pylos were comparable concentrations of valuable objects encountered, a fact that was already interpreted in the past by excavators at the sites as evidence of looting activities.44 In this respect, it must be stressed that even in the layers of redeposited debris along the western slope of the Upper Citadel of Tiryns, no objects of metal or other special materials such as ivory, semi-precious stones, or faience were discovered.45 It seems impossible that all valuable objects would have been completely recovered from the smoldering ruins after the destruction. Quite the contrary – given the scale of the destruction as well as the fact that the 3RVWSDODWLDOOHYHOLQJPHDVXUHVGLGQRWUHDFKGRZQWRWKHÀRRUVLQPDQ\DUHDVRIWKH8SSHU&LWDdel – the western and eastern wings of the palace for instance46 – such valuables could be expected to still lie in situ in numerous places, including the Lower Citadel, where no concentrations of valuable objects that could have been reused have ever been uncovered. That such objects have not been found indicates, as Jung has rightly argued, selective pillage, followed by the torching of buildings.47

#### **0LGGOHDQG/RQJ7HUP)DFWRUV&RQÀLFWV\$PRQJWKH(OLWHV**

Turning now to the middle- to long-term time frame, we need to assess the processes and struc-WXUHVWKDWSDYHGWKHZD\IRUWKH¿QDOSDODWLDOFRQÀDJUDWLRQV,QWKLVUHVSHFW,ZRXOGOLNHWRVLQJOH out three closely interrelated factors of historical, political, and social relevance that have not yet UHFHLYHGWKHDWWHQWLRQWKH\GHVHUYHZLWKUHJDUGWRWKH¿QDOSDODWLDOGHVWUXFWLRQVGHVSLWHWKHIDFW that they may have accelerated the changes during the 13thFHQWXU\%&(7KHVHIDFWRUVDUH¿UVW FRQÀLFWVDPRQJWKHHOLWHVVHFRQGODUJHVFDOHFRQVWUXFWLRQSURMHFWVDQGWKLUGFKDQJHVLQWKH palatial armed forces. It must be emphasized that these are potential factors as we cannot be sure ZKLFKRIWKHPUHDOO\KDGDQLPSDFWRUKRZWKH\PD\KDYHDPSOL¿HGHDFKRWKHU,DPDOVRVXUH that these are not the only factors that merit consideration. My choice falls on them because there LVVRPHLQGLFDWLRQWKDWWKH\PD\EHUHÀHFWHGLQWKHDUFKDHRORJLFDOPDWHULDOVWRDFHUWDLQH[WHQW

7KHSRWHQWLDOO\H[SORVLYHIRUFHRIWKH¿UVWIDFWRULVXQGHUVFRUHGE\WKHH[DPSOHRIWKHODWH Hittite Empire, where the state was weakened and ultimately overthrown because the order of VXFFHVVLRQWRWKHWKURQHZDVFKDOOHQJHGDWGL൵HUHQWWLPHVE\PHPEHUVRIWKHH[WHQGHGUR\DO family.48 Due to the nature of our sources, we are unaware of such events in Mycenaean Greece because the names and relationships of the political actors in the Mycenaean palatial polities

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 236 11.11.2022 09:00:56

<sup>42</sup> Jung 2016, 555–556.

<sup>43</sup> Aravantinos 2010, 70–91; Andreadaki-Vlazaki 2012, 95–97; Jung 2016, 555.

<sup>44</sup> Wace 1949, 95; Blegen – Rawson 1966, 424; Jung 2016, 555.

<sup>45</sup> Kardamaki 2009; Kardamaki 2015.

<sup>46</sup> Maran 2012, 154–155.

<sup>47</sup> With reference to the seeming abandonment of the Hittite capital and its evacuation by the royal family (cf. Seeher 2001), an unknown reviewer of this article made the interesting observation that members of the Mycenaean ruling HOLWHPD\KDYHWDNHQSUHFLRXVREMHFWVZLWKWKHPZKHQWKH\ÀHGIURPWKHSDODWLDOFHQWHUVLQWKHZDNHRIDQLPPLQHQW defeat. The reviewer adds: 'Indeed, it seems that a situation in which the royal family might have to leave with their valuables, as quickly but as clandestinely as possible, was anticipated at Mycenae, by the construction of the FRUEHOOHGSDVVDJHWKURXJKWKHQRUWKHDVWH[WHQVLRQVZKRVHH[LWFRXOGEHHDVLO\FDPRXÀDJHGDQGDW7LU\QVE\WKH FRQVWUXFWLRQRIWKHZHVWHUQVWDLUFDVHSURWHFWHGEHKLQGDF\FORSHDQZDOOZKRVHH[LWZDVDOVRHDVLO\FDPRXÀDJHG¶ I am very grateful to the reviewer for making this important point.

<sup>48</sup> Hawkins 2002; Bryce 2005, 327–333.

DUHDVXQNQRZQWRXVDVDUHWKHUHODWLRQVKLSVEHWZHHQPHPEHUVRIG\QDVWLFOLQHVLQGL൵HUHQW polities.49+RZHYHU,WKLQNLWLVYHU\OLNHO\WKDWSURFHVVHVVLPLODUWRWKHFRQÀLFWLQWKH+LWWLWH Empire also unfolded in Mycenaean Greece50 as the royal families of the palatial polities must have been closely related through intermarriage, which meant that siblings, children, cousins, and nephews or nieces of /*wanaktes*/ probably occupied high political positions in places within their own respective polities or, thanks to marriage, appanage or inheritance, in neighboring RQHV7KHUHIRUHFRQÀLFWVRYHUVXFFHVVLRQWRWKHWKURQHDPRQJWKHSULPRVHFXQGRDQGWHUWLRgenitur of each /*wanax*/ and/or competing genealogical lines of the descendants of his brothers and uncles were bound to occur.51 Evidence of disputes among the elites of places within WKHVDPHSROLW\PD\EHUHÀHFWHGLQ0HVVHQLDLQWKHDQWDJRQLVPEHWZHHQ,NODLQDDQG3\ORV<sup>52</sup> which seems to have been decided in favor of the capital relatively late in the Palatial period. Likewise of special interest in terms of possible antagonistic relations between members of the royal family is the relationship among the palatial centers of the Argolid. It was here that Tiryns stood in the shadow of mighty Mycenae during most of the Palatial period until, a few GHFDGHVEHIRUHWKH¿QDOSDODWLDOGHVWUXFWLRQWKHVLWHZDVGHYHORSHGE\HQRUPRXVH൵RUWLQWRD 'Mycenaean Versailles', as Hans Lauter put it.53 In light of this evidence, Ulrich Thaler54 and Philipp Stockhammer55 have independently proposed that by this point in time, Tiryns may have replaced Mycenae as the capital of the polity that was centered on the Argolid.56 While I WKLQNWKH\FRUUHFWO\SRLQWWRWKHSROLWLFDOVLJQL¿FDQFHRIWKHFRQVLGHUDEOHLQYHVWPHQWPDGHWR GHYHORS7LU\QVLQWKH¿QDO3DODWLDOSHULRG,EHOLHYHWKDWWKHLUFRQFOXVLRQQHHGVWREHPRGL¿HG Thus, the architectural development of Tiryns must have still taken place within the period of Mycenae's predominance since Tiryns' subordination to Mycenae was virtually written into the patterns of movement and architectural semantics of its new palatial complex. In the historical process, however, it often happens that the purposes for which some architecture was designed change in ways unforeseen by the original builders. Over time, the Tirynthian governor, who may have been a brother, cousin or uncle of the /*wanax*/ of Mycenae, and his followers may have occasionally appropriated the splendid new palace for their own purposes, thereby fueling IXUWKHUDQDOUHDG\VLPPHULQJFRQÀLFWZLWK0\FHQDH

#### **Middle- and Long-Term Factors 2: Large-Scale Construction Projects**

9DULRXVIDFWRUVPD\KDYHH[DFHUEDWHGVXFKFRQÀLFWVZLWKLQWKHUXOLQJHOLWHVZKLFKEULQJVXVWR the second factor to be discussed, namely, the major architectural and engineering projects, the execution of which, I presume, formed part of Mycenaean rulers' identity. Klaus Kilian already argued that these construction projects were partly responsible for the collapse of the palaces as they wasted valuable palatial resources and prevented ever-larger parts of the population from engaging in agricultural activity. I believe that Kilian was right,57 and that these major public

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 237 11.11.2022 09:00:56

<sup>49</sup> As Middleton 2017, 144, rightly remarked about the Mycenaean palatial polities: 'Although we may imagine relatively stable kingdoms that suddenly collapsed this is largely because we lack literary evidence that tells us RWKHUZLVHDVLWGRHVIRUWKH5RPDQV+LWWLWHVDQGRWKHUVZKHUHULYDOVIRUSRZHUFDQEHLGHQWL¿HG¶

<sup>50</sup> Andronikos 1954, 237; Hooker 1976, 177; Mylonas 1983, 249; Dickinson 2006, 54–56; Middleton 2020, 14–15, DOUHDG\HPSKDVL]HGWKHOLNHOLKRRG RILQWHUQHFLQHFRQÀLFWVDVDFRQWULEXWLQJ IDFWRUWRWKH GHPLVH RI0\FHQDHDQ polities.

<sup>51</sup>)RUWKHVLJQL¿FDQFHRILQQHUVRFLHWDOSRZHUVWUXJJOHVLQWKHGHPLVHRIHPSLUHVVHH&DKLOO±0F\$QDQ\± <R൵HHE±0LGGOHWRQ±±

<sup>52</sup> Cosmopoulos – Shelmerdine 2016; Cosmopoulos 2018, 103–109.

<sup>53</sup> Lauter 1987, 225.

<sup>54</sup> Thaler 2009, 292–294, 352, 419; Thaler 2018a, 239–240, 282–284.

<sup>55</sup> Stockhammer 2008, 49–50; Stockhammer 2011, 209.

<sup>56</sup> See also Wiener 2017, 61–62.

<sup>57</sup> Kilian 1988a, 134; see also Thomas – Conant 1999, 25; Mühlenbruch 2020, 130.

#### 238 J. Maran

works coupled with an exploitative taxation system58 had the potential to overburden the population and thus create an explosive social situation.59 As I have already noted, the examples of Mycenae and especially Tiryns underline that the costs invested in major works of construction seem to have increased towards the end of the palatial period. A downright megalomaniac measure such as Tiryns' river diversion60ZDVLQIDFWFRPSOHWHGVKRUWO\EHIRUHWKH¿QDOGHVWUXFWLRQ This alone points to a possible connection between monumental projects and the cataclysm. Such construction, however, may have been fateful for the palaces for yet other reasons than the ones envisioned by Kilian.

An analysis of the architectural dynamics at Mycenae, Tiryns, and Pylos reveals that the innermost circle of the ruling elites of the late Palatial period made ever more attempts to monopolize the use of politico-religious space within the centers.61 At Mycenae, the construction of the new western Cyclopean wall in the second half of the 13th century BCE interrupted the previously relatively open access to the Cult Center and the area of the shaft graves.62 Integrating these key monuments into circulation patterns within the citadel, the wall facilitated their monopolization by the palatial elite.63 In the new megaron palace built in Tiryns at about the VDPHWLPHDFFHVVWRWKH\*UHDW0HJDURQZDVFDUHIXOO\VWUXFWXUHGLQWRGL൵HUHQWVHFWLRQV7KLV was most likely done not only to prescribe certain patterns of processional movement, but also to segregate most participants in these processions into groups that remained at certain points along the route, so that only the chosen few could reach the throne room, its destination.64 A similar channeling of processional movement and division of the passage to the megaron LQWRVHFWLRQVRIHYHULQFUHDVLQJH[FOXVLYLW\FKDUDFWHUL]HWKHODWHSDODWLDOUHEXLOGLQJRIWKH¿QDO palace at Pylos, thus emphasizing that we are dealing here with a general trend in late Palatial Mycenaean palatial architecture.65

The described ways of employing architecture to exclude and seclude in the second half of the 13th century BCE did not appear 'out of the blue' but were probably the result of escalating SROLWLFDOFRQÀLFWVZLWKLQWKHHOLWHVWKDWPD\EHWUDFHDEOHWRWKHHDUO\3DODWLDOSHULRG,WVHHPVWR PHWKDWDGHFLVLYHWXUQWKDWOHGWRDQDJJUDYDWLRQRILQQHUHOLWHFRQÀLFWRFFXUUHGLQWKHFRXUVH of the 14th century BCE, when central features of /*wanax*/ ideology66 were transferred from Crete to the Greek mainland after the major destruction of the palace of Knossos. Architectur-DOO\VSHDNLQJWKLVSURFHVVIRXQGLWVH[SUHVVLRQLQWKHFRQVWUXFWLRQRIWKH¿UVW3DODWLDOPHJDURQ palaces with a throne room modeled on the one in Knossos and meant to serve as the place for meetings between the ruler and deities.67 The new conception of rulership granted the ruler the exclusive right to communicate with supernatural beings and removed him from the rest of the elite.68 Such new ideological features must have strained inner-societal relations because they FRQÀLFWHGZLWKSUHYLRXVZD\VRIOHJLWLPL]LQJUXOHUVKLS7KHQHZLGHRORJLFDOEDVLVRIUXOHUVKLS would have been perceived as quite foreign by the majority of the population of Mycenaean SDODWLDOSROLWLHVQRWRQO\EHFDXVHLWZDVQRW¿UPO\DQFKRUHGLQLQGLJHQRXVWUDGLWLRQVEXWDOVR

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 238 11.11.2022 09:00:56

<sup>58</sup> Jung 2016, 563–564.

<sup>59</sup> Maran 2010, 255.

<sup>60</sup> Balcer 1974; Kilian 1988a, 134; Zangger 1993, 204–207; Knauss 1995; Bilis 2016.

<sup>61</sup>2QWKHFDSDFLW\RI0\FHQDHDQIRUWL¿FDWLRQDUFKLWHFWXUHWRGLYLGHWKHXUEDQVSDFHDQGWKHFRPPXQLW\VHH(INOHLGRX 2018, 71. On the costs involved in Mycenaean construction works see now Boswinkel 2021; Brysbaert 2021.

<sup>62</sup> Wardle 2003, 320–325; Wardle 2015, 592–593.

<sup>63</sup> Wardle 2015, 579; Maran 2016a, 588.

<sup>64</sup> Wright 1994, 51–60; Maran 2006, 78–85; Wright 2006, 49–74; Maran 2012, 150–158; Thaler 2012, 191–198; Thaler 2018a, 187–241; Thaler 2018b.

<sup>65</sup> Wright 1984, 26–27; Shelmerdine 1987, 560–561, 564–567; Shelmerdine 1999, 407–408; Thaler 2006, 96–108; Murphy 2014, 216–217; Murphy 2016, 440–444; Thaler 2016, 120; Thaler 2018a, 39–185; Thaler 2018b.

<sup>66</sup> Kilian 1988b; Wright 1994, 59; Palaima 1995, 127–128; Palaima 2016, 138–144, 150–153.

<sup>67</sup> Maran – Stavrianopoulou 2007; Maran 2015, 280.

<sup>68</sup> For the meaning of the possible signs for divine aspects of the /*wanax*/ see Shelmerdine 1985, 77–78; Deger-Jalkotzy 1999, 127; Lupack 2014.

because the population had no access to the central areas of the palaces and was thus unable to attend the most important rituals. Probably for this reason architectural measures were taken by the ruling elite to let 'invented traditions', such as the new megaron palaces, seem to be 'traditional' by linking them in ritual processions to ancient monuments and persons,69 such as the ancestors buried in the shaft graves.70 However, so seclusive were the innermost rituals of the new ideology that even within the palatial elite only certain factions were able to take part in them and to comprehend the ideological basis of rulership.71 Thus, while /*wanax*/ ideology boosted the power of the ruler, its introduction may have driven a wedge into the elite by dividing it into those who accepted the new basis of rulership and those who regarded it as heretical and openly or tacitly opposed it.

All this led to a vicious circle, in which a small group within the ruling elite that surrounded the /*wanax*/ became prisoner to its own ideology. Convinced that the realization of major construction projects was their duty,72 they had to invest more and more resources and energy into this sector in order to present the completed monuments as evidence of their proximity to the gods and their right to take center-stage in lavish public rituals.73 However, the more the numerically small inner group around the /*wanax*/ sought to monopolize access to those monuments in which the rituals ensuring the continuation of the polity were conducted, the more they alienated other social groups. Thus, the inner core of the political elite became increasingly isolated and, due to its hermetic ideological and spatial seclusion, made itself vulnerable to the intrigues of political dignitaries in the second or third tier of the elite, who felt excluded and were able to exploit the dissatisfaction of the general population.

In this context it is important to realize that the large-scale projects, although they were undoubtedly ordered by the /*wanaktes*R൵HUHGFKDULVPDWLFORFDOUXOHUVDQGWKHLUDOOLHVDQRSSRUtunity to promote themselves by applying their organizational skills to mobilize the population, recruit specialists, and expertly execute the measures. In this way, they were able to build up networks through which the mobilization of labor forces could easily be diverted into the mobilization of military forces – if they felt these were needed. Tellingly, at Tiryns – especially in the case of major construction projects – there are astonishing lines of continuity between the Palatial and Post-palatial periods. Recent excavations in the northwestern Lower Town of Tiryns have, in fact, FRQ¿UPHGP\SUHYLRXVO\VWDWHGRSLQLRQWKDWWKHGLYHUVLRQRIWKHULYHUZDVSDUWRID¿QDOSDODWLDO 'master plan' that envisaged creating an entirely new part of that Lower Town in the zone north of the citadel.74 Evidence uncovered during the excavation demonstrates that after the stream was redirected in the late Palatial period, a leveling layer of a thickness of about 25cm was spread over DODUJHDUHDDERYHWKHGULHGRXWULYHUVHGLPHQWDQGZDVFDUHIXOO\FRQVROLGDWHGWRFUHDWHD¿UPDQG XQLIRUPVXEVWUDWXPLQWRZKLFKDIRXQGDWLRQWUHQFKIRUD¿QDOSDODWLDOEXLOGLQJZDVDOUHDG\FXW<sup>75</sup> However, the diversion of the river seems to have been completed so shortly before the destruc-WLRQRIWKHSDODFHWKDWWKHPDVWHUSODQZDV¿QLVKHGRQO\HDUO\LQWKH3RVWSDODWLDOSHULRGZKHQWKH entire zone was systematically developed into a new Lower Town.76 These striking continuities in the planning of large-scale construction projects in the Palatial and Post-palatial periods indicate that parts of the local elite, and perhaps even the local governor of Tiryns, may have survived the destruction, possibly because they were involved in the military planning of the overthrow and ZHUHWKXVDPRQJLWVEHQH¿FLDULHV

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 239 11.11.2022 09:00:56

<sup>69</sup> Maran 2019b.

<sup>70</sup> Lupack 2014, 171–174; Wardle 2015, 587–589.

<sup>71</sup> Maran 2011, 172–173.

<sup>72</sup> Maran 2010, 256–257.

<sup>73</sup> Bendall 2004; Lupack 2010, 272; Nakassis 2012; Lupack 2018.

<sup>74</sup> Maran 2008, 89–90; Maran 2010, 253–255; Maran 2015, 284.

<sup>75</sup> Birndorfer et al. 2019; T. Birndorfer – S. Khamnueva-Wendt – H.-R. Bork – I. Unkel in: Maran – Papadimitriou 2021, 136–143.

<sup>76</sup> Maran 2016b; Maran – Papadimitriou 2017; Maran – Papadimitriou 2019; Maran – Papadimitriou 2021.

#### **Middle- and Long-Term Factors 3: Changes in the Palatial Armed Forces**

This brings us to the third factor to which I assign a key role, namely, certain changes in the palatial armed forces. The power of the Mycenaean palaces was decisively based on their military, which could be used not only for protection against the outside, but also for holding internal opponents at bay. The few palaces that ruled the various polities from the 14th century BCE on must KDYHDULVHQRXWRIDPXOWLWXGHRIDUPHGFRQÀLFWVWKDWKDGWDNHQSODFHVLQFHWKHHDUO\0\FHQDHDQ period.77 Moreover, throughout the existence of the palaces, military campaigns must have been carried out against internal and external adversaries, during which coalitions between various palatial polities may have united to achieve certain goals. Due to the military's great importance in securing palatial rule,78 any changes in the composition of troops and their armaments are of great interest to scholars. Such a change occurred in the 13th century BCE, when an entire series of new types of weapons of Italian origin, particularly the Naue II slashing swords, were introduced in the East Mediterranean.79 Further developing Hector Catling's claim that 'military necessity… drove Mycenaean princes to hire warriors from outside Greece',80 Jung has used material-culture IHDWXUHVVXFKDV+DQGPDGH%XUQLVKHG:DUHEURQ]H¿EXODHDQGZHDSRQVWRDGYDQFHWKHK\SRWKesis that groups of warriors from southern Europe entered the service of Mycenaean palaces, just as groups of 'Sea Peoples' taken as prisoners of war were integrated as warriors into the Pharaonic army in 14th–13th-century BCE Egypt.81 There are even textual indications of the polyethnic composition of the Mycenaean palatial armed forces. According to Sigrid Deger-Jalkotzy, the percentage of persons with non-Greek names among the military commanders and deputy commanders at Pylos seems to have been particularly high even if we are unable to say from where they came,82 and Jan Driessen has also argued on the basis of Linear B evidence for the integration of merce-QDULHVIURPGL൵HUHQWUHJLRQVLQWKHSDODWLDOIRUFHVDWth century BCE Pylos and 14th century BCE Knossos.83 While we lack similar Linear B evidence for the Argive palaces, the great number of material culture elements of foreign – especially Italian and Cypriot84 – derivation in Palatial period centers make the presence of foreigners in a variety of functions, including as warriors,85 likely.

The integration of such foreign warrior groups must have greatly increased the heterogeneity of the palatial armed forces, which may have favored the rise of a new type of military leader who pursued his own political goals by commanding newly formed polyethnic warrior groups.86 These warlords, as I have called them,87PD\KDYHLQFUHDVHGWKHLULQÀXHQFHDQGSRZHUEDVHE\H[SORLWing disputes within the ruling families and forging coalitions with members of the traditional elite

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 240 11.11.2022 09:00:56

<sup>77</sup> Deger-Jalkotzy 1999, 123–124; Wright 2008, 244–246; Middleton 2020, 14–17.

<sup>78</sup> Davis – Bennet 1999; Deger-Jalkotzy 1999.

<sup>79</sup> Bietti Sestieri 1973, 407–411; Sandars 1978, 91–92; Harding 1984, 155–180; Bettelli 2002, 133–137; Jung 2009a; Jung 2009b; Vitale 2012; Iacono 2013; Jung – Mehofer 2013; Pabst 2013; Molloy 2016; Mehofer – Jung 2017.

<sup>80</sup> Catling 1968, 103; see also Catling 1961, 121; Deger-Jalkotzy 1977, 75; Sandars 1978, 93–94; Drews 1993, 155– 157; Bettelli 1999, 469; Bettelli 2002, 134.

<sup>81</sup> Jung 2009a, 147–149; Jung 2009b, 78; Jung – Mehofer 2013, 184–185; Pabst 2013, 123–126; Jung 2017a, 27; :LHQHU±)RUWKHFRPSDULVRQWRWKHVLWXDWLRQLQ(J\SWVHH'HJHU-DONRW]\%HUQDEz%UHD Dobesch 1983, 183; Schachermeyr 1984, 161–162; Lehmann 1985, 56–59; Drews 1993, 147–155; Bettelli 2002, 134–136.

<sup>82</sup> Deger-Jalkotzy 1978, 45.

<sup>83</sup> J. Driessen in: Driessen – MacDonald 1984, 49–56.

<sup>84</sup> Cline 1994, 60–67, 78–81; Jung 2006, 21–57; Cline 2007, 195–200; Cline 2015, 211–212.

<sup>85</sup> Yasur-Landau 2010, 204–214.

<sup>86</sup> Molloy 2016, 347, 365–370; Maran 2018, 230–232. With the term 'polyethnic' I also refer to such groups of warriors who came from other regions of Greece to a palatial polity, because the palatial administration seems to have SHUFHLYHGVXFKIRUHLJQHUVDVRIDGL൵HUHQWHWKQLFLW\WKDQWKHµR൶FLDO¶RQHRIWKHUHVSHFWLYHSDODWLDOSROLW\IRUWKH ÀXLGLW\RIFROOHFWLYHLGHQWLWLHVGXULQJWKH0\FHQDHDQSDODWLDOSHULRGVHH0DUDQD±ZLWKIXUWKHUOLWHUDture.

<sup>87</sup> Maran 2010, 256 with n. 64; Hitchcock – Maeir 2014, 635; Maran 2018, 231–232.

who felt disenfranchised.88 In a harbor town such as Tiryns, the Italian traits of material culture are far more pronounced from the 13th century BCE onward than at Mycenae and at other Argive sites.89 The presence of such polyethnic warrior groups led by warlords may have given the local governor a decisive edge over Mycenae. Since the warlords were able to draw on the warrior JURXSV¶0HGLWHUUDQHDQVRFLDOQHWZRUNVZKLFKKDGLQWHQVL¿HGLQWKHFRXUVHRIWKHth century BCE thanks to the integration of persons of various ethnicities in palatial forces, they may have UHTXHVWHG PLOLWDU\ UHLQIRUFHPHQW IURPWKHLU KRPHODQGVLQ RUGHUWR VLJQL¿FDQWO\LQFUHDVHWKHLU ¿JKWLQJFDSDELOLW\90 This would also partially account for the seeming growth of population at Tiryns at the beginning of LH IIIC91 and explain why the intensity of cultural features of Italian GHULYDWLRQVHHPVWRVLJQL¿FDQWO\LQFUHDVHIURPWKHODWHth (LH IIIB2) to the early 12th century BCE (LH IIIC Early).92 But such warlords also posed a major risk as they had their own military power base and experience in the use of collective violence, which made them unpredictable and capable of turning against their masters and coalition partners.

It seems to me that the origin of the Sea Peoples phenomenon is to be sought in such late 13th-century BCE processes.93 What research has called 'Sea Peoples' were not something that appeared 'out of the blue' in the eastern Mediterranean or foreign 'barbarians' without prior acquaintance with the regions that they attacked. Instead, many of these warriors may have been insiders within the area's political landscape and thus enjoyed intimate knowledge of the inner workings of palatial societies.94 After the destructions, the warlords, experts in combat and strategic planning, possessed all the necessary skills to take matters into their own hands. By taking over and commanding former palatial naval forces and forging alliances with like-minded military leaders in other parts of the Mediterranean, they were able to assemble polyethnic naval and ground forces and launch operations in the East Mediterranean.

,Q VXPWR XQGHUVWDQGWKH G\QDPLFV RIWKH ¿QDO GHVWUXFWLRQ RIWKH0\FHQDHDQ SDODFHVZH have to move away from simplistic models that are based on 'prime movers' and that concentrate VROHO\RQWKH¿QDOGHVWUXFWLRQVZKLOHHQYLVDJLQJWKHUHVWRIWKH3DODWLDOSHULRGDVEDVLFDOO\VWDEOH As I have argued, in the 13th century BCE, various processes and crises unfolded over the course RIGL൵HUHQWOHQJWKVRIWLPHDQGOHYHOVRI0\FHQDHDQSDODWLDOVRFLHWLHV(DFKRIWKHVHSURFHVVHV could have taken a direction that would not have severely threatened the existence of the pal-DFHVEXWWKURXJKVRPHVSHFL¿FFRPELQDWLRQRIIDWHIXOGHFLVLRQVDQGXQLQWHQGHGFRQVHTXHQFHV they gradually undermined the already fragile cohesion of the Mycenaean polities and eventually GHVWUR\HGWKHP,DPFHUWDLQWKDWWKHUHDUHPDQ\PRUHOLQHVRIFRQÀLFWDQGPDQ\UHJLRQDOSHFXliarities that we have not yet understood. In this context I would like to mention in particular the factor of religion.95'XHWRGL൵HUHQWYLHZVRQZKHWKHUWKHDFWVRIWKRVHUXOLQJFRQIRUPHGZLWK UHOLJLRXVSULQFLSOHVIRULQVWDQFHWKHSULHVWKRRGPD\KDYHWDNHQGL൵HUHQWVLGHVZKHQLWFDPHWR antagonistic factions within a polity and may have provided them with ideological support. The situation may have been aggravated by calamities such as epidemics, earthquakes or crop failures due to climate variations,96EXWWKHVHDORQHFDQQRWH[SODLQWKH¿QDOGHVWUXFWLRQRIWKHSDODFHVDQ\

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 241 11.11.2022 09:00:56

<sup>88</sup> For the role of 'Barbarian' *foederati* during the Late Roman Empire in the 4th and 5th century CE as a possible comparison see Maran 2018, 231.

<sup>89</sup> Kilian 1988a, 127–133; Belardelli – Bettelli 1999; Jung 2006, 32–57; Kilian 2007, 72–80; Meiri et al. 2019.

<sup>90</sup> Cameron (2013, 224) describes ethnographic examples in which groups became dominant by absorbing refugee populations. She states that 'for chiefdom-like societies such as those in Africa…avenues to power for ambitious men often involve drawing growing numbers of people into their group'.

<sup>91</sup> Kilian 1988a, 135; Maran – Papadimitriou 2017, 74.

<sup>92</sup> Kilian 2007, 46–49; Bettelli 2015, 141–142.

<sup>93</sup> Maran 2018, 225, 231–233.

<sup>94</sup> Hitchcock – Maeir 2014, 631–634.

<sup>95</sup> Another factor of potentially crucial importance for the palatial demise is the economic structures of Mycenaean palatial polities in their wider Mediterranean setting, see Parkinson 1999; Broodbank 2013, 467–471; Jung 2016, 563–568; Jung 2017b, 80–85.

<sup>96</sup> Knapp – Manning 2016, 113, 136; Middleton 2017, 348.

#### 242 J. Maran

more than can the other so-called 'prime movers' discussed above. The palaces were brought GRZQ¿UVWDQGIRUHPRVWE\LQWHUQDOFRQWUDGLFWLRQVWKDWKDGORQJEXLOWXSLQWKHSDODWLDOSROLWLHV and were exploited by members of the elite. Alongside antagonistic fault lines that developed over a long period of time, centrifugal forces were unleashed by social groups pursuing their own interests and forging alliances to strengthen their power base. The hypothesis of a revolution of the oppressed population as the cause of the palace destruction describes one such possible line of DQWDJRQLVWLFFRQÀLFW97 which I, however, would modify. Yes, the populace's discontent with the rulers may have played an important role, but as is so often the case with so-called revolutions, the overthrow was successful above all because it was supported and organized by disenfranchised members of the second or third tier of the elite, which could have recourse to parts of the military infrastructure of the palaces and turn it against the rulers. Driven by their own ambitions and feelings of exclusion, they fueled the discontent of the people, manipulated them for their own purposes, and worked on changing political conditions in their own favor through military DOOLDQFHV7KRVHJURXSVWKDWHPHUJHGDVWKHZLQQHUVRIWKHVHFRQÀLFWVZHUHWRGHWHUPLQHWKHIDWH RIWKHHDUO\3RVWSDODWLDOSHULRGDQGVKDSHWKHKLVWRULFDOHYHQWVWKDWZRXOGD൵HFWDQGVKDWWHUWKH entire East Mediterranean.

**Acknowledgments:** I am grateful to Elina Kardamaki and Reinhard Jung for inviting me to contribute to the conference on which the present volume is based. Special thanks go to Irina Oryshkevich for improving the English of this article.

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Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 253 11.11.2022 09:00:56

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 254 11.11.2022 09:00:56

## **Synchronizing Palace Destructions in the Eastern Mediterranean**

### *Reinhard Jung*<sup>1</sup>

**Abstract:**7KHGL൵HUHQWGHVWUXFWLRQVRIWKH0\FHQDHDQSDODFHVRQWKH\*UHHNPDLQODQGDQGRQ&UHWHXQIROGWKHLUKLV-WRULFDO UHOHYDQFHRQWZRGL൵HUHQWOHYHOV)LUVWO\DQGLQDYHU\FRQFUHWHZD\WKH\ VLJQLI\WKH VKDUSHQLQJFULVLVDQG VXEVHTXHQWO\WKH¿QDODQGGH¿QLWHGHPLVHRIWKH*Asiatic Mode of Production* (or else the *Palace State*) in southeastern Europe. Second, these palace destructions happened during a period, in which various *circum*-Mediterranean societies were undergoing profound social and economic changes. Similarly to Greece, those changes were marked by violent GHVWUXFWLRQVRISROLWLFDODQGHFRQRPLFFHQWHUVLQDQXPEHURIGL൵HUHQWUHJLRQV6LQFHWKHGHYHORSPHQWVRIWKHVRFLHWLHV living along the central and the eastern coasts of the Mediterranean Sea were interconnected in stronger or weaker relationships of uneven and combined character, especially so during the 14th and 13th centuries BCE, the question arises whether it is possible to uncover causal connections between events separated by many hundreds of kilometers. In order to fully perceive and explain the historical importance of the Mycenaean palace destructions, it is therefore necessary to widen the geographical perspective. As the precondition of any interregional historical analysis is the precise localiza-WLRQRIVSHFL¿FHYHQWVLQWLPHWKLVSDSHUH[SORUHVWKHWLPHOLQHRIPDMRUHDVWHUQ0HGLWHUUDQHDQGHVWUXFWLRQHYHQWVZLWK reference to the palace destructions in Greece as well as in terms of absolute chronology (mainly in relation to Egyptian DQG1HDU(DVWHUQUXOHUV¶UHLJQV\$FRPSDULVRQRIVWUDWL¿HGSRWWHU\DVVHPEODJHVIRUPVWKHEDVLVIRUWKLVHQGHDYRU

**Keywords:** Cyprus, Late Cypriot IIC, Late Bronze Age II, Mycenaean pottery, Syria

#### **The Material**

Synchronization between Aegean and Cypriot as well as Near Eastern settlements of the Late Bronze Age (LBA) has to rely on pottery – to be precise, on painted pottery that is found in the Levant and on Cyprus. This is because pottery of eastern origin is very rare in Greece and if it is present – e.g. in the form of transport amphorae ('Canaanite jars')2 – it is not as closely datable as the painted pots of Aegean manufacture. These are obvious facts, of course, but the painted Aegean pottery found in the Levant is not uniform in appearance and therefore merits some intro-GXFWRU\FRPPHQWV7KHUHDUHWKUHHGL൵HUHQWSULQFLSDOFODVVHVRIFHUDPLFVZKLFKDUHUHODWHGWRWKH Aegean regions and turn up at many sites on Cyprus and along the Levantine coasts.


Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 255 11.11.2022 09:00:56

<sup>1</sup> Austrian Archaeological Institute, Austrian Academy of Sciences, Austria; e-mail: Reinhard.Jung@oeaw.ac.at.

<sup>2</sup> Pedrazzi 2007; Knapp – Demesticha 2017.

LHWRDGHJUHHWKDWRQHFDQQRW¿QGDQ\FORVHSDUDOOHOVIRUWKHPDPRQJYHVVHOVSURGXFHGLQWKH Aegean regions themselves.

Only categories (1) and (2) can provide reliable dates in terms of the Aegean relative chronology. They can be grouped together using the term 'Aegean-type' pottery, while the third category may be referred to as 'Aegeanizing' pottery.3

(VWDEOLVKLQJUHODWLYHV\QFKURQLVPVZLWKWKH\$HJHDQFUXFLDOO\GHSHQGVRQWKHLGHQWL¿FDWLRQRI YHVVHOVEHORQJLQJWRWKH\$HJHDQW\SHUHSHUWRLUHDPRQJWKHVWUDWL¿HG¿QGDVVHPEODJHVIURPDQ\ non-Aegean site. In this respect, it is an advantage that the vast majority of imported Aegean ceramics dating to the 14th and 13th centuries BCE and found in the regions between the Nile valley and the coasts of Cyprus and Syria are 'made in the Argolid' (in the region of Mycenae to be precise). This fact, established by a whole series of provenance studies using NAA,4 paves the way for direct references to the pottery manufacture of the Mycenae workshops and the vertical settlement stratigraphies of Mycenae, Tiryns and Midea – stratigraphies that are of crucial relevance for internal Aegean synchronisms, too – as the contributions to this volume demonstrate once again.

However, even working with vessels imported from the Argolid does not always provide straightforward answers in terms of precise synchronisms. This is due to the fact that some of the most characteristic Argive export products belong to types that are only rarely (if ever) attested in the Argive settlements themselves. Examples include the amphoroid kraters FT 54/55, the pedestal bowl FT 310 and other shapes. Some others, such as the shallow strap-handled bowl FT 296, do appear in both the Argolid and the importing regions of the eastern Mediterranean, but were more frequently used outside Greece than in the Peloponnese.5 In the case of those types that were only incidentally used in the Argolid (or happened to break there before being shipped overseas), their Peloponnesian stratigraphic contexts can only be used as *termini ad quem* for a production period of nondescript length. Other types with a scant yet somewhat regular presence in Argive FRQWH[WVFDQJLYHXVDYDJXHLGHDDERXWWKHLUSURGXFWLRQSHULRGLQWKH\$UJROLGEXWLWZLOOEHGL൶ cult to make any quantitative or semi-quantitative statements relative to the development of that production over time. Of course, some of the Argive types such as painted kylikes FT 258A and B that are of prime chronological value in Greece do also appear in the Near East. Yet, due to their general rarity, one often cannot draw straightforward conclusions in terms of relative dates from their presence or absence in a given context.

2QH¿QDOSUREOHPDULVHVIURPWKHSUD[LVRIORQJWHUPXVHLQWKH1HDU(DVW7KHUHLVFRQWH[ tual evidence at several sites supporting the notion that especially during those phases when the Argive pottery export had almost come to an end (LH IIIB Developed, LH IIIB Final, LH IIIC Early 1), the imported vessels were treated with special care on Cyprus and all over the Levant, which led to prolonged use periods in comparison to the Argolid itself.6 Sometimes these vessels were also mended with lead clamps.7 In addition, pottery studies at various Aegean sites support

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 256 11.11.2022 09:00:56

<sup>3</sup> Jung 2010a, 150–154.

<sup>4</sup> Jung 2015, 243–251 (with bibliography); Mountjoy 2015. Detailed fabric descriptions of all cataloged vessels and IDEULFFRPSDULVRQZLWKVHOHFWHGYHVVHOVDQDO\]HGE\1\$\$KHOSWRGL൵HUHQWLDWHLPSRUWVIURPORFDOSURGXFWVWKDWFDQ occasionally be of quite high quality (on the methodological problem of simply classifying all vessels with lustrous paint as imports from Greece see also Mountjoy 2018, 31).

<sup>5</sup>)RUWKHVHSKHQRPHQDVHHUHFHQWO\-XQJ±¿JV±0RXQWMR\±

<sup>6</sup> Phase E at Deir c Alla in Jordan provides a good example. Sealed by the same destruction were a faience vessel bear-LQJWKHQDPHRI4XHHQ7HZRVUHW6LSWDKDQG7HZRVUHW±%&(LQDVDQFWXDU\FHOOD)UDQNHQ¿J >6TXDUH'@±¿J±¿JDVPDOO6LPSOH6W\OHVWLUUXSMDU)7LQ5RRP(IXUWKHU to the east, and an almost certainly much earlier squat stirrup jar FT 178/180/181 of LH IIIB Early–Middle date in WKHQHLJKERULQJ5RRP(+DQNH\±¿JDF:DUUHQ±+DQNH\)UDQNHQ¿J >6TXDUH3@¿J¿J±¿JSOG±HYDQ:LMQJDDUGHQ±1RWH that squat stirrup jars are absent from the destruction deposits marking the end of the Argive palaces (see Podzuweit 2007, 159, Beil. 59; for the Epichosis at Tiryns see also Voigtländer 2003, pls. 135.Bü 5–Bü 18; 136–137).

<sup>7</sup> A perfect example is a krater FT 281/282 with chariot motifs from Room 13 of Complex B in Area II at Pyla-Kokkinokremos: Karageorghis – Demas 1984, 33 cat. no. 12; 50, pl. 33.12 and photos on frontispiece. Güntner 2000,

the hypothesis that the main Argive palace workshops entered a severe production crisis after the ¿UVWKDOIRI/+,,,%<sup>8</sup>

#### **Historical Dates**

2IWKHGL൵HUHQWKLVWRULFDOFKURQRORJLHVLQWKHDQFLHQW1HDU(DVWWKHRQHEDVHGRQWKHSKDUDRQLF regnal periods9 still provides the most direct and reliable connections to the relative chronological phases of the Aegean Bronze Age. Those connections depend on associations of Aegean-type FHUDPLFVZLWKZULWWHQGRFXPHQWVWKDWR൵HUGLUHFWUHIHUHQFHVWRWKHUHLJQRIDQDPHGSKDUDRKDQG ±LGHDOO\±WRDVSHFL¿FSHULRGRUHYHQD\HDUGXULQJKLVRUKHUUHLJQ,QGLUHFWUHIHUHQFHVYLDQDPHG LQGLYLGXDOVVXFKDV(J\SWLDQR൶FLDOVRU/HYDQWLQHNLQJVWKDWDUHNQRZQFRQWHPSRUDULHVRIVLQJOH pharaohs can also be helpful.10 In the current debate on the pharaonic regnal years, scholars have found new evidence for a shortening of the 18th dynasty (compared to an earlier accepted low chronology) and for Ramesses II's accession date in 1290 BCE.11

This paper focuses on the northern half of the Levantine coast and on Cyprus, because the two latest historical dates known from written sources that we can connect to the Aegean LBA chronological systems, i.e. regnal years 5 and 8 of Ramesses III (1195–1164 BCE),12 are connected with historical events unfolding in an area between southern Asia Minor, Cyprus and Syria.13 We VKRXOGWKHUHIRUHORRNIRU\$HJHDQW\SH¿QGVIURPVWUDWL¿HGFRQWH[WVLQWKHVH/HYDQWLQHUHJLRQV LQDQDWWHPSWWR¿QGGDWXPOLQHVWKDWFDQEHH[WHQGHGWRZDUGVWKH0\FHQDHDQZRUOG±JLYHQWKH fact that in Greece itself almost no datable inscribed documents from Egypt or the Near East have been found in contexts of the late Palace period and of the early Post-palatial period.14 In this context, of course, one must mention the bronze armor scale inscribed with one cartouche of Ramesses II (1290–1224 BCE)15 and found in the coastal settlement of Kanakia on Salamis.16 8QGHUQHDWKWKHHDUWKÀRRURIDQDQWHURRPLQWKHXSSHUZLQJRI%XLOGLQJǿǻWKHDUPRUVFDOHZDV hidden in a folded bronze sheet, which, in turn, was part of a small bronze hoard including a Mycenaean-type sickle, a slender chisel and a broad chisel, as well as a fragment of a bronze vessel.17 Christina Marabea dates the construction phase of the Eastern Complex, which includes Build-LQJVǿǹǿǺDQGǿǻWRWKH¿UVWKDOIRI/+,,,%18 If the hoard was hidden during that construction phase (which, however, cannot be proven), this would provide a *terminus ad quem* for LH IIIB Early–Middle during Ramesses II's long reign.

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 257 11.11.2022 09:00:56

<sup>181</sup> cat. no. 'Wagen 168', dates this vessel by style to LH IIIB Developed. However, as mending with lead clamps was a common practice in the Aegean itself, one cannot exclude the somewhat unlikely possibility that the krater had arrived in a mended state in a southern Cypriot harbor town.

<sup>8</sup> Imports from the Argolid ceased completely at Chania, where the LM IIIB1 strata contained some possible LH IIIA2 and a series of certain LH IIIB Early–Middle imports, while the LM IIIB2 strata did not yield any piece of secure LH IIIB Developed or Final date (Hallager 2005). Even at Tsoungiza in Corinthia, bordering the Argolid to the north, decorated pottery of Argive style had become very rare by that time (Dabney 2016). These observations compare quite well with the situation known from the eastern Mediterranean.

<sup>9</sup>7RFLWHEXWDIHZPRUHUHFHQWVWXGLHVVHH+|ÀPD\HU\$VWRQ\$VWRQ

<sup>10</sup> Müller 2006.

<sup>11</sup> Aston 2014; Aston 2016.

<sup>12</sup> Throughout this paper regnal years are given according to Schneider 2010, 402; Aston 2014, 307.

<sup>13</sup> Jung 2009a; Ben-Dor Evian 2018; Jung 2018a, 286–296.

<sup>14</sup> Two faience amulets bearing the names of Ramesses II come from the Post-palatial cemetery of Perati, but are most likely heirlooms (Warren – Hankey 1989, 158, 173 n. 37).

<sup>15</sup> Regnal years according to Schneider 2010, 402.

<sup>16</sup>/RORVE±¿J

<sup>17</sup>/RORV¿J±¿J,DPLQGHEWHGWR<LDQQRV/RORVIRULQIRUPDWLRQUHJDUGLQJWKHPHWKRGRI deposition.

<sup>18</sup> Marabea 2012, 164–165.

#### **Ugarit**

The city of Ugarit, capital of a small north Syrian kingdom subject to the Great King of the Hittites, burned down around 1200 BCE. The architect Olivier Callot was able to observe that DOWKRXJKWKH¿UHWUDFHVZHUHIRXQGµDEVROXPHQWSDUWRXW¶WKHSDODFHDQGWKHULFKHUKRXVHV±LH WKRVHLQKDELWHGE\VWDWHR൶FLDOVDQGPHUFKDQWV±VKRZWKHFOHDUHVWWUDFHVRIEXUQLQJZKLOHWKHRU-GLQDU\KRXVHVZHUHDSSDUHQWO\PXFKOHVVD൵HFWHGE\WKDWFRQÀDJUDWLRQ,QKLVMXGJPHQWWKLVGRHV not necessarily mean that those houses did not burn at all. As they were often built against more LPSRUWDQWEXLOGLQJVWKH\VKRXOGOLNHZLVHKDYHEHHQD൵HFWHGE\DQXQFRQWUROOHG¿UH19 The palace and some richer houses were plundered, as the excavators infer from certain artefact scatters.20 However, the destruction level of the Royal Palace did still yield a wide array of fragmentary objects made of precious and imported materials.21

Regarding the cause of destruction, Marguerite Yon interpreted scatters of arrowheads found DFURVVWKHFLW\DVHYLGHQFHIRU¿JKWLQJ,QWKHµ&HQWUHGHODYLOOH¶TXDUWHUVKHFRXQWHGDUURZheads on a surface of 1500m² including both streets and buildings. In the 'Ville sud' the excavators encountered at least 30 arrowheads with a similarly scattered distribution. Yon furthermore stressed that neither quarter yielded weapon storehouses; they were simple living quarters.22

#### The Relative Chronology of Destruction and Reoccupation

During the last decades scholars found evidence for a (probably short-lived) reoccupation fol-ORZLQJWKDW¿HU\GHVWUXFWLRQ7KHHYLGHQFHFRQVLVWVRIZDOOVEXLOWRQWRSRIWKHGHVWUXFWLRQGHEULV LQFHUWDLQEXLOGLQJVORFDWHGLQGL൵HUHQWFLW\TXDUWHUV\$FFRUGLQJWRWKHHVWLPDWHE\&DOORWWKRVH reoccupation activities remained limited to approximately one third of the tell surface. One can name as examples the House of the Armorer in the city quarter called the Residential Quarter,23 and Building B in the 'Grand-rue' quarter.24 However, we do not yet have a very clear picture of that reoccupation, of its duration or its end.25

Seen against the background of the rather recent realization that the burnt city was just the SHQXOWLPDWHKDELWDWLRQSKDVH IROORZHGE\D¿QDORQHLQVRPHTXDUWHUVDQGEXLOGLQJVLWLVFHUtainly problematic that we do not know the exact stratigraphic context of many typologically and chronologically important vessels that allegedly post-date LH IIIB.26 Unfortunately, this is the case for most of the fragmentary deep bowls, which have been ascribed a LH IIIC date. Judging by the published fabric descriptions, two of them might not be Aegean imports.27

7KH¿UVWGHHSERZO)7EHORQJVWR7\SH\$DVGH¿QHGE\&KULVWLDQ3RG]XZHLW±KHQFHforth FT 284/285A or deep bowl A – and is decorated with a stemmed spiral FM 51 (Fig. 1.3). It is said to have been found inside Tomb LVII in the 'Ville Basse Ouest', which is odd because this

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 258 11.11.2022 09:00:56

<sup>19</sup> Callot 1994, 212–213. On the burnt Temple of Baal on the highest spot of the acropolis: Callot 2011, 63–64, 135, ¿J7KH5R\DO3DODFHPD\KDYHEHHQEXUQHGVHYHUDOWLPHVEXWWKHGL൵HUHQWVFKRODUVZRUNLQJDW8JDULWKDYHQRW \HWUHVROYHGDOOWKHLVVXHVUHJDUGLQJWKHSUHFLVHKLVWRU\RIWKDWEXLOGLQJ0DWRwDQE

<sup>20</sup> Yon 1992, 117–118.

<sup>21</sup>0DWRwDQD

<sup>22</sup><RQ±¿JD6RIDUQRGHWDLOHGPDSSLQJVRIZHDSRQ¿QGVDW8JDULWKDYHEHHQSXEOLVKHG

<sup>23</sup> Callot 2008, 120–122.

<sup>24</sup>0DWRwDQHWDO

<sup>25</sup> In some houses the architect Olivier Callot has been able to recognize this phase based on a restudy of the archi-WHFWXUDOVWUXFWXUHVLQFRPELQDWLRQZLWK&ODXGH6FKDH൵HU¶VH[FDYDWLRQGRFXPHQWDWLRQ±IRULQVWDQFHUHJDUGLQJWKH OHYHOVRISUHFLVHO\PHDVXUHGVPDOO¿QGV±EXWQRWSRWWHU\&DOORW2WKHUKRXVHVZHUHXQFRYHUHGGXULQJPRUH UHFHQWFDPSDLJQVEXW¿QDOSXEOLFDWLRQWKHUHRILVRXWVWDQGLQJ0DWRwDQHWDO

<sup>26</sup>,ZLVKWRH[SUHVVP\JUDWLWXGHWR9DOpULH0DWRwDQIRUFKHFNLQJWKHFRQWH[WGDWDRIWKHGHHSERZOV)7IRU me.

<sup>27</sup>.DUDJHRUJKLV±FODVVL¿HVKLVFDWQRV±DVORFDOSURGXFWV ,QGHHGKLVGHVFULSWLRQVRIWKHSDLQW TXDOLW\DQGRIWKHLQFOXVLRQVGRQRW¿WZLWKUHJXODU\$UJLYHSURGXFWV

Fig. 1 Mycenaean pottery from Ugarit. Scale 1:3 (digitization St. Fragner, 1–2: after Monchambert 2004, FDWQRV±DIWHU+LUVFKIHOG¿JDIWHU+LUVFKIHOG¿J ±DIWHU0RQFKDPEHUW¿J±

tomb is dated to the 18th–17th centuries BCE.28 In the Argolid, Group A deep bowls with stemmed spirals were produced starting in LH IIIB Developed, but became more common by LH IIIB Final and especially in LH IIIC Early.29 According to Vassos Karageorghis' fabric description and classi- ¿FDWLRQWKLVSLHFHPD\LQIDFWEHDQLPSRUW±SRVVLEO\HYHQIURPWKH\$UJROLG30 The second deep ERZOIUDJPHQWVKRZVDQWLWKHWLFVSLUDOV)0ÀDQNLQJDQDUURZWULJO\SK)LJDQGZDVIRXQGLQ the western part of Courtyard III, which had been a garden in the Royal Palace.31 The third fragment also has antithetic spirals FM 50, but not enough is preserved to say whether there was a central triglyph. Its context is entirely unknown.32 Like stemmed spirals, antithetic spirals on Group A deep ERZOVDUHQRWFRQ¿QHGWR/+,,,&EXWDSSHDUDOUHDG\LQWKHODWH3DODFHSHULRG±LQWKLVFDVHHYHQLQ WKH¿UVWKDOIRI/+,,,%<sup>33</sup>

Finally, there is a fragment probably belonging to a Group A deep bowl with badly preserved surface. It was found in a building situated to the south of the 'Résidence nord'. That building had WKUHHÀRRUOHYHOVDQGWKHGHHSERZOVKHUGOD\RQWKHVHFRQGÀRRU)LJ34 If its decoration did

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 259 11.11.2022 09:00:57

<sup>28</sup>+LUVFKIHOGFDWQR¿J.DUDJHRUJKLVQR<RQEDQGSHUVRQDO LQIRUPDWLRQE\0DWRwDQ)RUWKHGH¿QLWLRQRIGHHSERZO7\SH\$DVDGHHSERZOZLWKDQRQPRQRFKURPHLQWHULRU see Podzuweit 2007, 24. Type A closely resembles the so-called 'open style' Group A deep bowls of LH IIIB date as GH¿QHGE\(OLVDEHWK)UHQFKEXWHQFRPSDVVHVDODUJHUYDULHW\RIOLQHDUGHFRUDWLRQVRQWKHULPDQGLQWHULRUH[WHULRU body, while it does not include any specimens with a monochrome interior. 29 Kardamaki 2009, 92, 217, 456–457, tab. 8 (type GT1fa), pl. 20.387.

<sup>30</sup>.DUDJHRUJKLVFDWQR7KHUHDUHVHYHUDOGHHSERZOV)7\$ZLWKVWHPPHGVSLUDOVLQGL൵HUHQW sectors of Pyla-Kokkinokremos (abandonment level): Karageorghis – Demas 1984, 45 nos. 22–23, pl. 35.1952/22, %UHWVFKQHLGHUHWDOD¿J+RZHYHUWKHVHDUHPRVWSUREDEO\ORFDOSURGXFWVPDGHRQ&\SUXV

<sup>31</sup>+LUVFKIHOGFDWQR¿J.DUDJHRUJKLVFDWQR<RQEDQGSHUVRQDO LQIRUPDWLRQE\0DWRwDQDFFRUGLQJWRZKRPWKHWRSRJUDSKLFSRLQWLVORFDWHGLQWKH:SDUWRI&RXUW\DUG,,,VHH DOVRDO0DTGLVVL±0DWRwDQ2QWKHJDUGHQVHH<RQ¿J±

<sup>32</sup>+LUVFKIHOGFDWQR¿J.DUDJHRUJKLVQR<RQEDQGSHUVRQDO LQIRUPDWLRQE\0DWRwDQ

<sup>33</sup> Kardamaki 2009, 217–218 (with bibliography).

<sup>34</sup>0RQFKDPEHUW¿J¿JFDWQR¿J7KHGHVFULSWLRQRIWKHLQWHULRU decoration ('bandes concentriques') contradicts the drawing, which shows only one broad interior band. If, instead,

indeed include a broad band deep down on its interior wall, this characteristic trait would argue in favor of a LH IIIC Early rather than of a LH IIIB Final date.35 In another excavation sector in the northern part of the city, three more Mycenaean fragments of alleged LH IIIC Early date ZHUHIRXQG7KH\OD\RQDÀRRURIDQDSSDUHQWO\RSHQVSDFHVRXWKRIWKHRQO\ZDOOH[FDYDWHGLQ that square labelled A14l. Together with imports of Cypriot pottery (White Slip, Base Ring 2) and with Palace-period Mycenaean imports, the sherds were part of a destruction layer reaching DWKLFNQHVVRIPRQWRSRIWKDWÀRRU-HDQ<YHV0RQFKDPEHUWZKRSXEOLVKHGWKHUHOHYDQWSRWtery, stated that this destruction layer could be ascribed either to the extended LBA destruction of the city or to the subsequent reoccupation phase, but did not discuss these options further.36 Two fragments belong to carinated strap-handled bowls, which do not conform to the regular FT 295 shape, but have a very low and quite everted upper part (Fig. 1.1–2).377KH\¿QGSDUDOOHOVDPRQJ Cypro-Mycenaean bowls of LC IIC and early IIIA date38DQGZRXOG¿WZLWK3HQHORSH0RXQWMR\¶V Cypriot bowl Type 8.397KHWKLUGIUDJPHQWIURPWKHÀRRULQ6TXDUH\$ODFRQLFDON\OL[)7 with monochrome decoration type 11.040 (Fig. 1.5),41 is of greater chronological relevance. The streaky execution of the monochrome paint is known from this Mycenaean shape, and the fabric GHVFULSWLRQPLJKWVXSSRUW0RQFKDPEHUW¶VFODVVL¿FDWLRQDVDQ\$HJHDQLPSRUW,QWKH\$UJROLGWKH monochrome conical kylix is a characteristic LH IIIC type, though stem fragments from Tiryns might suggest that the type was in fact an invention of the late Palace period.42 However, according to secure attestations, the painted conical kylix FT 274 was not regularly produced prior to LH IIIC Early 1.437KHFRQLFDON\OL[IURPWKHGHVWUXFWLRQOD\HURQÀRRURI6TXDUH\$OVKRXOG therefore, in all probability, be a product of the Mycenaean Post-palatial period.44

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 260 11.11.2022 09:00:57

WKHUHZHUHVHYHUDO¿QHOLQHVWKLVZRXOGEHDWUDLWZHOODWWHVWHGRQGHHSERZOV\$SDLQWHGZLWKYDULRXV/+,,,%PR-WLIV+RZHYHUWKH¿QHLQWHULRUOLQHVRIUHJXODU\$UJLYHGHHSERZOV\$DUHIRXQGORZHUGRZQRQWKHERWWRPRUYHU\ close to the bottom of the vessel (cf. Voigtländer 2003, pls. 97.S 9; 98.S 14–S 15, S 19, S 30; 99.S 97, S 115; 100.S 126, S 147; 101.S 217, S 226, S 274).

<sup>35</sup> See below with n. 106 to 115.

<sup>36</sup>0RQFKDPEHUW¿J±FDWQRV±¿J¿J± 1632; 315–316, 321–322. In part, Monchambert's discussion of the chronological relevance of the three sherds is unfortunately circular reasoning. When he applies Peter Warren's and Vrowny Hankey's absolute date of 1190 for WKHVWDUWRI/+,,,&(DUO\LQRUGHUWR¿[WKHGHVWUXFWLRQGDWHRI8JDULWLQDEVROXWHDQGUHODWLYHWHUPVKHGRHVQRW UHDOL]HWKDWWKH\$HJHDQDEVROXWHGDWHVGHSHQGRQSUHFLVHO\VXFK1HDU(DVWHUQGHVWUXFWLRQFRQWH[WVEHFDXVHVSHFL¿F written sources allow us to connect regnal years to those destruction layers with greater or lesser certainty.

<sup>37</sup>\$OWKRXJKFODVVL¿HGDV0\FHQDHDQLPSRUWVWKHLUIDEULFGHVFULSWLRQVHVSHFLDOO\WKHLQFOXVLRQVDUJXHDJDLQVW\$UJLYH SURGXFWVFI0RQFKDPEHUWFDWQRV±¿J±

<sup>38</sup>-XQJDTXRWLQJ6RXWK¿J.\$'

<sup>39</sup>&I0RXQWMR\±¿JV±

<sup>40</sup> Decoration types in this paper follow Podzuweit's system (Podzuweit 2007, 311–316, Beil. 78a–j) including later additions (Jung 2002, 575–580, pls. I–XVII; Kardamaki 2009, 14–15, 454–455, tabs. 2–4).

<sup>41</sup> 0RQFKDPEHUWFDWQR¿J\$FFRUGLQJWRWKHW\SHGHVFULSWLRQVSURYLGHGE\\$UQH)X-UXPDUNDQGEDVHGRQWKHVSHFLPHQVKHTXRWHGRQHFDQGL൵HUHQWLDWH)7IURP)7E\SURSRUWLRQ,QJHQHUDO FT 274 has a deeper vessel and a shorter stem than FT 275 does (cf. the discussion in Jung 2002, 146).

<sup>42</sup> Podzuweit 2007, 107, Beil. 54. A further exception may be given by a fragment from Mycenae. E. French in: )UHQFK±6WRFNKDPPHUWDE¿JEXWWKHYHVVHOLVYHU\VKDOORZZKLFKPLJKWRQO\¿WZLWK FT 275, if it really is a kylix and not a shallow cup).

<sup>43</sup> Kardamaki 2009, 324–325, 332, 385, 397, 401. The LH IIIC Early 1 abandonment phase of Building Complex I of the settlement at Kontopigado yielded a well-preserved specimen of FT 274 with decoration type 9.2 (Kaza-Papageorgiou ±.DUGDPDNL¿J±ZKLOHVLPLODUO\GHFRUDWHGIUDJPHQWVRIFRQLFDON\OLNHVDUHSDUWRIWKH3LW GHSRVLWDWWKHVDPHVLWH.D]D3DSDJHRUJLRXHWDO±¿J±\$FRPSOHWHO\SUHVHUYHG SDLQWHGYHVVHOIURPD/+,,,%)LQDOFRQWH[WLQWKH/RZHU&LWDGHORI7LU\QV%XLOGLQJ9,5RRPVKRZVDSUR¿OH which one could typologically classify as halfway between the classical Palace-period FT 258 and the conical FT 274 .LOLDQ¿JIRUWKHFRQWH[WVHH'DPP0HLQKDUGWSO

<sup>44</sup> The rather small sherds of Minoan coarse ware stirrup jars and Trojan kraters with incised wavy lines from the underlying Floor 2 are no real help in establishing a precise *terminus ante quem* in terms of Aegean relative chronol-RJ\IRUWKHWKUHHVKHUGVRQ)ORRUEXWFI0RQFKDPEHUW±¿J±¿J 128.1696, 1699).

Fig. 2 Mycenaean krater of southeast Aegean provenance, found at Ugarit in the House of Yabninu (National Museum RI/DWDNLDSKRWR5-XQJYLHZRIWKHREMHFWRULJLQDOO\SXEOLVKHGLQ&RXUWRLV±&RXUWRLV¿J%

)LQDOO\WKHUHDUHYDULRXVYHVVHOVRIVRXWKHDVWHUQ\$HJHDQSURYHQDQFHIRXQGDWGL൵HUHQWVSRWV inside the settlement as well as in the Royal Palace of Ugarit which are often dated to LH IIIC or to a transitional phase of LH IIIB2 to LH IIIC Early.45 The most famous of these vessels is the amphoroid krater FT 56 decorated with men, horses, wild goats and dolphins and found in the destruction level of a storeroom inside the House of Yabninu, also called the Southern Palace (Fig. 2).46 The fact that such vessels from the wider region of the Dodecanese and Caria turn up LQGL൵HUHQWFRQWH[WVRIWKH¿QDO/%\$SKDVHVLQWKHQRUWKHUQDQGFHQWUDO/HYDQWDVZHOODVRQ&\ prus,47 gives them a certain relative chronological value, but as long as we are lacking a detailed publication of a settlement sequence in their region of origin – a sequence covering both LH IIIB and LH IIIC – we cannot use them for establishing precise synchronisms with the Mycenaean relative chronology.

In drawing a conclusion from this discussion of relative chronology, which focuses on the typologically latest Mycenaean-type vessels from Ugarit, one needs to admit that the available HYLGHQFH GRHV QRW XQHTXLYRFDOO\ VXSSRUW D V\QFKURQL]DWLRQ RIWKH FRQÀDJUDWLRQZLWK/+ ,,,& Early, although a connection with this Mycenaean phase seems to be slightly more plausible than with the preceding phase LH IIIB Final.

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 261 11.11.2022 09:00:58

<sup>45</sup> Warren – Hankey 1989, 159–160; Mountjoy 2004.

<sup>46</sup>&RXUWRLV±&RXUWRLV±¿JV±&&RXUWRLV¿J¿J±¿JV±\$% Yon 1997, 63, 154–155 cat. no. 32.

<sup>47</sup>)RUWKHGLVWULEXWLRQVHH-XQJE¿J

#### 262 R. Jung

### The Absolute Chronology of the Extensive Destruction Preceding the Reoccupation Phase

Fortunately, we are in a better position regarding the stratigraphic location of those artefacts that provide us with anchors for the absolute chronology for the end of Ugarit in its function as the FDSLWDORIDSHWW\NLQJGRP7KH¿UVWUHOHYDQWREMHFWLVDJULSWDQJVZRUGRIDSSDUHQWO\ORFDOW\SH with an incised cartouche bearing the *nomen* of Pharaoh Merneptah,48 who reigned from 1224 to 1214 BCE.49 The sword was part of a larger group of bronze weapons and implements which lay in the House of the Armorer, in a space which may have been a courtyard. Their scattered position and the fact that the level on which they were excavated corresponds to the foot of the wall limiting the courtyard, according to Callot, suggests that these bronzes had fallen from a higher VWRU\LQWRWKHFRXUW\DUG'XULQJWKHUHRFFXSDWLRQSKDVHWKHLQKDELWDQWVUDLVHGWKHÀRRUOHYHORIWKH courtyard and positioned two stone troughs on top of the above mentioned and now ruined wall of the original house. With this amendment the house now had a wide courtyard suited for housing animals, which would drink from the troughs.50 Thanks to Callot's architectural and stratigraphic analysis, we can thus be certain that the well-known Merneptah sword was initially stored in the +RXVHRIWKH\$UPRUHUDQGJRWEXULHGGXULQJWKH¿UHWKDWGHVWUR\HGWKHKRXVHDQGWKHFLW\7KLV FRQÀDJUDWLRQPXVWWKHUHIRUHKDYHKDSSHQHGGXULQJRUDIWHU0HUQHSWDK¶VUHLJQ

Two written documents help to narrow down the time of the destruction further. These are two OHWWHUVIRXQGLQVLGHWKH+RXVHRI8UWƝQXLQWKHFLW\TXDUWHUQDPHGµ6XG&HQWUH¶51 Both are written LQ\$NNDGLDQDQGZHUHVHQWIURP(J\SWWRޏ\$PPXUDSLODVWNLQJRI8JDULW7KH¿UVW56 is very fragmentary. Apart from the name of the recipient, only the sender's titles are extant, and these identify Pharaoh Seti II (1214–1208).52

The sender of the second letter (RS 86.2230) is Beya (or Bay), chancellor to Pharaoh Siptah (1206–1200):53 'Ainsi parle Beya, le chef des gardes du corps du grand roi, du roi du pays G¶eJ\SWHPr>PH@jޏ\$PPXUDSLURLGXSD\VG¶2X>JDULW@¶54 According to a hieratic ostrakon from Deir el-Medina, Siptah had Beya executed in his 5th regnal year,55 which would be 1201 BCE. This year is a *terminus post quem non*IRUWKHVHQGLQJRIWKHOHWWHUIRXQGLQWKH+RXVHRI8UWƝQX It provides us with the latest date, which we can grasp based on the documents found at Ugarit itself. The time span between this date and Ramesses III's year 8 (1187) amounts to 14 years.56 From a purely chronological point of view then, ascribing the arson of Ugarit to the Sea Peoples' destructive actions reported for Karkamiš (northern Syria)57 in the year 8 inscription58 thus gains in probability.59

There is an additional argument supporting this theory. This is the long-suspected connection EHWZHHQVHDERUQHUDLGVOHDGLQJWRWKHGHVWUXFWLRQRIFRDVWDOWRZQVE\¿UHDVUHSRUWHGLQYDULRXV

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 262 11.11.2022 09:00:58

<sup>48</sup>6FKDH൵HU±¿JSO<RQ±FDWQR0\*DEROGHLQ\*DOOLDQR±&DOYHW FDWQR%LHWDN±-XQJ±¿JZLWKIXUWKHUELEOLRJUDSK\-XQJF±¿J

<sup>49</sup> Regnal years according to Schneider 2010, 402.

<sup>50</sup>&DOORW±¿JV±

<sup>51</sup>2QWKH+RXVHRI8UWƝQXVHH<RQ±&DOYHW

<sup>52</sup> Lackenbacher – Malbran-Labat 2016, 86–87, pls. 36, 138.

<sup>53</sup> Regnal years according to Schneider 2010, 402; cf. also Schneider 2003, 138–140, 144, 146.

<sup>54</sup>\$UQDXG±¿J

<sup>55</sup> Grandet 2000.

<sup>56</sup> Cf. Yon 1992, 119–120.

<sup>57</sup> For Klengel 1992, 113–114, has pointed out: 'When the "land of Karkamish" is mentioned in texts of the 13th century B.C.; this could point not only to the immediate territory of this city but also to all inland Syria in the north, belonging to or controlled by the kings of Karkamish.'

<sup>58</sup> (GHOVHHQRZDOVR%HQ'RU(YLDQIRUDGL൵HUHQWUHDGLQJDFFRUGLQJWRZKLFKWKHGHVWUR\HUVRINLQJdoms were not seaborne attackers or pirates, but at least initially foreign (land) troops betraying the kings, in whose DUPLHVWKH\KDGEHHQVHUYLQJ+RZHYHUIXUWKHUZULWWHQHYLGHQFHIURPWKH+RXVHRI8UWƝQXGRHVLQGHHGSURYLGH evidence for a seaborne enemy attack (see below).

<sup>59</sup> For a similar reasoning see already Yon 1992, 120.

letters found at Ugarit, on the one hand, and the destructions mentioned in Ramesses' inscriptions, on the other.602QHRIWKHVHOHWWHUVLVGDWHGWRWKHUHLJQRIޏ\$PPXUDSLODVWNLQJRI8JDULW61 The +RXVHRI8UWƝQX\LHOGHGRQHDGGLWLRQDOOHWWHUWKDWVHHPVWRSURYLGHVRPHKLVWRULFDOEDFNJURXQG information, as it can be dated to the early regnal years of a king who is generally thought to be ޏ\$PPXUDSL62 The letter, sent by the Hittite Great King to the governor of Ugarit,63 mentions the âLNDOƗ\njµZKROLYHRQVKLSV¶DQGDERXWZKRPWKH+LWWLWH\*UHDW.LQJLVWU\LQJWRDVVHPEOHLQIRU-PDWLRQE\LQWHUURJDWLQJDIRUPHUFDSWLYHRIWKRVHâLNDOƗ\nj6HDERUQHZDUULRUVYLUWXDOO\XQNQRZQ to the established military powers in the eastern Mediterranean were thus disturbing the sea routes DQGHQGDQJHULQJWKHOLIHRIWKHFRDVWDOVHWWOHPHQWVDWOHDVWGXULQJDORQJSHULRGRIޏ\$PPXUDSL¶V UHLJQ0RUHRYHUWKH\$NNDGLDQâLNDOƗ\nj*ethnikon* has a hieroglyphic equivalent among one of the Sea Peoples *ethnika* listed in Ramesses III's year 8 inscription.64 Although there is no consensus among scholars about which equation is the correct one, we have both a lexical correspondence DQGDSDUDOOHOLQWKHFRQWHQWRIERWKZULWWHQVRXUFHVIRUWKHâLNDOƗ\nj7MHNHU\RUâHNHOHãZKR according to Ramesses III, come from islands,65 while according to the Hittite Great King, they live on ships. Both pieces of information point to some Mediterranean region west of the lands controlled by the Great Kings. This evidence makes an attack advancing from the west coast WRZDUGVWKHKLQWHUODQGDSODXVLEOHVFHQDULRIRUWKHFDXVHRIFRQÀDJUDWLRQDQG¿JKWLQJWKDWHQGHG the Ugaritic kingdom.

2QH¿QDOOHWWHUDJDLQIURPWKH+RXVHRI8UWƝQXSURYLGHVVRPHLPSRUWDQWWRSRJUDSKLFGHWDLO WKDWFRXOGDOPRVWEHFDOOHGDFRQ¿UPDWLRQRIWKHPHQWLRQHGK\SRWKHVLV\$OWKRXJKIUDJPHQWDU\ and addressed to an unnamed king (who might be the king of Karkamiš), this letter is of crucial importance, because it says: 'At the moment the enemy troops are stationed at Ra'šu and their YDQJXDUGV>"@KDYHEHHQVHQWDJDLQVW8JDULW¶7KHVHQGHULVQDPHGµޏ\$PPXUDSL¶ZKR±WKRXJK PHQWLRQHGRQO\DV µVHUYDQW¶ZLWKRXW IXUWKHUWLWOH±PRVWSUREDEO\LV.LQJ ޏ\$PPXUDSLDQGKH

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 263 11.11.2022 09:00:58

<sup>60</sup><RQ±RQ56UHJDUGLQJâLNDOƗ\njOLYLQJRQVKLSVDVZHOODVRQ56/E\WKHNLQJRI\$ODãL\D >&\SUXV@WR.LQJޏ\$PPXUDSLUHJDUGLQJHQHP\VKLSV1RRUW±RQ56/5656/DFNHQ bacher 2002, 192–194.

<sup>61</sup> RS L 1: Nougayrol 1968, 85–86.

<sup>62</sup> The text of the letter explicitly states that the king 'is (still) young. He does not know anything' (Dietrich – Loretz 1978, 55 lines 5–7; Klengel 1992, 150; Lackenbacher – Malbran-Labat 2005, 227–228). Provided that king LVLQGHHGޏ\$PPXUDSLWKLVSUREDEO\PHDQVWKHOHWWHUZDVZULWWHQGXULQJWKHUHLJQRI0HUQHSWDKFI6LQJHU 732–733, tab.).

<sup>63</sup> RS 34.129: Dietrich – Loretz 1978; Lehmann 1979; Malbran-Labat 1991, 38–39.

<sup>64</sup>'L൵HUHQWVFKRODUVVXJJHVWHGHLWKHUWKHâNUâNOZã/HKPDQQ5HGIRUGRUWKH7NU7NU7NU\ (Rainey 1982, 133–134; Edel 1984; Lehmann 1985, 34).

<sup>65</sup>(GHOOLQH,,\$QRZDOVR:WKULFK±0DWLüIRUWKFRPLQJ(YHQZKHQDGRSWLQJ6KLUO\%HQ'RU(YLDQ¶V new reading proposal of the inscription, according to which the named foreign lands fell victim to a conspiracy by *thr* troops, who in turn are interpreted as soldiers of foreign origin (Ben-Dor Evian 2018), one has to deal with military actions (in the form of some 'betrayal') occurring on some islands and thus to the west of the Levantine coast. For the crucial point in changing the interpretation, i.e. the *thr* soldiers being the agents of the whole betrayal, uprooting and scattering sequence of actions, Ben-Dor Evian quotes Wolfgang Helck (originally Helck 1979, 136). +RZHYHULQKLVWUDQVODWLRQRIWKHLQLWLDOSDVVDJHLQWKH\HDULQVFULSWLRQ+HOFNKDVVDLGVRPHWKLQJGL൵HUHQWIURP what Ben-Dor Evian states in her English translation of his reading. Helck wrote 'die Fremdländer … entwurzelt und verstreut *auf* die Truppen *der* Länder [my emphasis]'. In his translation of the inscription, this explains the way in which the foreign lands had left according to the preceding part of the sentence ('die alle zusammen von ihren Inseln aufgebrochen waren'). According to Helck, they had left their islands in the state of being uprooted and scattered *among* the troops *of the*ODQGV>LHWURRSVRIGL൵HUHQWFRXQWULHV@QRWµE\WKHODQGWURRSV¶ZKLFKLQ\*HUPDQ would be 'durch die Landstreitkräfte' or something similar). For Helck, they were intermingled with troops of the UHJLRQVIURPZKLFKWKH\VHWR൵+RZHYHULQKLVGLVFXVVLRQRIWKHSDVVDJH+HOFNVWDWHVWKDWµEHLQJVFDWWHUHGDPRQJ the troops of the (foreign) lands' seems to indicate that the Sea People groups had been 'als tuhir, Landsknechte' (lansquenets) in those countries and that they eventually met in some kind of a mercenaries' uprising in Amurru (Helck 1979, 137). He thus arrives at a similar point as Ben-Dor Evian does, but for him the uprising only happens in Amurru. Furthermore, he seems to imply a cooperation of those lansquenets with 'free' seaborne comrades in plundering cities such as Ugarit (Helck 1979, 137).

urges his 'Lord' to send troops and chariots as relief, while mentioning that he has already written WRKLV/RUGWKUHHWLPHVSULRUWRWKLV5D¶ãXLVPRGHUQ5ƗV,EQ+DQLZKLFKZDVDQ8JDULWLFKDUERU town situated just 4km southwest of Ugarit and housed further palaces of the royal family. Not surprisingly, the editors of the letter ask themselves if the fact that this letter has not been sent was due to the deterioration of the situation under pressure from the enemy.66 Thus, this letter may have been one of the last written at Ugarit and reporting on the very reason why the city eventually fell to the unnamed enemy that had evidently come from the sea.

7KHH[FDYDWLRQRIWKHODVW/%\$KDELWDWLRQSKDVHRIWKH1RUWK3DODFHDW5ƗV,EQ+DQLDJDLQ EURXJKWWROLJKWHYLGHQFHIRUDFRQÀDJUDWLRQ,QWKHLUFDUHIXODQDO\VLVRIWKHVWUDWLJUDSK\eOLVD-EHWKGX3X\WLVRQ/DJDUFHDQG-DFTXHV/DJDUFHKDYHGHPRQVWUDWHGWKDWWKLVGHVWUXFWLRQE\¿UH resulted from systematic arson aided by additional fuel brought into an almost completely emptied building. Even most of the pottery had not been left inside the palace before the arson. This GLVWLQJXLVKHVWKH1RUWK3DODFHRI5ƗV,EQ+DQLQHDWO\IURPWKH5R\DO3DODFHDW8JDULW67 Rather than ascribing this very systematic and thus probably planned action to the 'enemy troops', one may think of some kind of scorched-earth policy employed by the Ugaritans themselves before retreating towards Ugarit further inland.

5HWXUQLQJWRWKH+RXVHRI8UWƝQXZHQHHGWRWDNHQRWHRIVHYHUDO0\FHQDHDQYHVVHOVIRXQG ZLWKLQLW7KH\RULJLQDWHG IURPGL൵HUHQWSURGXFWLRQ UHJLRQVDQGWKLV¿WVQLFHO\ZLWKWKHZLGH UDQJHRILQWHUQDWLRQDOD൵DLUVWKDWDUHGRFXPHQWHGLQWKHDUFKLYHVRIWKDWKRXVH3URYLGHGWKDWQRQH of them belongs to any reoccupation phase,68 the well-preserved vessels in particular should have been intact and probably in use when the house was destroyed. These include one amphoroid krater, FT 56, from the southeastern Aegean69 and an amphoroid krater painted in the Cypriot Rude or Pastoral Style.70 For its shape and the standing s-shaped spirals on the neck, the latter ¿QGVDYHU\JRRGFRXQWHUSDUWDW3\OD.RNNLQRNUHPRVRQWKHVRXWKHUQ&\SULRWFRDVW71 As the amphoroid krater is a very rare shape among the Pastoral Style vessels,72 this parallel is suggestive of a direct synchronism between Pyla and Ugarit. A fragment of a second Pastoral Style vessel from WKH+RXVHRI8UWƝQXEHORQJVWRDEHOOVKDSHGNUDWHU)7 73

,QDVVHVVLQJWKHFKURQRORJLFDOVLJQL¿FDQFHRIWKHVHYHVVHOVRQHQHHGVWRFRQVLGHUWKHLUH[DFW ¿QGVSRWLQ5RRPVDQG\$VLQPDQ\8JDULWLFKRXVHVWKH+RXVHRI8UWƝQXKDVLWVRZQ built chamber tomb, and this tomb was plundered. Its dromos opens to Room 2072, while Room 2053 communicates directly with 2072 by a door immediately north of the dromos. Therefore, Marguerite Yon has hypothesized that the two vessels may have been among the original grave gifts of that plundered tomb.74 The tomb and the neighboring rooms yielded several amphoroid kraters, FT 54/55, of Argive LH IIIB style.75 If all these pots were indeed originally deposited inside the tomb, their funerary use may, of course, antedate the last phase of the city by an unknown span of time.

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 264 11.11.2022 09:00:58

<sup>66</sup> RS 94.2169: Lackenbacher – Malbran-Labat 2016, 33–35, pls. 8, 106. Surprisingly, Jesse Millek does not discuss this letter in his recent papers on LBA destruction events in the northern Levant (Millek 2020/2021; Millek 2021). 67 du Puytison-Lagarce – Lagarce 2006.

<sup>68</sup>7KHVWUDWLJUDSKLFHYLGHQFHDQGWKH¿QGVDUHQRW¿QDOO\SXEOLVKHG7KH¿UVWPRQRJUDSKLFSXEOLFDWLRQVRIWKH+RXVH RI8UWƝQXH[DPLQHWKHDUFKLYDOUHFRUG

<sup>69</sup>/RPEDUG¿J56-XQJE

<sup>70</sup>56<RQHWDO¿J/RPEDUG¿J56

<sup>71</sup>6XUIDFH¿QG IURPWKH'LNDLRVH[FDYDWLRQV .DUDJHRUJKLV ±'HPDV SOV 9 9 21/25), joining a new fragment (PK18.05.00403-C) from Sector 5, Space 5.16, of the ongoing Belgian excavations ULPGLDPHWHUFP>@EDVHGLDPHWHUFP>@-XQJHWDOLQSUHVV¿J\$IXUWKHUSDUDOOHOZLWKVLPLODU neck motifs comes from Kazaphani (Vermeule – Karageorghis 1982, 207 cat. no. VI.9; Karageorghis 2008, 174– ¿JSO

<sup>72</sup> Karageorghis 2008.

<sup>73</sup><RQD¿JG

<sup>74</sup><RQDFI/RPEDUG¿J&DOYHW

<sup>75</sup><RQD¿J¿JEF¿JF±H

A small globular stirrup jar, FT 173, comes from Room 2135, which is located in the rear (to the east) of the tomb and does not communicate with the dromos.76 It should therefore be part of the house inventory. Penelope Mountjoy recently assigned it to a pattern-decorated subgroup of the Cypriot Simple Style,77ZKLFKXQIRUWXQDWHO\FDQQRWEHXVHGIRUD¿QHSKDVHGFRUUHODWLRQZLWK Aegean pottery phases.

7R VXP XS WKH FRQÀDJUDWLRQ RI 8JDULW JLYHV XV VRPH YHU\ SUHFLVH DQFKRUV IRU DEVROXWH chronology but leaves us with problems regarding the relative chronological links to the Aegean. These problems mainly arise from uncertainties regarding the exact stratigraphic positions of the typologically latest Aegean-type ceramics and may be resolved in the upcoming volumes of the ¿QDOSXEOLFDWLRQ

#### **Tell Tweini**

Proceeding southwards along the Levantine coast, the next destruction to be examined is that of 7HOO7ZHLQL7KLVVHWWOHPHQWLVVLWXDWHGLQWKHSODLQRI-HEOHKDQGFDQPRVWSUREDEO\EHLGHQWL¿HG with LBA Gibala, the southernmost harbor town in the kingdom of Ugarit.78 At the end of LBA II DFRQÀDJUDWLRQGHVWUR\HGWKHVHWWOHPHQWDQGDFFRUGLQJWRWKHH[FDYDWRUVDUURZKHDGVIURPWKH GHVWUXFWLRQOHYHOVXJJHVWWKDW¿JKWLQJLQVLGHWKHFLW\DFFRPSDQLHGWKDWFRQÀDJUDWLRQ79 Although by the end of the last Belgian-Syrian excavation campaign in 2010 the LBA II settlement phase KDGEHHQGHWHFWHGDOORYHU([FDYDWLRQ)LHOG\$QRWDOOZDOOVDQGRQO\DIHZÀRRUGHSRVLWVRIWKH LBA buildings were uncovered at that time (Fig. 3). Moreover, the subsequent building activities in the Iron Age I and II periods destroyed parts of the LBA II structures and strata. Therefore, the SRWWHU\DQDO\VLVKDVWRFRQ¿QHLWVHOIWRDOLPLWHGQXPEHURIYHVVHOVWKDWFDQKHOSLQWKHV\QFKURQLzation of that phase with the Aegean relative chronological sequence.

One of the earliest Argive imports at Tell Tweini is an amphoroid krater, FT 53, painted with a pair of chariots confronting each other on either side of the shoulder (Fig. 4). The combination of all its characteristics – from its proportions with a broad shoulder and low neck80 to the riders'

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 265 11.11.2022 09:00:59

<sup>76</sup><RQD¿JFFI&DOYHW

<sup>77</sup>0RXQWMR\±¿J

<sup>78</sup> Bretschneider et al. 2004, 217–220; Bretschneider – Van Lerberghe 2008, 31–32.

<sup>79</sup> Bretschneider – Van Lerberghe 2008, 32; Bretschneider – Van Lerberghe 2010, 32–33, 41, ill. 36; Bretschneider et al. 2019b, 6: "... a layer of ashes (ca. 5 to 25cm) superimposing the ruins of various Late Bronze Age buildings /HYHO\$´7KLVEULQJVWRPLQGVLPLODU¿QGLQJVIURPGL൵HUHQWFLW\TXDUWHUVDW8JDULWVHHDERYH

<sup>80</sup> TWE-A-01089-C001.C002, TWE-A-01089-C003 + TWE-A-01805-C001.C002.C003.C007, TWE-A-01089- C007 + TWE-A-02605-C014, TWE-A-01805-C004.C005, TWE-A-01805-C006, TWE-A-02016-C010.C011, TWE-A-02016-C002, TWE-A-02016-C005.C012.C015, TWE-A-02016-C009.C013, TWE-A-02016-C014, TWE-A-02532-C008.C009, TWE-A-02532-C010, A-02555-C050, TWE-A-2603-C009.C010.C013.C015.C019.C024. &7:(\$&7:(\$&7:(\$&&5LP GLDPHWHU FP  max. diameter: 42.5cm. For similar proportions see the krater from Maroni in New York (Slenczka 1974, 116, pl. 40.3; Vermeule – Karageorghis 1982, 196 cat. no. III.16; Güntner 2000, 174 cat. no. 'Wagen 9' [supposedly LH IIIA1, but see FM 34.2, the rock pattern from this very krater, dated to LH IIIA2 Early by Furumark 1941, 327, ¿J@DNUDWHUIURP%DPERXOD9RXUQHV-RKQVRQFDWQRSO>KHLJKWFPULPGLDPHWHU 32cm]; Vermeule – Karageorghis 1982, 197 cat. no. IV.1; Güntner 2000, 177 cat. no. 'Wagen 74' [supposedly LH IIIA2]); a krater from Enkomi Chamber Tomb 10, second burial layer (Dikaios 1969/1971, 361, 367 cat. no. 23, pls. 203.19; 204; 223.7; 224; Slenczka 1974, 118, pl. 41.2; Vermeule – Karageorghis 1982, 198 cat. no. IV.32; Güntner 2000, 224 cat. no. 'Stier 11' [LH IIIA2]); and a krater from Tomb 21 at Kalavasos-Ayios Dimitrios. The latter tomb was totally disturbed in antiquity and did not contain any in situ burials. The excavator dates its grave goods to LC IIB (South 2006, 140–144). With a height of 54.5cm, a rim diameter of 39.0cm and a maximum diameter of 49.8cm, it is slightly bigger than the Tweini krater. The composition of the two antithetic chariots driving towards HDFKRWKHULVLGHQWLFDOIRUERWKNUDWHUV6RXWK±¿JV±.\$'

)LJ 7HOO7ZHLQL)LHOG\$SODQRI/HYHO\$%&DIWHU%UHWVFKQHLGHUHWDOE¿J

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 266 11.11.2022 09:01:01

Fig. 4 Tell Tweini, Field A, amphoroid krater of Argive provenance. Scale 1:6 (drawing R. Jung, digitization R. Yassine).

IDFHSUR¿OHV81 the patterns on the chariot box82DQGWKHÀRDWLQJ¿OOPRWLIVLQIURQWRIWKHULGHUV<sup>83</sup> – suggests a typological-stylistic date in LH IIIA2 Late. The sherds of that krater were dispersed across layers of a street running through the northern part of Field A (Squares A4 and B4). Stratigraphically these contexts antedate the LBA II destruction of the settlement and thus provide a *terminus post quem* for that destruction. The lowermost strata yielding sherds of the krater belong to the LBA II construction horizon called Level 7C.

The fragment of a small Minoan stirrup jar with the characteristic evenly banded body (Fig. 5.1) comes from the construction horizon Level 7C in the northern part of Field A (Square F3) and is

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 267 11.11.2022 09:01:01

<sup>81</sup> Cf. a krater of unknown provenance in Paris (Vermeule – Karageorghis 1982, 196 cat. no. III.18; Güntner 2000, 174 FDWQRµ:DJHQ¶>VXSSRVHGO\/+,,,\$EXWVHHWKH¿OOPRWLIV)0DQG)0±ERWKGDWHGWR/+,,,\$ E\)XUXPDUN¿J±¿JVHHDOVREHORZQDQGWKHPHQWLRQHGNUDWHUIURP7RPE DW.DODYDVRV\$\LRV'LPLWULRV6RXWK¿J

<sup>82</sup> For similar though not identical combinations of dots and naturalistic patch pattern on the same chariot box see the mentioned krater from Maroni (Vermeule – Karageorghis 1982, 196 cat. no. III.16) and a fragment of an amphoroid krater from Enkomi Level IIA (Dikaios 1969/1971, 558, pl. 61.38).

<sup>83</sup> For the bivalve motif FM 25.9–10 on other amphoroid chariot kraters see the mentioned kraters from Bamboula-Vournes (Vermeule – Karageorghis 1982, 197 cat. no. IV.1; cf. n. 80) and of unknown provenance in Paris (Vermeule – Karageorghis 1982, 196 cat. no. III.18; cf. n. 81); a krater from Tomb 12 of the British excavations at Enkomi (Vermeule – Karageorghis 1982, 196 cat. no. III.17; Güntner 2000, 174 cat. no. 'Wagen 5' [supposedly LH IIIA1]); and the NUDWHUIURP7RPEDW.DODYDVRV\$\LRV'LPLWULRV6RXWK±¿JV±.\$')RUWKLVPRWLI GHFRUDWLQJVWLUUXSMDUVKRXOGHUVVHHWKHH[DPSOHVRI)7IRXQGDW7HOOHO\$PDUQD+DQNH\¿J

Fig. 5 Aegean pottery from Tell Tweini, Field A, Level 7A-B-C and 6GH. 1. Level 7C; 2–4. Level 7A; 5–7. Level 6GH. 1. Minoan import; 2–3. Argive imports; 4–8. local Mycenaean products. Scale 1:3 (drawings R. Jung, digitization R. Yassine).

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 268 11.11.2022 09:01:01

connected with a building. It also sets a *terminus post quem* for the LBA II destruction. Its shoulder PRWLIFRQVLVWLQJRIKDWFKHGWULDQJOHVZLWKDSDLURIVHSDUDWLQJOLQHV¿QGVTXLWHDJRRGSDUDOOHORQ a large, closed vessel from the LM IIIB2 destruction level at Ayia Aekaterini Square at Chania.84

Also in the northern part of Field A, but in another building that is located in Square B2, a classical Argive kylix, FT 258A, (Fig. 5.2) was found as part of a pottery assemblage deposited on a ÀRRUGXULQJWKH¿HU\GHVWUXFWLRQPDUNLQJWKHHQGRI/%\$,,7HOO7ZHLQL/HYHO\$DWOHDVWLQWKLV area of the settlement.857KDWÀRRUGHSRVLWLQFOXGHVWZRVKDOORZERZOVRUSODWHVRIORFDOW\SH<sup>86</sup> a baggy handmade cooking pot, also of local type;87 and a Cypriot-type Plain White Wheelmade jug with a conical neck.88 The Argive kylix with the typical rim decoration type 1.1 (narrow rim band in and out) shows a series of vertical whorl shells FM 23.8 on the body and a single rosette )0XQGHUQHDWKWKHSUHVHUYHGKDQGOH\$OOLWVFKDUDFWHULVWLFVDQFKRULW¿UPO\LQWKH¿UVWKDOI of LH IIIB, the phases LH IIIB Early and LH IIIB Middle.89 Afterwards, the production of pattern-decorated kylikes FT 258 stopped abruptly.90

The body fragment of what must have been an imported Argive deep bowl FT 284/285A comes from an open-air space (Square Z11) in the south of Field A (Fig. 5.3). The context is a layer equivalent to the LBA II destruction Level 7A. This deep bowl is painted with a variety of the vertical whorl-shell motif that has the solid body (similar to FM 23.10) characteristic for the later LH IIIB phases.91 This might mean that the vessel represents one of the very rare imports dating to the period of the Argive export drop after the phase LH IIIB Middle.

7KLV VDPHDUFKLWHFWXUDO3KDVH\$KDVPRUHWRR൵HUWKDQLPSRUWHG0\FHQDHDQDQG&\SULRW ceramics, namely a number of local products, which clearly reproduce Aegean prototypes, but DGGFHUWDLQHOHPHQWVWRDVSHFL¿FVW\OHWKDWPDNHLWXQLTXHLQWKHUHJLRQVRIWKH/HYDQWLQHFRDVW A building in the central part of Field A (Squares C6, C7, D6) contained rim fragments of deep bowls FT 284/285A (in the broader sense of the term characterized by the non-monochrome in-WHULRUZKLFKZHUHORFDOO\PDGHLQDOLJKWEURZQEX൵IDEULFZLWKDZLSHGVXUIDFHGHFRUDWHGZLWK a dull, dark reddish brown paint (Fabric M 4,92)LJ2QHIUDJPHQWLVVHFXUHO\VWUDWL¿HGLQWKH

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 269 11.11.2022 09:01:01

<sup>84</sup> TWE-A-00854-C009. The parallel from Chania was found in Building 1, Room A (Hallager – Hallager 2003, 69, pls. 82.71-P0875; 100c).

<sup>85</sup>-XQJELOO7KHFRQWH[WORFXV7:(\$DQGLWVHQYLURQVH[KLELWHGFOHDUWUDFHVRI¿UHDQGDQDVK layer (personal information Joachim Bretschneider, Greta Jans). The handmade cooking pot TWE-A-0185-C021 shows traces of secondary burning after breakage.

<sup>86</sup>3ODWHVRI7\SHVDQGLQ0RQFKDPEHUW¶VV\VWHP0RQFKDPEHUW¿J¿J±

<sup>87</sup>)RUWKHKDQGPDGHFRRNLQJSRWVHH9DQVWHHQKX\VH±¿JV±

<sup>88</sup> According to the NAA result, it is an import from the Larnaca Bay area (sample Twei 47: group CypJ), see Vilain FDWQR&<3¿JWRSFHQWHU)RUWKHYHVVHOW\SHVHHHJ%UJH±)LVFKHU ¿J

<sup>89</sup>7:(\$&&\*XQWUDP6FK|QIHOGR൵HUVDFRPSUHKHQVLYHGLVFXVVLRQRIW\SHGHFRUDWLRQDQGPRWLI 6FK|QIHOGWDEVDQG±WDE±¿J± with reference to settlement contexts from Tiryns and Mycenae.

<sup>90</sup> This is most probably because they were replaced by deep bowls (Podzuweit 2007, 108, Beil. 47).

<sup>91</sup> TWE-A-05764-C015. In the Tirynthian Epichosis (mainly LH IIIB Final, to a lesser extent LH IIIC Early 1, see Kardamaki 2015, 93–94) 13 published deep bowls A include six with a solidly painted stem, two with a dotted stem (the older variety) and one with a stem made up of parallel lines (Voigtländer 2003, 37–38 cat. nos. S 2–S 14, pls. 13.S 2–S 14; 97.S 2–S 12; 98.S 13–S 14). The so-called Potter's Shop at Zygouries provides the earliest attesta-WLRQRIWKHVROLGERG\YDULHW\EXWRQN\OLNHVQRWRQGHHSERZOV7KRPDV¿J2QO\RXWRI VX൶FLHQWO\SUHVHUYHGZKRUOVKHOOPRWLIVRQN\OLNHV)7\$IURPWKLVURRPKDYHDVROLGO\SDLQWHGVWHPKDYH DGRWWHGVWHPVKRZRWKHU¿OOPRWLIVEHWZHHQWKHVWHPOLQHVZKLOHRQWZRWKHVWHPLVOHIWEODQN7KRPDV ±¿JV±

<sup>92</sup> Fired very hard. Surface wiped, wheel marks and wiping traces visible. Paint dull; diluted to solid cover. Pottery ma-WUL[ZLWKDPHGLXPTXDQWLW\RI¿QHWRFRDUVHYRLGVYHU\ODUJHDPRXQWRI¿QHWRFRDUVHDQJXODUDQGURXQGHGLQFOXVLRQV PDLQO\ZKLWHEXWDOVRGDUNJUD\SDUWLFOHVKDQGOHZLWKFKD൵WHPSHU&RORURISDLQWUDQJLQJIURP<5GDUN reddish gray), 4/4 (reddish brown) to 5YR 4/2 (dark reddish gray); color of surface ranging from 10YR 6/4 (light yellowish brown), 7/2 (light gray), 7/3 (very pale brown) to 7.5YR 6/6 (reddish yellow) and 5YR 6/6 (reddish yellow); color of break 10YR 5/4 (yellowish brown) to 5YR 6/6 (reddish yellow), sometimes with a gray core.

Fig. 6 Local Mycenaean deep bowl fragments (Fabric M 4) from Tell Tweini, Field A. Scale 1:3. Left: TWE-A-03328-C036.C037, Level 6G; right: TWE-A-03338-C015, Level 7A (photo R. Jung).

Level 7A destruction debris (Fig. 5.4); the second one was found higher up (Fig. 5.5), in a layer that should already belong to the following settlement Level 6G. However, given its striking similarity to the 7A specimen, its context might, in fact, be due to secondary deposition of a Level \$SURGXFW7KHOLQHDUGHFRUDWLRQRIWKHWZRGHHSERZOVLVFRQ¿QHGWRWKHH[WHULRUDQGLQFOXGHV DEDQGZKLFKLVHLWKHUSDLQWHGRQWKHOLSRUDOLWWOHEHORZLQWKH¿UVWFDVHDQRWKHUEDQGIROORZV underneath), and at least one lower band bordering the decorative zone. Patterns consists of a line of dots or rather short strokes on the interior rim (most probably a feature of local inspiration)93 and a single horizontal wavy band with wide swings of medium thickness (FM 53.20). All painted decoration is untidily drawn. While the one specimen has a regular deep bowl diameter of 16cm, the other one is large, with its rim diameter measuring 21cm. These deep bowls recall the wavy band deep bowls of the Argolid in (a) their variability of sizes reaching quite large diameters and (b) in the wide-swung single wavy band occupying the decorative zone.

Those wavy band deep bowls are a characteristic feature of the so-called Epichosis at Tiryns, i.e. strata mainly formed by LH IIIB Final palace destruction debris dumped from the Upper Citadel and most probably also – though to a lesser degree – by further debris thrown down the wall during LH IIIC Early 1.94 Most of the wavy band deep bowls from the Epichosis resemble stemmed bowls in their linear decoration of type 7, while specimens with a monochrome interior (decoration type 9) are rare.957KH:HVWHUQ6WDLUFDVHVWUDWLJUDSK\FODUL¿HGWKDWWKHPDLQSURGXFtion period of those Tirynthian wavy band deep bowls post-dated the destruction of the palace. It also suggests that they did not belong to the popular table ware vessels.96 Elsewhere in the Argolid, deep bowls painted with a single broad wavy band appear to be even rarer.

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 270 11.11.2022 09:01:02

<sup>93</sup> It seems doubtful that this rim pattern could relate to LH IIIB and LH IIIC deep bowls with dotted rim (such as 0RXQWMR\¿J¿J¿J9RLJWOlQGHUSOV±3RG]XZHLW 2007, pls. 13.10; 20.4–6; or Kardamaki 2009, pls. 4.84–87; 21.422–438, 422), for the dots on the Tweini deep bowls appear in continuous rows of widely spaced short brush strokes rather than as densely placed proper dots. Local reproductions of rosette deep bowls in the Mycenaean sense are unknown in the Levantine coastal regions. Short or longer, more or less widely spaced brush strokes recur, however, on painted Levantine pots (mostly chalices of local types, e.g. Badre – Capet 2018, 82–84, pl. 13.180, 189, 192). These may betray the origin of such patterns on locally made deep bowls in coastal Syria (for this discussion see Jung 2008, 193–195).

<sup>94</sup> Kardamaki 2015, 93–94.

<sup>95</sup> Voigtländer 2003, 94 cat. nos. Si 122–Si 125; 172–176, pls. 49–50, 67.Si 122–Si 125; 109–110, 129.Si 122.

<sup>96</sup> Kardamaki 2009, 221–222, pl. 20.411–412.

Leaving aside regional preferences outside the territories of the Mycenaean kingdom, such as the situation on the central Macedonian tell settlements,97 one notes that wavy band deep bowls were in common use in coastal Thessaly. At Dimini the destruction layer inside Megaron %ZKLFK IHOORXWRIXVHDIWHULWVFRQÀDJUDWLRQFRQWDLQHGPDQ\ZDY\EDQGGHHSERZOVZLWK either a banded or a monochrome interior. Most of these have the thickened rim of the stemmed bowl.98 The same destruction layer yielded many deep cups FT 215, most of which are painted in the decoration types 14–15 (interior monochrome, sometimes with reserved bottom circle, medium to broad rim band),99 which in Argive terms would point to a date in LH IIIC Early 1 rather than LH IIIB Final.100 The high frequency of deep bowls FT 284/285 with decoration type 9.2 (narrow rim band and monochrome interior)101 provides additional evidence for such a date. The predominance of antithetic spirals, FM 50, and triglyphs, FM 75, on those deep bowls would also be in accordance with that, although one might expect more specimens with running spirals FM 46 (their rarity might be a local trait).102 So, the parallels from both Tiryns and Dimini suggest that the Tweini specimens were manufactured in LH IIIC Early 1, when wavy band deep bowls occupied a certain place in some Aegean drinking sets rather than being an absolute exception.

At Tell Tweini, further south in Field A (Squares A9, B9, B10) another building yielded ex-DPSOHVRIORFDOO\PDGHGHHSERZOV)7\$ZKLFKKRZHYHUDUHPDGHLQDGL൵HUHQWIDEULF (M 1).1037KHLUFRQWH[WVEHORQJWRWKH¿UVWEXLOGLQJDFWLYLWLHVRIWKH(DUO\,URQ\$JH/HYHO\*+<sup>104</sup> 7KH\DUHPDLQO\UXEEOHOD\HUVXQGHUQHDWKWKH¿UVW(DUO\,URQ\$JHÀRRUVDQGRYHUO\LQJWKH/%\$,, VWUXFWXUHV7KHVXUIDFHVRIWKHVHYHVVHOVDUHZLSHGZLWKPDQ\YLVLEOHWUDFHVRI\HOORZLVKEX൵ color and bear dull, dark-red paint (Fig. 7). The walls of these deep bowls are straight rather than EHOOVKDSHG EXW KDYH FOHDUO\ ÀDULQJ ULPV7KHLUOLQHDU GHFRUDWLRQLV UHPLQLVFHQW RIWKH\$UJLYH stemmed bowl decoration type 7 (rim band + further bands on the interior and exterior surfaces), EXWGL൵HUVIURPWKHFODVVLFVWHPPHGERZOGHFRUDWLRQW\SHVLQOHDYLQJWKHOLSZLWKRXWDEDQGDQG placing the uppermost interior and exterior bands a bit further down. There are long tails descending on both sides from the band painted along the ridge of the horizontal handles. All but one of WKHVHGHHSERZOVVKRZDQWLWKHWLFVSLUDOV)0ZKLFK±LIVX൶FLHQWO\SUHVHUYHG±ÀDQNDFHQWUDO triglyph (Fig. 5.6–7). The one exception has a wide horizontal zigzag painted between the upper DQGWKH¿UVWORZHUEDQG)LJ7KLVLVFOHDUO\QRWD0\FHQDHDQGHHSERZOPRWLIHYHQWKRXJK one can assign it the FM 61 number). Its local use on this vessel type may have been inspired by large Syrian-type deep bowls, which show similar (but usually broader) zigzag motifs on the upper half of the body.105-XVWOLNHWKH¿UVWJURXSRIGHHSERZOVPDGHLQ)DEULF0WKLVJURXS

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 271 11.11.2022 09:01:02

<sup>97</sup>&I-XQJ±¿JV±ZLWKIXUWKHUELEOLRJUDSK\

<sup>98</sup>\$GULPL6LVPDQLWDE±7KH¿OOOD\HULQVLGH5RRPRIWKH1RUWKHUQ0HJDURQDFRPSOH[ situated immediately to the north of Megaron A and overbuilt after the destruction by LH IIIC Early structures, also yielded such wavy band deep bowls (Adrimi-Sismani 2014, 180–181, tab. 9; 470–471).

<sup>99</sup> Adrimi-Sismani 2014, 206, tab. 12; 208, tab. 13; 211, tab. 14; 214, tab. 15; 349–350, 398–399.

<sup>100</sup>.DUGDPDNL±¿J

<sup>101</sup> Rim band below 1cm width. Decoration type 9.1 starts at 1cm width in Podzuweit's system, while Eleftheria Karda-PDNLLQKHUPRGL¿FDWLRQWDONVDERXWGHFRUDWLRQW\SHLIWKHULPEDQGLVQDUURZHUWKDQFP.DUGDPDNL 454, tab. 2).

<sup>102</sup> Adrimi-Sismani 2014, 382–387. Cf. Kardamaki 2009, 456, tab. 6; 457, tab. 10.

<sup>103</sup> Fig. 5.6: TWE-A-07331-C003.C004 + TWE-A-07185-C002; Fig. 5.7: TWE-A-7169-C019; Fig. 5.8: TWE-A- &7:(\$&)LUHGKDUG6XUIDFHZLSHGFRYHUHGE\DVHOIVOLS¿QHZKHHOPDUNVYLVLEOHRQ the exterior, on the interior also deeper wheel marks (as if it was a closed vessel). Paint dull; solid cover, but at certain spots diluted. Color of paint 10R 3/4 (dusky red), 4/4 (weak red), 4/6 (red); color of surface 7.5YR 7/4 (pink), 7/6 (reddish yellow); 2.5Y 7/3, 7/4 (pale yellow); color of break 7.5YR 7/6 (reddish yellow). Pottery matrix dense; many angular inclusions of predominantly medium to coarse size (black, reddish brown, very few white ones).

<sup>104</sup> These deep bowls cannot serve to illustrate the pottery that was in use during the Level 7A destruction event GHVSLWH0RXQWMR\±¿JIRUWKH\DUHVWUDWL¿HGLQWKH¿UVW,URQ\$JHOHYHOFI-XQJD ±¿J±

<sup>105</sup> Badre – Capet 2018, 74–75, pl. 9.105.

Fig. 7 Local Mycenaean deep bowl fragment (Fabric M 1) from Tell Tweini, Field A, Level 6GH (photo R. Jung).

of local deep bowls made in Fabric M 1 is characterized by a lack of care in drawing horizontal lines and executing symmetrical patterns. A dotted rim on the zigzag deep bowl links this second JURXSWRWKH¿UVW

Despite the impact that the local potters' creativity had on the execution of painted linear decorations and motifs, these deep bowls are clearly of Mycenaean type and are therefore sig-QL¿FDQWIRUHVWDEOLVKLQJV\QFKURQLVPVZLWKWKH\$HJHDQ,QWKH\$UJROLGDQWLWKHWLFVSLUDOPRWLIV were characteristic Group A deep bowl motifs from LH IIIB Early until LH IIIC Early.106 The linear decorations of type 7 and, more precisely, the varieties with one or several bands in the middle or on the lower half of the interior wall are chronologically more sensitive. In the Argolid, the habit of decorating deep bowls in this way emerged at the end of the Palatial period, EXWGHVFULELQJLWVGHYHORSPHQWLQTXDQWLWDWLYHWHUPVZLWKUHIHUHQFHWRVSHFL¿FVXESKDVHVLVQRW easy.

7KHHDUOLHVWVWUDWL¿HGDWWHVWDWLRQVDUHWREH IRXQGLQWKH/+ ,,,%)LQDOGHVWUXFWLRQFRQWH[WV of Mycenae,107 and Midea.108 The published Epichosis material from Tiryns includes three deep bowls with single broad lower bands on their interior walls, one of them a Type A deep bowl

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 272 11.11.2022 09:01:03

<sup>106</sup> 6FK|QIHOGWDE¿J±3RG]XZHLW±%HLOSO±.DUGDmaki 2009, 214–215, 300, 456–457, tab. 8 (Typ GT1fb).

<sup>107</sup>6RXWK+RXVH\$QQH[5RRP()UHQFKLQ)UHQFK±6WRFNKDPPHU¿JUHJXODU)7 rim diameter 17cm according to the drawing). South House, Central Room: E. French in: French – Stockhammer ±¿JODUJHVSHFLPHQULPGLDPHWHUFPDFFRUGLQJWRWKHGUDZLQJ±DOWKRXJKWKHUHFRQVWUXFWLRQ as FT 283/285 rather than as a stemmed bowl FT 304/305 is not entirely secured).

<sup>108</sup>\*DWHZD\RIWKH:HVW\*DWH'HPDNRSRXORX±¿JODUJHVSHFLPHQULPGLDPHWHUFPDFFRUGLQJWR the drawing). Apart from the stemmed foot, this vessel resembles a stemmed bowl FT 304/305 in all its morphological and decorative details.

EHDULQJZKRUOVKHOOVZLWK¿OOHGVWHPVVLPLODUWR)0VHHDERYHDVZHOODVDODUJHDQGD small wavy band deep bowl.109 However, the character of the Epichosis strata does not allow for DGL൵HUHQWLDWLRQEHWZHHQ/+,,,%)LQDODQG/+,,,&(DUO\\$PRQJWKH¿QGVIURPWKH:HVWHUQ Staircase, there is no specimen with that kind of interior decoration that we could ascribe with certainty to the LH IIIB Final palace destruction, while two vessels belong to the succeeding LH IIIC Early 1 horizon.110 Likewise, the Lower Citadel stratigraphy did not yield any attestation of that decoration mode on deep bowls in levels antedating LH IIIC Early.111 Further towards the VRXWKHUQFRDVWRIWKH\$UJROLGZH¿QGWKUHHODUJHZDY\EDQGGHHSERZOVLQWKH,ULDKRXVHDQQH[ of probably LH IIIC Early 1 date.112

Probably the earliest deep bowls (FT 284/285) to be painted with that variety of decoration type 7 were those large specimens that morphologically still betray the model of the stemmed bowl FT 304/305. This might suggest an innovative process, during which potters transferred the new linear decoration to the classic small deep bowl FT 284/285A with rim diameters between 14 and 16cm113 only as a second step. If this is true, then we might be entitled to date the small (i.e. regular-sized) Group A deep bowls with one or two broad interior bands at medium or lower height to LH IIIC Early 1 rather than to LH IIIB Final.114 These would then be indicators for a *terminus ad* or *post quem* of LH IIIC Early 1, when found elsewhere.115

Summing up the evidence from Tell Tweini, for the construction period of LBA II Level 7 (Level 7C) we have a *terminus ad* or *ante quem*RI/+,,,\$/DWH7KH¿QDOFRQÀDJUDWLRQRF-FXUUHGZKHQ\$HJHDQW\SHSRWVZHUHEHLQJORFDOO\PDGHXQGHUWKHLQÀXHQFHRIWKH/+,,,&(DUO\ 1 style, while much earlier Palace period imports were still in use among the population. One may DVVXPHWKDWWKH¿HU\GHVWUXFWLRQVRIWKHFDSLWDO8JDULWDQGLWVVRXWKHUQKDUERUWRZQ\*LEDOD7HOO 7ZHLQLZHUHUHODWHGKLVWRULFDOHYHQWVIRUWKHPHQWLRQHGOHWWHUIURPWKH8UWƝQXDUFKLYHVLQIRUPV XVWKDWWKHQRUWKHUQKDUERUWRZQ5D¶ãX 5ƗV ,EQ+DQLKDG IDOOHQWRXQQDPHGHQHPLHVGXULQJ ޏ\$PPXUDSL¶VUHLJQDQGEHFDXVHWKHZKROHNLQJGRPFHDVHGWRH[LVWZLWKWKHIDOORIWKLVODVWNLQJ ޏ\$PPXUDSL7KH\$HJHDQUHODWLYHV\QFKURQLVPVRI7HOO7ZHLQLZRXOGWKHQDSSO\WR8JDULWDVZHOO This is conceivable, as the evidence from Ugarit itself points to the time span LH IIIB Final–IIIC (DUO\ IRUWKHH[WHQVLYHFRQÀDJUDWLRQ ,WDOVR¿WVZLWKWKH VWUDWLJUDSKLFHYLGHQFH IRU¿JKWLQJ found in both settlements and with the report in Ramesses III's year 8 inscription, which refers to the destruction of entire lands or kingdoms. Accepting that both destructions can be synchronized with LH IIIC Early 1 then leads to the conclusion that LH IIIC Early 1 should have started before at least 1187 (Ramesses III, year 8, the Sea Peoples' destructions in the northern Levant) and possibly – though less plausibly – even before 1201 BCE (Siptah, year 5, the execution of Bay, who KDGVHQWDOHWWHUWR.LQJޏ\$PPXUDSL

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 273 11.11.2022 09:01:03

<sup>109</sup> Voigtländer 2003, 38 cat. no. S 14 (rim diameter 14.8cm); 74 cat. nos. SW 14 (rim diameter 22cm) and SW 21 (rim diameter 12.2cm), pls. 98.S 14; 110.SW 14, SW 21.

<sup>110</sup> Western Staircase, context of either LH IIIB Final or LH IIIC Early 1 date: Kardamaki 2009, 11–12, 56, 204, 207 QSOODUJHVSHFLPHQULPGLDPHWHUFPFI.DUGDPDNL±¿J:HVWHUQ Staircase, LH IIIC Early 1: Kardamaki 2009, 89, 204, 208, 213, 221, 300, pls. 18.361 (small specimen, rim diameter 16cm); 22.450 (large specimen, rim diameter 19cm).

<sup>111</sup> Podzuweit 1987, 188, 192 n. 26; Podzuweit 2007, 24–25, pls. 1.2; 2.8; 3.7.

<sup>112</sup>'|KO±¿J\$\$\$SO±0RXQWMR\±¿J)RUWKHGDWHRI the complex see most recently Kardamaki 2009, 382–385.

<sup>113</sup> Podzuweit 2007, 29.

<sup>114</sup> At Dimini, the deep bowls with interior bands at medium height found in the Northern Megaron (north of Megaron \$LQD¿OOOD\HUPRVWSUREDEO\GHSRVLWHGGXULQJ/+,,,&(DUO\DQGWKHQRYHUEXLOWE\ODWHU/+,,,&(DUO\URRPV either show morphological traits of the stemmed bowl FT 304/305 or are very small vessels with a straight rather WKDQEHOOVKDSHGSUR¿OH\$GULPL6LVPDQL7KXVWKH\GRQRWUHSUHVHQWWKHUHJXODUGHHSERZOVKDSH

<sup>115</sup> Cf. already Podzuweit 1987, 188 with n. 26 (Pyla and Kalavasos lasting until LH IIIC Early based on those deep bowls); Podzuweit 2007, 25, 269 n. 1815, 276–278, 281.

274 R. Jung

Fig. 8 Excavated buildings on Tell Kazel (digitization St. Fragner, after Badre – Capet 2018, 163, plan 2).

### **Tell Kazel**

7KH.LQJGRP RI\$PXUUXLV RQH RIWKHPDMRU UHJLRQVD൵HFWHG E\WKRVH GHVWUXFWLRQV RQZKLFK Ramesses' inscriptions at Medinet Habu report.116 The Akkar plain, the northern part of which today belongs to Syria and the southern part to Lebanon, formed the central part of Amurru. Many seasons of excavation explored the most important LBA settlement in this plain. This is Tell Kazel )LJXVXDOO\LGHQWL¿HGZLWKWKHFLW\RIৡXPXUVLWXDWHGLQWKHNLQJGRPRI\$PXUUXDQGDSSDU ently the seat of its king.117

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 274 11.11.2022 09:01:03

<sup>116</sup> Edel 1985.

<sup>117</sup> .OHQJHO.OHQJHO±6XEVHTXHQWO\WKLVLGHQWL¿FDWLRQKDVJDLQHGVXSSRUWIURPSHWURJUDSKLFVWXG ies on Amarna letters (EA 165–EA 167 and EA 96) either sent by Aziru, king of Amurru, or by an Egyptian general ZULWLQJIURPৡXPXU\*RUHQHWDOD±±WDEDQGRQ6\ULDQW\SHSRWWHU\IRXQGDW7HOO .D]HOLWVHOI%DGUHHWDO±SOD±E%RLOHDXHWDO¿JD±F

Fig. 9 Tell Kazel, Area IV-North, pithos storeroom (photo R. Jung, courtesy of L. Badre, storeroom originally published in Badre – Capet 2018, 33, photo 6 [by L. Badre]).

\$WWKHHQGRI/%\$,,\$NNDU3KDVH.7HOO.D]HODOVRIHOOYLFWLPWRD¿HU\GHVWUXFWLRQ\$JRRG illustration of its devastation is a storeroom in Excavation Area IV-North, where stones calcinat-HGE\WKH¿UHEHFDPHDFRQFUHWHOLNHPDVVGXHWRVXEVHTXHQWUHDFWLRQZLWKZDWHU)LJ118 The destruction traces are less marked in Area II, yet still exist.119 In direct comparison, the Phase K1 FRQÀDJUDWLRQRI\$UHD,,LVUHIHUUHGWRDVWKHµLQFHQGLH¶WKDWRI\$UHD,9DVWKHµYLROHQWLQFHQGLH¶<sup>120</sup>

Weapons (mainly arrowheads, but also a Syrian-type sword) related to that destruction were found in Excavation Areas II and IV. While there are no human skeletons in the destruction de-EULV\$UHD,9\LHOGHGDFRPSOHWHVKHHSVNHOHWRQO\LQJRQDÀRRURIWKHGHVWUXFWLRQSKDVH121 The excavations did not uncover written documents that would connect Akkar Phase K1 to any known king. However, two of the Medinet Habu inscriptions by Ramesses III explicitly mention a devas-WDWLQJGHVWUXFWLRQRI\$PXUUXE\WKHFRDOLWLRQRIދHWKQLFތJURXSVWKDWVFKRODUVFRQYHQWLRQDOO\UHIHU WRDVWKH6HD3HRSOHV7KH¿UVWLQVFULSWLRQGDWHVWRKLVUHJQDO\HDU%&(WKHVHFRQGWR his year 8 (1187 BCE). It seems that decades of discussion among Egyptologists have resulted in a now widely accepted view that those reports which refer to destructions in the northern Levant

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 275 11.11.2022 09:01:04

<sup>118</sup> Cf. Badre – Capet 2018, 33, photo 6.

<sup>119</sup>,QVRPHURRPVWKHGHVWUXFWLRQOD\HURQWRSRIWKHODVW/HYHOÀRRUKDGEHHQFOHDUHGDZD\E\WKHUHEXLOGHUVRI the Iron Age I phase, while in others these same people had apparently moved the Level 6 burnt debris in order to XVHLWDV¿OOPDWHULDOXQGHUWKH¿UVWÀRRUVWKH\ODLG&DSHW±\$OWKRXJK stylistically often very similar, the vessels from the Iron Age I destruction should not be intermingled with those IURPWKHSUHFHGLQJ/%\$,,GHVWUXFWLRQDVLQ0RXQWMR\±¿J±'HVSLWHLQLWLDOO\QRWLQJWKH destruction evidence published for Area II (Millek 2020/2021, 114–116), Millek later neglects it (Millek 2021, 73).

<sup>120</sup> Capet 2003, 117.

<sup>121</sup>%DGUH¿J-XQJD

do have historical value and cannot be discarded as copying main events from earlier pharaonic historical narratives.122

#### Argive Imports

In many respects, the Tell Kazel pottery evidence is reminiscent of that encountered at Tell Tweini. As part of the destruction level assemblage in Phase K1, there are Argive imports dating to the Palace period (LH IIIB Middle–Developed) and local Mycenaean products adopting stylistic elements of the LH IIIB Final and LH IIIC Early 1 phases. Two series of NAA and petrographic analyses have assigned the majority of the imports to the northern Argolid (chemical pattern MYBE) DQGKDYHFRQ¿UPHGWKHRULJLQRIWKHORFDO0\FHQDHDQSRWVLQWKHUHJLRQRIWKH\$NNDUSODLQ<sup>123</sup>

Starting with the northern Argive imports from Phase K1 contexts,124 Building B to the north/ QRUWKHDVWRIWKHWHPSOH\LHOGHGDQXPEHURIUHOHYDQW¿QGV\$FKDOLFH)7)LJFRPHV from the same space in which the sheep skeleton lay (architectural Level 5 upper in Area IV).125 ,WVURZRIZDONLQJPHQ¿QGVFORVHSDUDOOHOVRQRWKHUFKDOLFHVLQWKH/HYDQWDQGRQ&\SUXVDVZHOO as on an open vessel of uncertain shape at Berbati, a potters' quarter in the region of Mycenae. Based on the style, they can be dated to LH IIIB Early–Middle.126,QDGGLWLRQVWUDWL¿HGLQWKH same Phase K1 destruction context there are fragments of a small globular stirrup jar FT 173 (Fig. 10.3)127 as well as of one of the extremely rare specimens of unpainted Argive imports, a conical kylix FT 274 (Fig. 10.2).1287KHVPDOOVWLUUXSMDU¿QGVJRRGSDUDOOHOVIRUDOORILWVW\SRORJLFDODVpects in Argive contexts from LH IIIB Middle to LH IIIB Final.129

The same excavation square yielded a large fragment of a Zygouries kylix FT 258A (Fig. 10.4) O\LQJRQWKHSODVWHUÀRRUFRYHUHGE\DGHVWUXFWLRQOD\HURIDQROGHUEXLOGLQJZKLFKWKHH[FDYDWRUV ascribe to architectural phase 6 (Akkar Phase K3 = Level 6 upper in Area IV).130 The Zygouries type was an innovative feature of the LH IIIB Early phase and became common only by LH IIIB 0LGGOHDQGWKH.D]HOVSHFLPHQZLWKLWVZKRUOVKHOOSDLUVKRZLQJHPSW\KHDGV¿QGVSOHQW\RI parallels in LH IIIB Middle levels of the Tirynthian Lower Citadel as well as in the LH IIIB Middle eponymous 'Potter's Shop' at Zygouries in Corinthia.131

7KLVÀRRUVHTXHQFHWKHUHIRUHVXJJHVWVWKDWDWOHDVWWKHSLFWRULDOFKDOLFHIRXQGDOPRVWFRPSOHWH in the Phase K1 destruction layer was an old piece that had remained in use from a previous

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 276 11.11.2022 09:01:04

<sup>122</sup> Summing up earlier debates and proposing new pieces of interpretation: Kahn 2010; Ben-Dor Evian 2018; Wüthrich ±0DWLüIRUWKFRPLQJ

<sup>123</sup> Badre et al. 2005; Boileau et al. 2010.

<sup>124</sup> More detailed discussions and pottery editions have been published elsewhere (Jung 2008; Jung 2011c; Jung 2015). What follows is a selection of certain chronologically important pieces.

<sup>125</sup>ERWK6TXDUH06(%DGUHHWDOQR7.-XQJ±¿J FDWQRZLWKD/HYDQWLQHSDUDOOHOSUREDEO\IRXQGDW.ƗPLGHO/ǀ])RUWKHFRQWH[WFI%DGUH¿J

<sup>126</sup> The parallel on Cyprus comes from the new Belgian-Greek excavations at Pyla-Kokkinokremos (PK15 384 + PK15 XQSXEOLVKHG)RUWKHVW\OLVWLFGDWHRIWKHSDUDOOHOVIRUWKHKXPDQ¿JXUHVVHH\*QWQHU±FDWQRV 'Wagen 114' and 'Wagen 133'; 200–201 cat. nos. 'Mensch 33, 35, 37, 38, 45' (quoting Åkerström 1987, 32 cat. nos. 105, 107–109, 111, 119, pls. 19.5; 20.1–3, 5a–5c; 21.8, and Vermeule – Karageorghis 1982, 200–201 cat. nos. V.7, V.8). There might be one more distant parallel on Cyprus, found in Temple 2 at Kition (Vermeule – Karageorghis FDWQR90RXQWMR\±¿J7KHKXPDQ¿JXUHVUHVHPEOHFORVHO\WKRVHRQWKH Tell Kazel chalice, but the vessel seems to be a kylix FT 274 rather than a chalice FT 278.

<sup>127 6652.12</sup>B,C (M 19 SE).

<sup>128</sup>\$%06(-XQJ¿JFDWQR

<sup>129</sup>0\FHQDH:HVW+RXVHGHVWUXFWLRQ/+ ,,,%0LGGOH)UHQFK±¿JSOE ULJKW0\FHQDH &RUULGRULQWKHVRFDOOHG&LWDGHO+RXVH\$UHDGHVWUXFWLRQOD\HU/+,,,%)LQDO:DUGOH¿J Tiryns, Epichosis, LH IIIB Final (–LH IIIC Early 1): Voigtländer 2003, 101–102 cat. nos. Bü 9–Bü 15, pls. 73.Bü 13–Bü 15; 135.Bü 15.

<sup>130 6689.1</sup>A, 6689.1B (Square M 19 SE/S [southern bulk of M 19 SE]): Badre et al. 2005, 41 no. TK 106.

<sup>131</sup>6FK|QIHOGWDEVDQG±7KRPDV±¿JV±± 7KRPDV±¿J±

Fig. 10 Aegean pottery from Tell Kazel, Area IV, Building B. 1–3. Akkar Phase K1; 4. Akkar Phase K3; 5–6. probably Akkar Phase K3. 1–4, 6. Mycenaean imports from the Argolid; 5. Gray Ware kylix imported from Troy. Scale 1:3 (drawings R. Jung, digitization R. Yassine).

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 277 11.11.2022 09:01:04

278 R. Jung

Fig. 11 Imported Argive krater from Tell Kazel, Area IV, Building E, Akkar Phase K1, and Building F, Akkar Phase K3/K4. Scale 1:3 (drawing R. Jung, digitization R. Yassine).

 settlement phase. The same might be true for a Trojan Gray Ware kylix (Fig. 10.5), but a fragment of it did in fact form part of the same Phase K3 context as the Zygouries kylix (Fig. 10.4).132 This, in turn, probably means that the fragment from the K1 destruction layer has ended up there due to a process of secondary deposition. At Troy itself, this Gray Ware kylix type (A 85 in Blegen's typology), which is equivalent to the Mycenaean unpainted FT 265, was in use from Troy VI Late to Troy VIIa,133 which would be from LH IIIA2 to the end of LH IIIB or the very beginning of LH IIIC Early in the Mycenaean chronological system.134

)XUWKHUWRWKHZHVWRQDÀDJVWRQHÀRRUERUGHULQJWKHDOUHDG\PHQWLRQHGSODVWHUÀRRURI/HYHO 6, another fragment of special chronological relevance was found. It is the body fragment of a krater, which, because of one preserved handle attachment and in view of its interior bands, was clearly a FT 281/282 krater with horizontal handles (Fig. 10.6). In the course of LH IIIB this type largely replaced the earlier one with vertical handles. The new join from Level 6 upper (Akkar Phase K3) suggests that the other fragments had been secondarily deposited in higher levels.135

For the relative chronology of Akkar Phase K3 one can further mention a krater with rim decoration type 7.1 and a large octopus motif (close to FM 21.17), again from Excavation \$UHD,9:KLOHWKH¿UVWIUDJPHQWRILWWXUQHGXSLQ3KDVH./HYHOXSSHURI%XLOGLQJ(D second sherd, which almost certainly belongs to the other side of the same vessel, turned up in a later excavation season 40m to the east, in a context of Level 6 in Building F. Therefore, the vessel very probably came to Syria when the buildings of Level 6 (Akkar Phases K3 and K4) were inhabited (Fig. 11).136 There are only a few parallels for a krater with this motif. The one which is closest to the Tell Kazel specimen is a krater FT 8/9 with vertical handles found in a chamber tomb at Ialysos on Rhodes.137 A second, though not as close a parallel, comes from Enkomi, Tomb 48 of the British Museum excavations. It is an example of FT 281/282 with a

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 278 11.11.2022 09:01:05

<sup>132</sup>9HVVHO7.MRLQHGIURP06(6TXDUH06(6%DGUHHWDO±¿J QR7.%DGUH¿J

<sup>133</sup> Blegen et al. 1953, 40, tab. 9; 52; Blegen et al. 1958, 20, tab. 9; 30.

<sup>134</sup> Cf. Mountjoy 2006.

<sup>135 5396.5 (</sup>M 20 NE) + 6392.3 (M 19 NE) + 7564.1 ([7192] N 21 NE/E), 6687.30 (M 19 SE): Jung 2008, 159–160, ¿JFDWQROHYHODVFULSWLRQKDVWREHFRUUHFWHG

<sup>136 6339.1</sup>A–D (Square J 22 NW) + 7244.42 (J 21 SW), 8055.1 (N 20 NW): Badre et al. 2005, 40 no. TK 70; Jung ±¿JFDWQRZLWKRXWWKHQHZMRLQ

<sup>137</sup> 7KHYHUVLRQRI)0LVYHU\VLPLODUWRWKDWRQWKH7HOO.D]HONUDWHUEXWWKHOLQHDUGHFRUDWLRQLVGL൵HUHQWGHForation type 1.2): Ialysos, Makra Vounara, Chamber Tomb 59 (Benzi 1992, 357 no. 2, pl. 90g; Mountjoy 1999, ±¿J8QIRUWXQDWHO\WKLVYHVVHOZDVQRWDVVRFLDWHGZLWKRQHRIWKHLQVLWXEXULDOVDQGFDQWKXV not be dated by context (cf. Benzi 1992, 356–357, pl. 124c).

Fig. 12 Imported Argive krater from Tell Kazel, Area IV, Building B, Early Iron Age I phase, and Building C, Akkar Phase K1. Scale 1:3 (drawing R. Jung, digitization R. Yassine).

slightly diverging version of the motif (including added white paint).138 The third parallel is a krater FT 8/9 found in a built chamber tomb of the Lazarides cemetery on Aegina. It already GL൵HUVFRQVLGHUDEO\IURPWKH\$UJLYHYHVVHOIRXQGLQ6\ULD139 Unfortunately, none of these parallels comes from a closed context.

However, the linear decoration type 7.1 consisting of a rim band and a second band below both on the inside and on the outside is chronologically quite sensitive. In the continuous vertical se-TXHQFH RIWKH7LU\QWKLDQ/RZHU&LWDGHOWKH¿UVW NUDWHUV GHFRUDWHGZLWKWKLV GRXEOH ULP EDQGLQJ appeared in LH IIIB Middle, but decoration 7.1 became common on kraters only by LH IIIB Developed and Final.140 In view of the version of the FM 21 pattern (cf. FM 21.17), which is attested on kylikes FT 258B characteristic for the LH IIIB Early to Middle phases,141 the Tell Kazel krater should probably be dated to LH IIIB Middle. Wolfgang Güntner proposed a similar stylistic date for the Rhodian krater, the octopus of which is closest in style to the one found at Tell Kazel.142 In fact, the above-mentioned krater from Aegina is much closer to Güntner's LH IIIB Developed style.143

Taken together, these imports from Level 6 of Area IV demonstrate that by Akkar Phase K3 WKHODVWÀRRUVRIWKH/HYHOEXLOGLQJVWKHWLPHRIWKH\$HJHDQSKDVH/+,,,%0LGGOHPXVWKDYH been reached. The *excursus* to this earlier level was necessary to understand the complex strat-L¿FDWLRQSURFHVVHVDVZHOODVWKHSURORQJHGXVHSHULRGVRI\$UJLYHSDLQWHGYHVVHOVLQWKH6\ULDQ settlement of Tell Kazel, which can be regarded as exemplary for the treatment of such pottery in many regions of the eastern Mediterranean.

5HWXUQLQJWRWKHGHVWUXFWLRQ3KDVH.RQHPD\¿QDOO\FLWHWKHWZRMRLQLQJ IUDJPHQWVRI DQ\$UJLYH NUDWHU )7 WKH ¿UVW RI ZKLFK FRPHV IURP WKH EXUQW OD\HU LQ %XLOGLQJ & (Area IV, Level 5 upper) and the second from a later context of the following Early Iron Age I phase in Building B. The vessel is decorated with two broad interior bands at medium height,

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 279 11.11.2022 09:01:05

<sup>138</sup>0XUUD\±¿JFI\*QWQHUFDWQRµ7LQWHQ¿VFK¶VW\OLVWLFDOO\GDWHGWR/+,,,% Developed). For a description and color photo (showing decoration type 6.1) see the British Museum online catalog (Crewe 2008, cat. no. 48.14).

<sup>139</sup>,WEHDUVDGL൵HUHQWYHUVLRQRI)0LQFOXGLQJDGGHGZKLWHSDLQWZKLOHWKHULPGHFRUDWLRQW\SHLV/D]DULGHV %XLOW&KDPEHU7RPE%ZLWKRXWVWUDWLJUDSK\(IVWUDWLRX±3RO\FKURQDNRX6JRXULWVD±±¿J and drawing 34).

<sup>140</sup> Podzuweit 2007, 59, Beil. 39.

<sup>141</sup> For kylikes FT 258B with FM 21 see Furumark 1941, 629 (258 nos. 13–14, 16–18), and Thomas 1992, 154–155, ¿J±ERG\DQGIRRWIUDJPHQWVZKLFKHLWKHUEHORQJWR)7RU)7%IURP7VRXQJL]D(8 Rubbish Pit 1, LH IIIB Early). For the production period of FT 258B see Schönfeld 1988, 155, tab. 1.43; 158, 176, 180, 183, 188–189, 200, 205–206.

<sup>142</sup> Güntner 2000, 319 n. 297: 'eine Zwischenstellung zwischen den Darstellungen der Phase SH IIIB 1 und SH IIIB 2'.

<sup>143</sup> Cf. especially one krater FT 281/282 from the Tirynthian Lower citadel: Güntner 2000, 150, 312 cat. no. 'Tinten- ¿VFK¶SOHDUOLHVWFRQWH[WVGDWHWR/+,,,%)LQDO

Fig. 13 Imported Argive vessels from Tell Kazel, Area II, Building II, Akkar Phase K2. 1. Room 6IIK; 2. Room 6IIA. 1. Scale 1:6; 2. Scale 1:3 (drawings R. Jung, R. Yassine, digitization R. Yassine).

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 280 11.11.2022 09:01:05

three broad lower bands on the outside and as a motif carries a triglyph of medium width, FM 75.29.144 Parallels range in date from LH IIIB Middle (perhaps also IIIB Early) to LH IIIB Final (Fig. 12).145

2QHPD\DOVREULHÀ\PHQWLRQVRPHFKURQRORJLFDOO\UHOHYDQW\$UJLYHLPSRUWVIURP([FDYDWLRQ Area II further to the east on the tell. An almost complete amphoroid krater FT 54/55 lay on the ORZHUÀRRURI5RRP,,.LQ%XLOGLQJ,,\$NNDU3KDVH.,WVKRZVDGHYHORSHGFKDULRWPRWLI which, based on its execution, still seems to belong to the LH IIIB Early–Middle style (Fig. 13.1).1462QWKHORZHUÀRRULQ5RRP,,\$RI%XLOGLQJ,,LQ\$UHD,,\$NNDU3KDVH.OD\DVWLUUXS jar FT 166 with net pattern FM 57.2 on the shoulder (Fig. 13.2).147 This type is especially characteristic for LH IIIA 2 (Late), though FM 57 is a truly exceptional shoulder motif.148 The type continued into LH IIIB Early.149

#### Local Mycenean Ceramics

Apart from the imports discussed here from the Argolid, Akkar Phase K1 is also characterized E\WKH¿UVWDSSHDUDQFHRIORFDOO\PDGH0\FHQDHDQSRWWHU\DW7HOO.D]HO,WDSSHDUVLQWKHVDPH EXLOGLQJVDVWKHHDUOLHU0\FHQDHDQLPSRUWVEXWWKHTXDQWLWLHVGL൵HUIURPEXLOGLQJWREXLOGLQJDQG from room to room. Occasionally, both of these classes in the same building show the impact of WKH¿UHWKDWGHVWUR\HGWKHVHWWOHPHQWDWWKHHQGRI3KDVH.)LJ150 – as is, for example, the case in the presumably 'Administrative Building' of Area IV-North.151

The locally produced Mycenaean pottery of Tell Kazel shares certain traits with that of Tell 7ZHLQLEXWWKHGL൵HUHQFHVDUHPRUHQRWDEOH8QSDLQWHG0\FHQDHDQYHVVHOVZHUHDUHJXODUSDUW of the set at Tell Kazel, but rarer at Tell Tweini, and the type spectrum of unpainted shapes was GL൵HUHQWDWERWKVLWHV\$PRQJWKHSDLQWHGYHVVHOVWKRVHIURP7ZHLQLJHQHUDOO\FDUU\SDWWHUQHG motifs, while at Tell Kazel many bear only linear decoration. The antithetic spirals FM 50, the most common motif on the deep bowls of one local Mycenaean fabric group at Tell Tweini, are completely absent from the local Mycenaean repertoire at Tell Kazel. Simple triglyphs FM 75 without additional motifs are the commonest patterns on deep bowls FT 284/285A and other painted shapes at Tell Kazel. Vertical strokes on the interior rims of the Kazel deep bowls recall

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 281 11.11.2022 09:01:05

<sup>144</sup>6TXDUH01:6TXDUH16::-XQJ±¿JFDWQR (prior to more complete restoration).

<sup>145</sup>0\FHQDH6RXWK+RXVH5RRP/+,,,%0LGGOH0RXQWMR\±¿JEURDGWULJO\SK)7 7VRXQJL]D(85XEELVK3LW /+ ,,,%(DUO\7KRPDVFDWQRV76DQG76¿J± 7KRPDV±¿J±WULJO\SKVEXWQRWH[DFWSDUDOOHOV)7QRWFOHDUO\LGHQWL¿HG7LU\QV /RZHU&LWDGHO/+,,,%0LGGOHWULJO\SKVRIPHGLXPZLGWK6FK|QIHOG¿J7LU\QV(SLFKRsis, LH IIIB Final (–LH IIIC Early 1): Voigtländer 2003, 76 cat. no. K 10, pls. 52.K 10; 112.K 10 (possible direct parallel or only part of a much broader triglyph like Voigtländer 2003*,* pl. 52.K 14).

<sup>146</sup>%DGUHHWDOQR7.-XQJ±¿JFDWQR)RUWKHFRQWH[WVHH&DSHW ¿J±¿J

<sup>147</sup>ERWK\$\$6:%DGUHHWDO¿JG

<sup>148</sup>0\FHQDH3HWVDV+RXVH6WRUHURRP\$3DSDGLPLWULRX±3HWVDV¿J±6KHOWRQ ¿J)RU)0DVDVKRXOGHUPRWLIRQDVWLUUXSMDU)7VHHDVSHFLPHQZLWKFHUWDLQ0LQRDQIHDWXUHV from the Attic cemetery of Brauron, Chamber Tomb 6, excavated by Ioannis Papadimitriou (Papadopoulos – Kon-WRUOL3DSDGRSRXORXFDWQR¿JSO

<sup>149</sup> Thebes, 14 Oedipus St. (Kordatzis plot), pit of the so-called ivory-pottery hoard (pottery Group A, LH IIIB Early destruction, Symeonoglou 1973, 16–17, 41, tab. I): The stirrup jars with exclusively linear decoration K26–K28 provide the best parallels for the proportions and the original height of the fragmentary vessel from Tell Kazel 6\PHRQRJORXSOV±¿JV±ZKHUHDVWKHVPDOOHUDQGOHVVSLULIRUPSDWWHUQSDLQWHGVWLUUXS jars K29–K43 provide better parallels for the type of linear decoration found on the Argive import at Tell Kazel 6\PHRQRJORX±SOV±¿JV±0RXQWMR\±¿J±

<sup>150</sup> The photo shows 7497.19 (I 14 SE), the rim sherd of a linear deep bowl FT 284/285A with decoration type 1.1 and fragments of 7483.1, 7483.12.13, 7483.14, 7483.30 (I 14 NW/S), a small piriform jar FT 45 with N-pattern FM 60.

<sup>151</sup> For that possibly administrative complex see Badre – Capet 2018, 14, 33, photo 6; 163, plan 2.

Fig. 14 Mycenaean pottery from Tell Kazel, Area IV-North, 'Administrative Building', Akkar Phase K1. Left: burnt local Mycenaean deep bowl fragment; right: burnt and unburnt fragments of an imported Argive piriform jar (photo R. Jung).

the dotted rims of the Tweini deep bowls in a certain sense, but the resemblance is only super- ¿FLDO

The linear decorations of the local Mycenaean vessels give us good evidence for establishing a comparative chronology. The high number of deep bowls carrying exclusively linear dec-RUDWLRQ¿QGVLWVFRXQWHUSDUWLQ/+,,,&(DUO\DSKDVHLQZKLFKSXUHO\OLQHDUGHFRUDWLRQEHFDPH GRPLQDQWIRUWKH¿UVWWLPHRQWKHVHYHVVHOVLQWKH\$UJROLG152 At the same time, unpainted table ware was still very much in use in this region and elsewhere in early Post-palatial Mycenaean Greece.153

The Southwestern Complex or Building D in Area IV of Tell Kazel yielded two well-preserved local Mycenaean vessels, which can most probably be ascribed to the Phase K1 destruction, an unpainted carinated kylix FT 267 (Fig. 15.1)154 and a linear deep bowl with vertical handles FT 289 (Fig. 15.2).155 In addition, there is the sherd of an imported stemmed bowl

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 282 11.11.2022 09:01:06

<sup>152</sup> Podzuweit 2007, 50–51, Beil. 32–33.

<sup>153</sup>0\FHQDH&LWDGHO+RXVH\$UHD5RRP;;;,93KDVH,;SDLQWHGDQGXQSDLQWHGYHVVHOV7KH clearly dominant shape of the latter is the kylix, while unpainted deep bowls and shallow bowls are much rarer (French 2011, 42, tab. 2). Among the unpainted kylikes, the conical type FT 274 is more common than the angular RQH)7)UHQFK¿J)RUPRUHGHWDLOHGFRPSDUDWLYHGLVFXVVLRQRIYHVVHOVWDWLVWLFVVHH-XQJF ±¿JV±±

<sup>154</sup> TK 05.101 (Context 7264, K 22 SE/W).

<sup>155 7264.40 (</sup>K 22 SE/W).

FT 304/305, which, in view of its fabric, might actually be the product of a southern Argive workshop (Fig. 15.3).156 The latter vessel stands out due to its rare 9.1.2 decoration (very broad rim band and monochrome interior) and has its best parallel at Asine-Barbouna, in a settlement layer that – although not strictly speaking a closed context157 – contained pottery datable to LH IIIB Early/Middle.1587KHFDULQDWHGN\OL[VKRZVDSUR¿OHZLWKRXWDUWLFXODWHGULPZKLFKLV attested since the early LH IIIB phases and until the end of production of that shape,159 but the linear deep bowl with vertical handles is chronologically more sensitive. FT 289 was appar-HQWO\QRWSDUWLFXODUO\FRPPRQLQWKH\$HJHDQVRWKDWRQO\XQVWUDWL¿HGH[DPSOHVZHUHDYDLODEOH for a long time.1607KHUHIRUH FKURQRORJLFDO DVVHVVPHQWV SURYHGWR EH GL൶FXOW0DULR%HQ]L DUJXHGIRUDORQJSURGXFWLRQSHULRGH[WHQGLQJIURPWKH¿UVWKDOIRI/+,,,%WR/+,,,&/DWH<sup>161</sup> and quoted unpainted examples as well as others with dotted rims and without linear decoration from LH IIIB Middle contexts as the earliest attestations.162 In most cases, including the earliest examples, which are unpainted or have dotted rims, the two vertical handles start slightly below or even well below the rim. In other cases, however, they are attached to the lip, as is the case with the one-handled cups FT 215.163 One specimen comes from the abandonment level of Building IB at Kanakia on the island of Salamis.164 It should therefore date to LH IIIC Early 1.1658QIRUWXQDWHO\LWVGHFRUDWLRQLVODUJHO\ZRUQR൵EXWDSSDUHQWO\LWKDGDPRQRFKURPHLQterior.166 Two examples with purely linear decoration come from later LH IIIC contexts in the Lower Citadel of Tiryns.167 One monochrome, one unpainted and one linear specimen turned XSLQGL൵HUHQWKRXVHVRIWKH3KDVHEGHVWUXFWLRQKRUL]RQDW/HINDQGLDQGWKXVGDWHWR/+,,,& Developed. The unpainted and the linear specimens have the classic handles starting below

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 283 11.11.2022 09:01:06

<sup>156 6350.30 (</sup>K 22 SW).

<sup>157</sup>)UL]HOO¿J)RUWKHFRQWH[WLQ7UHQFK(6WUDWD±VHH+lJJ±

<sup>158</sup> This date (rather than a date in LH IIIB Developed, as Vitale 2006, 185–186, 200, tab. 2, proposed) is indicated by WKHFRQVLGHUDEOHQXPEHURISDWWHUQSDLQWHGN\OLNHVDQGWKHDEVHQFHRIURVHWWHGHHSERZOV)UL]HOO±¿JV 68, 70.110). These were among the arguments that led Schönfeld to suggest a LH IIIB Early–Middle date (Schönfeld 1988, 163, tab. 4; 207–208).

<sup>159</sup>&I7KRPDV±¿J±)RU/+,,,&(DUO\H[DPSOHVVHH3KDVH,;ÀRRUGHSRVLWVLQWKHVRFDOOHG Citadel House Area inside the citadel of Mycenae (French 2011, CD-ROM, 418, 464). See also the last phase of the VHWWOHPHQWDW.RQWRSLJDGR.D]D3DSDJHRUJLRX±.DUGDPDNL¿J.D]D3DSDJHRUJLRX±.DU-GDPDNL±¿J.D]D3DSDJHRUJLRX±.DUGDPDNL¿J±¿J 82–83).

<sup>160</sup> Furumark 1941, 635, knew only examples from the Italian excavations at the Ialysos cemetery. Since then a few PRUHH[DPSOHVIURPGL൵HUHQWUHJLRQVLQ\*UHHFHKDYHEHHQSXEOLVKHG0RXQWMR\±¿J± ± ¿J ± ¿J  7KH VSHFLPHQ IURP D FKDPEHU WRPE DW 3HUDWL EHORQJV WR WKH FRPSOHWHO\GLVWXUEHGJUDYHJRRGVRI&KDPEHU7RPEȈ,DNRYLGLVYRO±FDWQR,DNRYLGLV YROSOȖ/LNHZLVHWKHYHVVHOVIRXQGLQ,DO\VRV7RPEVDQGGRQRWEHORQJWRFORVHG contexts (Benzi 1992, 256, 264 no. 57; 266 no. f; 275–277 nos. 13–15; 302, 308 nos. 42–43, pls. 30d, f; 37a–c; 60q–r; 171a–b).

<sup>161</sup> Benzi 1992, 147–148, 152.

<sup>162</sup>0\FHQDH:HVW+RXVHGHVWUXFWLRQ/+,,,%0LGGOH)UHQFKQRV±QR¿J FODVVL¿HGDVµ'HHS%RZOZLWKWZRYHUWLFDOKDQGOHV)6*bis*¶VHHDOVR9HUGHOLV±¿JULJKW 0\FHQDH+RXVHZLWKWKH,GROV/+,,,%0LGGOH:DUGOH±¿J±SODDOOXQSDLQWHG Cf. one unpainted and one painted specimen from Brauron, Chamber Tomb 19 excavated by Petros Themelis (Papadopoulos – Kontorli-Papadopoulou 2014, 87 cat. nos. 246–247, pl. 74.246–247). The painted one has a dotted rim like the LH IIIB Middle examples from Mycenae, but in addition also a rosette just like a rosette deep bowl. 8QIRUWXQDWHO\ZHGRQRWKDYHVWUDWLJUDSKLFDOGDWDIRUWKHVHWZR\$WWLF¿QGV

<sup>163</sup> Podzuweit 2007, 113, pl. 58.11–12.

<sup>164</sup>0DUDEHD¿J

<sup>165</sup> This chronological estimate by the pottery specialist of the Kanakia excavation (Marabea 2012, 178–182, 191, tab. 1) has also been discussed by other scholars working in Attica (Kaza-Papageorgiou et al. 2011, 229–230).

<sup>166</sup>/RORV±0DUDEHD±¿J

<sup>167</sup> Podzuweit 2007, 113, pl. 58.11–12. These two fragmentary vessels from Room 126 in the Lower Citadel settlement date to LH IIIC Advanced and LH IIIC Late respectively. Their decoration with an upper band running underneath the handle is characteristic for the LH IIIC phases Developed to Late (see Podzuweit 2007, 116).

Fig. 15 Mycenaean pottery from Tell Kazel, Area IV, Building D, most probably Akkar Phase K1. 1–2. Local Mycenaean vessels; 3. Argive import. Scale 1:3 (drawings R. Jung, R. Yassine, digitization R. Yassine).

the rim.168)URPWKHIHZVWUDWL¿HGVSHFLPHQVRQHPLJKWWKHUHIRUHFRQFOXGHWKDWWKHHDUO\LH Palace-period versions of the deep bowl with vertical handles were either unpainted or had dotted rims, while the linear and monochrome versions were Post-palatial innovations. The type of linear decoration which the Tell Kazel vessel shows (variety of decoration Type 3.2 + base decoration 4.2) is so far without direct parallel in the Aegean, but most probably depends on the linear style of decorating FT 289 in the Post-palatial period.

Much local Mycenaean pottery of the Akkar Phase K1 destruction has been encountered in H[FDYDWLRQ\$UHD,,DQGVRPHRIWKHUHOHYDQWFRQWH[WVVXFKDVWKH¿OOOD\HULQ5RRPV,,89RI Building II have been discussed in detail elsewhere.1696X൶FHLWKHUHWRSUHVHQWWKHORFDOO\PDGH Mycenaean ceramics from a (so far unnumbered) room inside Building I as an example. These consist of an unpainted rim fragment of a carinated kylix FT 267 (Fig. 16.3), two fragmentary deep bowls FT 284/285A (Fig. 16.1, 4) and a large rim sherd of a mug FT 226 (Fig. 16.2). The larger of the two deep bowls has the row of long strokes on the interior rim so characteristic for the local style, but other than that, these vessels do not carry any patterned decoration. The smaller deep bowl shows linear decoration type 7.8.1, which includes the familiar low interior band hinting at a date in LH IIIC Early 1 (see above). In terms of both linear decoration and its narrow triglyph motif FM 75.9, the mug has close to very close parallels in LH IIIB Final and IIIC Early 1 contexts at Mycenae, Iria and Thebes.170

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 284 11.11.2022 09:01:06

<sup>168</sup>0RXQWMR\±¿J3RSKDPHWDODQR3QR33RSKDPHWDOE¿J 2.16.3; pls. 17.9; 29.4. The linear vessel shows a monochrome interior, decoration type 9.1 + lower bands 2.1(?) to be precise.

<sup>169</sup>-XQJ±¿JV±±\$SDUWIURPSDLQWHGDQGXQSDLQWHGORFDO0\FHQDHDQWDEOH wares including painted and unpainted deep bowls, predominantly unpainted kylikes, painted kraters and painted EDVLQVWKLVFRQWH[WDOVR\LHOGHGDIUDJPHQWRID0\FHQDHDQFRRNLQJSRW-XQJF±¿JV±

<sup>170</sup> These parallels are assembled in Jung 2008, 195. Fig. 16.1: 6472.8A–B (X 21 NE); Fig. 16.2: 6498.1 (X 21 NE/ NW); Fig. 16.3: 6472.10 (X 21 NE); Fig. 16.4: 6472.9 (X 21 NE).

Fig. 16 Local Mycenaean vessels from Tell Kazel, Area II, Building I, Akkar Phase K1. Scale 1:3 (drawings R. Jung, digitization R. Yassine).

Fig. 17 Mycenaean pottery from Tell Kazel, Area IV, Building C, Akkar Phase K1. 1. Local Mycenaean deep bowl; 2–3. locally made handmade and burnished vessels of Italian type. 1–2. Scale 1:3. 3. Scale 1:6 (drawings R. Jung, R. Yassine, digitization R. Yassine).

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 285 11.11.2022 09:01:06

286 R. Jung

)LJ &\OLQGULFDOKDQGPDGHDQGEXUQLVKHGMDUVRI,WDOLDQW\SH'LPLQL5RRPǻEXLOGLQJRYHUO\LQJWKH Southern Megaron; 2. Tell Kazel, Building C. Scale 1:6 (digitization St. Fragner, 1: after Adrimi-Sismani 2014, 570 no. BE 36014; 2: after Badre – Capet 2018, 140–141, pl. 41.470).

#### Italian-type Pottery

In Akkar Phase K1, yet another new pottery class made is appearance, which, in terms of stratigraphy, was contemporaneous with the local Mycenaean ceramics. That is (predominantly) locally made handmade and burnished pottery of the Italian Subapennine type.171 Apart from an unpainted local Mycenaean deep bowl FT 284/285 (Fig. 17.1),172 the Southern Complex or Building C just south of the LBA temple in Area IV contained three such Italian-type handmade vessels.173 7KH¿UVWLVDIUDJPHQWDU\KROHPRXWKHGMDU)LJWKHVHFRQGDFRPSOHWHO\SUHVHUYHGKLJK cylindrical jar (Fig. 18.2), while the third was a tray and is represented solely by a rim fragment (Fig. 17.2).

\$SDUWIURPDUHJXODUSODVWLFEDQGZLWK¿QJHULPSUHVVLRQVDQGDKRUL]RQWDOOXJSRVLWLRQHG high up on the body, the hole-mouthed jar shows the rare feature of a second plastic band, which is plain and applied a few centimeters above the base (Fig. 17.3).174 Roca Vecchia on the \$GULDWLFFRDVWRI\$SXOLDSURYLGHVDSDUDOOHOGL൵HULQJLQWKHGHWDLOWKDWERWKSODVWLFEDQGVDUH plain. The excavator dates it to the end of the Recent Bronze Age (RBA 2) or the beginning of the Final Bronze Age (FBA 1), i.e. to some point in time contemporary with LH IIIC Advanced.175 A vessel from a LH IIIC Developed building in the northwestern part of the Tirynthian Lower Town provides another parallel, which, however, has two plastic bands below the

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 286 11.11.2022 09:01:06

<sup>171</sup>%DGUH)RUDFRPSDUDWLYHW\SRORJLFDOGLVFXVVLRQVHH-XQJF±¿JV±-XQJD± ¿J±)RUWKHSHWURJUDSKLFDQGFKHPLFDODQDO\VHVVHH%DGUHHWDO%RLOHDXHWDO

<sup>172 5110.8/9 (</sup>M 21 SW).

<sup>173</sup>%DGUHHWDO±¿JQR7.%DGUH±¿J¿J±%DGUH±&DSHW 140–141, pl. 41.470, 472.

<sup>174 5042.50 (</sup>M 21 SW).

<sup>175</sup> Guglielmino 2005, 646, pl. 167e. For the Aegean synchronisms of RBA 2 and FBA 1 see Jung 2006.

Fig. 19 Slightly convex cylindrical jar used as cremation urn at Timmari. Scale 1:6 GLJLWL]DWLRQ6W)UDJQHUDIWHU&LSROORQL6DPSz¿J>OHIW@

rim.1767KHIDFWWKDWWKHVSHFL¿FSODFHPHQWRIDSODVWLFEDQGTXLWHORZRQWKHERG\LQDGGLWLRQ to the regular one below the rim is such a rare feature both in Italy and among the Italian-type products from Greece, suggests constraint in using this vessel from Building C for proposing a very late synchronism.

Chronologically more important are the parallels for the high cylindrical vessel (Fig. 18.2).177 A southern Italian *comparandum* comes from the Basilicata region (Fig. 19). Like the vessel from Tell Kazel, it has its vertical handle in a central position on the body and also shows applied plastic bands, but it is larger, and the silhouette is somewhat more convex.178 A complete vessel from a LH IIIC Early 1 building at Dimini is a much better parallel (Fig. 18.1).179 Apart from the plastic

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 287 11.11.2022 09:01:06

<sup>176</sup> 0DUDQ±3DSDGLPLWULRX±¿J0DUDQ93DSDPLFKDORSRXORXLQ%DGLVFKHV/DQGHVPXVHum Karlsruhe 2018, 350 cat. no. 273. It is slightly smaller than the jar from Tell Kazel.

<sup>177</sup> TK 99.274 (Context 5380, M 21 SE): height 53cm; diameter 19.1cm (Badre 2004, 115 cat. no. 91; Badre – Capet 2018, 140–141, pl. 41.470; 157, pl. 1f).

<sup>178</sup>8VHGDVDQXUQIRUDFUHPDWLRQEXULDODW7LPPDUL&LSROORQL6DPSz¿J>OHIW@

<sup>179</sup>-XQJF±¿JEHIRUHWKHFRPSOHWHUHVWRUDWLRQ

zigzag band and the missing handle, it is virtually identical to the Syrian product – even regarding its exact height.1807KLVLVDOVRRIVSHFLDOVLJQL¿FDQFHLQYLHZRIWKHIDFWWKDW'LPLQLIXUWKHUVKDUHV ZLWK7HOO.D]HOWKHPDUNHGSUHVHQFHRIDVHFRQGSRWWHU\FODVVZLWKVWURQJ,WDOLDQD൶QLWLHVLHD kind of wheelmade Gray Ware, which is not related to the well-known Gray Ware from Asia Minor.181 More precisely, Dimini and Tell Kazel are at present the only sites in the eastern Mediter-UDQHDQZKHUHWKLVVSHFL¿F\*UD\:DUHFODVVDSSHDUVZLWKDODUJHYDULHW\RIW\SHVLQFOXGLQJVRPH of Italian and others of Mycenaean derivation.182 This hints at some kind of relationship between WKRVHWZR VSHFL¿F VHWWOHPHQWV+RZHYHUWKDW UHODWLRQVKLSPD\ KDYH KDGDQLQGLUHFWFKDUDFWHU in which the link is due to the wide-ranging actions of seafaring groups with Italian and Aegean backgrounds in the decades around 1200 BCE.183

The third handmade vessel from the Southern Complex, a tray of c. 35cm diameter, is preserved only by a rim fragment (Fig. 17.2).184 Apart from a single parallel found at the Lower Citadel of Tiryns,185 it is a unique shape from the Levant to southern Greece. However, it has parallels LQ,WDO\DQGPRUHVSHFL¿FDOO\DPRQJWKH5%\$FHUDPLFUHSHUWRU\RI/LSDULLQWKH\$HROLDQ,VODQGV and Punta di Zambrone in southern Calabria.186 RBA 2 at Punta di Zambrone represents an early aspect of that phase including Mycenaean pottery imports of LH IIIC Early date.187

Similar to the situation of Tell Tweini then, by the time of the destruction at the end of LBA II, ORFDOSURGXFWVLQVSLUHGE\\$HJHDQFHUDPLFVUHÀHFWWKHHDUOLHVW3RVWSDODWLDOVW\OHRI0\FHQDHDQ pottery production at Tell Kazel, while the Argive Mycenaean imports from the same habitation phase were already old vessels, if still in use, that had been imported during earlier phases. Only LQWKH\$NNDUSODLQGRZH¿QGORFDOSRWVPRGHOHGRQ ,WDOLDQ6XEDSHQQLQHKDQGPDGHDQG\*UD\ Ware prototypes.

### **Cyprus**

A number of LBA settlements in Cyprus have been excavated and provide evidence for destructions, the date of which we can investigate in terms of Aegean synchronisms.188 This investigation ZLOOKDYHWREHOLPLWHGWRUHODWLYHFKURQRORJ\EHFDXVHZHFDQQRWFRQQHFWDQ\VSHFL¿FFRDVWDOVHWtlement on Cyprus to the destruction of Alašiya mentioned in Ramesses III's year 8 inscription.189

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 288 11.11.2022 09:01:06

<sup>180</sup> 'LPLQLÀRRUGHSRVLWLQVLGH5RRPǻEXLOGLQJRYHUO\LQJWKHVRFDOOHG6RXWKHUQ0HJDURQKHLJKWFPEDVHGLDP-HWHUFP\$GULPL6LVPDQL±±QR%(7KHYHVVHOZDVLQGHHGKDQGOHOHVVFRQ¿UPHG by Vassiliki Adrimi-Sismani, personal communication).

<sup>181</sup> Trojan Gray Ware does exist at Tell Kazel (see above) as it does at other Levantine sites (see most recently Jung EEXWLWVIDEULFFKDUDFWHULVWLFVFOHDUO\GL൵HUIURPWKRVHRIWKH,WDOLDQ\$HJHDQW\SH\*UD\:DUHVHH%DGUHHWDO 2005, 31–32, 42 (Fabrics G 1 [Italian and Aegean shapes] and G 2 [Trojan imports]).

<sup>182</sup> -XQJ±¿J%DGUH±&DSHW±SO±)RUWKH\*UD\:DUHIURP'LPLni, see Adrimi-Sismani 2014, 559–561. Kastro/Palia in Volos yielded this Gray Ware class as well, but the vessel UHSHUWRLUHLVPRUHUHVWULFWHGWKDQDWQHDUE\'LPLQL/LV±%DW]LRX±¿J

<sup>183</sup> In this context one can also mention Levantine amphorae ('Canaanite jars') at Dimini (Adrimi-Sismani 2014, 376, 556).

<sup>184 5701.39 (</sup>M 22 NW).

<sup>185</sup> This 'pan' as it is called has, however, only a diameter of 18cm. It comes from a LH IIIC Advanced context (Kilian ±FDWQRSODQGGL൵HUVIURPWKH6\ULDQ¿QGLQWKDWWKHULPDQGWKHERWWRPPHHWDWDQ angle. While the same is true for the RBA 2 trays from northern Calabrian Broglio di Trebisacce (quoted by Klaus .LOLDQE\FRQWUDVWWKHWUD\IURPWKH\$XVRQLR,OHYHORQWKHDFURSROLVRI/LSDULKDVDYHU\VLPLODUFXUYHGSUR¿OHDV WKHWUD\IURP7HOO.D]HO%HUQDEz%UHD±&DYDOLHUSOGFI-XQJD±¿J7KHULP diameters of the latter are decisively larger than in the case of the northern Calabrian and Tirynthian trays.

<sup>186</sup>-XQJD±¿J

<sup>187</sup> Jung et al. 2015, 68–79, 95–99; Jung 2017, 634–636.

<sup>188</sup> For previous studies see French – Åström 1980; Mountjoy 2005; Mountjoy 2007; Podzuweit 2007; Jung 2011a; most recently Mountjoy 2018 (with an emphasis on the LC IIIA and IIIB periods).

<sup>189</sup> Leaving aside the question of how much power its king may have held, it seems clear today that in all probability 'Alašiya' refers to the entire island of Cyprus (Peltenburg – Iacovou 2012, 345–351; Knapp 2013, 432–447). Thus,

Fig. 20 White Slip II and Late White Slip II bowls from Enkomi Level IIB, City Quarter 1 West, Room 1 (photo R. Jung).

#### Enkomi

At the end of LC IIC, Enkomi was destroyed. The excavations by Porphyrios Dikaios still provide the most reliable stratigraphy for that turning point in the settlement history, marked by Level IIB contemporary with LC IIC.190 Two of the city quarters he excavated are most relevant for discuss-LQJWKHFRPSDUDWLYHFKURQRORJ\RIWKH/&,,&GHVWUXFWLRQ\$UHD,,,DWWKHQRUWKHUQIRUWL¿FDWLRQ wall (or City Quarter 1 West on the overall plan drawn by the French mission) and Area I (or City Quarter 4 West) closer to the city center.191 The excavator ascribed the Level IIB destruction layers in both city quarters to the same events, i.e. an enemy attack ending in the destruction of, 'presumably, the whole of the town'.1927KHUHDUHVOLJKWGL൵HUHQFHVLQWKHH[DFWZD\LQZKLFKWKH GHVWUXFWLRQD൵HFWHGWKRVHWZRFLW\TXDUWHUV,Q&LW\4XDUWHU:HVWWUDFHVRI¿UHRQWKHÀRRUVDV well as other evidence such as charcoal, ash layers and red earth in Rooms 135, 137, 138, 139, 140 of the South Sector (and to a lesser extent also in Rooms 113 and 114) as well as in Rooms 106, DQGLQWKH1RUWK6HFWRUVKRZWKDWDFRQÀDJUDWLRQDFFRPSDQLHGWKHGHVWUXFWLRQ193 There

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many settlements in this kingdom could have been potential victims of a seaborne attack – even if one were to limit the search to coastal sites only. The same would apply if we were to assume a foreign soldier uprising in the way suggested by Ben-Dor Evian (cf. above n. 65). It would be too great a stretch to restrict the realm of Alašiya to central southern Cyprus just on the basis of the petrographic similarities between the southern Troodos foothills and letters sent from Alašiya to Egypt and Ugarit (cf. Goren et al. 2004b). Even if one were to give a special weight to these petrographic results, the political term would still signify the whole kingdom. Furthermore, while the analyzed letters seem to have been sent from either Alassa or Kalavasos-Ayios Dimitrios, the king may have had many GL൵HUHQWVHDWVSDODFHVDQ\ZD\.QDSS.QDSS

<sup>190</sup> Dikaios 1969/1971, 451–452.

<sup>191</sup>'LNDLRVSO&RXUWRLVHWDO¿J¿J±

<sup>192</sup> Dikaios 1969/1971, 170, 513.

<sup>193</sup>'LNDLRV±SO0LOOHNGLGQRWDFFHSWDVKHVDQGUHGHDUWKRQWKHÀRRUVRIVRPHRIWKHVHURRPV DVWUDFHVRI¿UHFI0LOOHN¿J

#### 290 R. Jung

LVQRFRQVLVWHQWSUHVHQFHRI¿UHLQGLFDWRUVWKURXJKRXWWKHURRPVRI&LW\4XDUWHU:HVW,QPRVW URRPVLQZKLFKDVKOD\HUVDQG¿UHWUDFHVRQWKHÀRRUVGRRFFXUWKH\DUHHLWKHUOLQNHGWRKHDUWKV or to the function of those rooms as copper workshops. However, debris layers of pebbles, stones DQGGHFRPSRVHGPXGEULFNVDUHIUHTXHQWDQGHVSHFLDOO\WKLFNFORVHWRWKHIRUWL¿FDWLRQZDOOLQ&LW\ Quarter 1 West.194

Room 1 of the copper workshop in City Quarter 1 West195 yielded a rich assemblage of pottery, ZKLFKLVUHSUHVHQWDWLYHIRUWKHVHWWOHPHQWSKDVHRI/HYHO,,%7KHULPFRXQWRIWKUHHGL൵HUHQW¿QG contexts assigned to Level IIB in that room resulted in 40 wheelmade rims, 101 handmade rims and 4 undetermined rims.196 The vast majority (72 rims) of the handmade rim fragments belong to White Slip II and Late White Slip II bowls (Fig. 20).197

The Argive imports from this room include one shallow strap-handled bowl FT 295/296 with an only slightly thickened rounded rim (rim variety 1), linear decoration type 7.8.2 (+ a band DURXQGWKHEDVHDWWDFKPHQWDQGDQXPEHURILQWHULRUPRWLIVRIZKLFKDK\EULGÀRZHU)0% DQG D ÀDWWHQHG YDULHW\ RI FKHYURQ )0 DUH VX൶FLHQWO\ SUHVHUYHG IRU LGHQWL¿FDWLRQ )LJ 21.1).198 Such shallow bowls, FT 295/296 with interior patterns, were among the most popular imported vessels on Cyprus and along the Levantine coasts.199 However, in the region from which they were exported, the Argolid, they do not seem to have been a regular element of ceramic banqueting sets, which causes problems for the determination of their exact production period. Early attestations of the painted type date back to LH IIIB Early.200 Specimens with patterns on the interior seem to appear only from LH IIIB Middle onwards,201 which may, however, be due to the comparative rarity of FT 295/296 in the Argolid settlement stratigraphies. There are several examples with interior patterns from the LH IIIB Final (–LH IIIC Early 1) Epichosis at Tiryns.202

Another imported vessel from the Argolid found in Room 1 of City Quarter 1 West is a smallsized monochrome stemmed bowl FT 304/305, of which a rim and a foot fragment survive (Fig. 21.3).203 Monochrome stemmed bowls were quite common in late Palace-period contexts of the Argolid.2047KLVVSHFL¿FYHVVHOUHSUHVHQWVDYHU\VPDOOVSHFLPHQZLWKDULPGLDPHWHURIFPDQG a reconstructed height of c. 15.5cm. Some fragments from the Epichosis prove the presence of similar small specimens in the Upper Citadel of Tiryns. The reserved circle on the bottom of the

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 290 11.11.2022 09:01:07

<sup>194</sup> Dikaios 1969/1971, 49–65, 70–71, 81–92, pls. 252–253, 261.3–4; 264.3, 6.

<sup>195</sup> Dikaios 1969/1971, 51.

<sup>196</sup> This count includes Find Contexts 2707 and 2715 from the western part of the room and 2762 from its eastern part. There are several joining fragments between Contexts 2707 and 2715.

<sup>197</sup> This photo shows White Slip II and Late White Slip II bowls from Context 2762.

<sup>198</sup>-XQJE¿J3DUWRILWZDVSXEOLVKHGVHH'LNDLRVSO 0RXQWMR\±¿J5RRPFRQWDLQHGPRUHYHVVHOVRIWKLVW\SHDOVRSDLQWHGZLWKLQWHULRUPR-WLIVHJ¿J0RXQWMR\±¿J

<sup>199</sup> )RUVRPHVWDWLVWLFVVHH-XQJ¿JV±)RUDZHOOGHSRVLWZLWKPDQ\)7VSHFLPHQVDW.DODYD-VRV\$\LRV'LPLWULRVVHH6RXWK¿J.\$'.\$'SO6RXWKSOVE 63.

<sup>200</sup> Mycenae, Terrace on the Atreus Ridge, LH IIIB Early (Schönfeld 1988, 163, tab. 4; 182–183): French 1965, 177, ¿J±¿J±7LU\QV/RZHU&LWDGHO/+,,,%(DUO\6FK|QIHOGWDE7KH\ are absent from the LH IIIA2 contexts inside the Petsas House (personal communication by Kim Shelton, to whom I am very grateful).

<sup>201</sup> Mycenae, use surface in the Prehistoric Cemetery, LH IIIB Middle (Schönfeld 1988, 163, tab. 4; 198–201): French SOH7LU\QV/RZHU&LWDGHO/+,,,%0LGGOH6FK|QIHOG¿JSDWWHUQVLQDGGHG ZKLWHSDLQW7LU\QV/RZHU&LWDGHO/+,,,%'HYHORSHG3RG]XZHLW±¿J.DUGDPDNL 482–483, tab. 32j (no. 1).

<sup>202</sup> Patterns painted between the interior bands: Voigtländer 2003, 81–82 cat. nos. SC 15–SC 17, SC 19–SC 20, pls. 57.SC 15–SC 17, SC 19–SC 20; 117.SC 15; 118.SC 16–SC 20. Patterns in white paint added on top of one or more interior bands: Voigtländer 2003, 80–81 cat. nos. SC 1–SC 14, pls. 56; 117.SC 1–SC 14.

<sup>203</sup>%-XQJE¿J7KHIRRWVKDSHPLJKWVXJJHVWDPRQRFKURPHN\OL[)7EXW the rim indicates the stemmed bowl.

<sup>204</sup>3RG]XZHLW%HLORIDOOGHHSERZODQGVWHPPHGERZOW\SHVLQ/+,,,%'HYHORSHGLQ LH IIIB Final).

Fig. 21 Wheelmade pottery from Enkomi, City Quarter 1 West, Room 1, Level IIB. 1–5. Mycenaean imports from the Argolid; 6–8. Minoan imports. Scale 1:3 (drawings R. Jung, digitization M. Frauenglas, R. Yassine).

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 291 11.11.2022 09:01:07

vessel is a further stylistic trait linking certain monochrome stemmed bowls from the Epichosis with the vessel from Enkomi.205 Both of the Enkomi fragments are secondarily burnt, which might VXJJHVWWKDWWKHYHVVHOZDVLQXVHGXULQJWKH¿HU\GHVWUXFWLRQRIWKH/HYHO,,%VHWWOHPHQW<sup>206</sup>

Finally, there are fragments of two closed vessels from the Argolid, a torus base from a large piriform jar FT 35–36 or perhaps an amphoroid krater FT 54/55 (Fig. 21.5)207 and an angular alabastron FT 94–95 without shoulder motif. This vessel has LH IIIB Final and IIIC Early parallels (Fig. 21.4).208

A Minoan kylix with monochrome interior, narrow rim band (decoration type 9.2), a row of vertical whorl shells FM 23, and a palm tree motif FM 15 has several parallels in LM IIIB contexts around Crete (Fig. 21.7).209 A large coarse ware stirrup jar FT 164 with a stylized octopus motif (a tightly swung wavy line with high amplitude FM 53.14) inside a narrow decorative zone bordered by three shoulder bands may be of central Cretan manufacture (Fig. 21.8). In central &UHWHZH¿QGDJRRGSDUDOOHODW.DODPDIND210 while there are others at Tiryns.211 The contexts of those parallels suggest a later LM IIIB to early LM IIIC date for the Enkomi specimen. A squat ¿QHZDUHVWLUUXSMDULVDOVRRI0LQRDQW\SHDQG¿QGVSDUDOOHOVWKURXJKRXW/0,,,%LQGL൵HUHQW Cretan regions (Fig. 21.6).212

Several further painted Mycenaean vessels are most probably local products (Fig. 22.1–5). One is an example of the Cypro-Mycenaean bowl, Type 2 in Mountjoy's typology (Fig. 22.3) with its FKDUDFWHULVWLFÀDULQJXSSHUERG\DQGPRUHVKDOORZORZHUERG\DQGDSXUHO\OLQHDUGHFRUDWLRQGHForation type 7.4.1).213 Mountjoy proposes a derivation of this very long-lived bowl shape from the Mycenaean FT 210 and quotes several locally made bowls from LC IIC contexts while assigning

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 292 11.11.2022 09:01:07

<sup>205</sup> Voigtländer 2003, 99–100 cat. nos. MO 7 (rim diameter 13.6cm), MO 8 (rim diameter 13.0cm; height 15.3cm), MO 15 (rim diameter 14.0cm), MO 24, pls. 133.Mo 7–Mo 8; 134.Mo 15; 135.Mo 24. Cat. nos. MO 8 and MO 24 have a reserved circle inside on the bottom of the vessel. Although the few published stratigraphical data suggest that vessels with this type of decoration mainly stem from deeper Epichosis layers (Voigtländer 2003, 99), the Lower &LWDGHOOD\HUVFRQ¿UPHGWKHH[LVWHQFHRIPRQRFKURPHVWHPPHGERZOVULJKWXQWLOWKHHQGRI/+,,,%3RG]XZHLW 2007, 56). Foot fragments of monochrome stemmed bowls FT 304/305 with a reserved interior circle are also DPRQJWKHSRWWHU\¿QGVIURPWKHGHVWUXFWLRQOHYHORI0HJDURQ%DW'LPLQL\$GULPL6LVPDQLZKLFK would suggest a LH IIIC Early 1 date (see above).

<sup>206</sup> According to Dikaios 1969/1971, 51, Room 1 was a copper workshop, which means that traces of burning on VKHUGVIURPWKLVURRPPLJKWDOVREHGXHWRWKHLUH[SRVXUHWRWKHÀDPHVRIZRUNSURFHVVHV+RZHYHUPRVWVKHUGV found on Floors IV and III belonging to Level IIB do not show such traces of secondary burning.

<sup>207 2762/9.</sup>

<sup>208 2762/2. 3 (</sup>Dikaios 1969/71, 567, pl. 67.10). A good parallel for shape and linear decoration – but with a shoulder PRWLI±ZDVIRXQGDW,ULD\$QQH[URRPSUREDEO\/+,,,&(DUO\'|KO¿J\$SO\$ slightly smaller vessel with exclusively linear decoration comes from the LH IIIB Final destruction level of Room 9,EDW0LGHD:HVW\*DWH\$UHD'HPDNRSRXORXHWDO±¿J

<sup>209</sup> 'LNDLRVSO0RXQWMR\±¿J&I.QRVVRVGLVFDUGHGPDWH-ULDOQRUWKRIWKH/LWWOH3DODFH&RQWH[W/0,,,%/DWH+DW]DNL¿J3

<sup>210 2715/14</sup> with a belly diameter of 33.5cm (Dikaios 1969/1971, 566, pl. 67.28). Cf. Kalamafka (northern central Crete), /HYHO'/0,,,%.DQWD±.RQWRSRGL¿JDEHOO\GLDPHWHUFFPDFFRUGLQJWRWKHGUDZLQJ

<sup>211</sup> Lower Citadel: Podzuweit 2007, 172, pl. 92.6 (LXI–LXII 36 IVa–d, slightly smaller with a belly diameter of c. 30cm according to the drawing; Sample T12 = south-central Crete, personal information E. Kardamaki); Lower 7RZQ/+,,,&(DUO\0DUDQ±¿J6WRFNKDPPHUYRO±6WRFNKDPmer 2008, vol. 2, 80 cat. no. 1218, pl. 57.1218 (belly diameter 33.4cm).

<sup>212</sup>8VXDOO\WKHVH0LQRDQVTXDWVWLUUXSMDUVKDYHDQHYHQEDQGLQJZLWKRXW¿QHOLQHJURXSVDV body decoration, commencing directly below the shoulder motifs, e.g. at Chania in the LM IIIB2 phase (Hallager 2003, 214–217, pls. 56–57) as well as in the preceding LM IIIB1 phase (Hallager 2011, 297–301, pls. 98, 153f; \$QGUHDGDNL9OD]DNL¿J+RZHYHURQHVTXDWVWLUUXSMDUIURPDQXQSXEOLVKHGFRQWH[WLQ7RPEīDW 6WDPLQLLLQFHQWUDO&UHWHDQGDQRWKHURQHIURPD/0,,,%ODUQD[EXULDOLQWRPE'DW.DORFKRUD¿WLVLQWKH0HVDUD 3ODLQVKRZWKHVDPHFRPELQDWLRQRID¿QHOLQHJURXSRQWKHVKRXOGHUZLWKDQHYHQO\EDQGHGERG\DVWKH(QNRPL YHVVHO.DQWD¿J±\$QWRQDNDNL\*LUHOOD¿J'&DWQFDWQR 4; 431, pl. IX.D-Cat.n.4).

<sup>213 2715/3–5. 8.</sup> The fabric is of good quality (Enkomi Fabric M 27), but the inclusions (medium to large quantity of medium to coarse dark gray and also reddish brown particles) show that it is not a northern Argive import.

Fig. 22 Pottery from Enkomi, City Quarter 1 West, Room 1, Level IIB. 1–5. local Mycenaean pottery; 6–15. Plain White Wheelmade pottery. Scale 1:3 (drawings R. Jung, M. Frauenglas, digitization R. Yassine).

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 293 11.11.2022 09:01:07

them to FT 210. The fragmentary bowl from Room 1 of Level IIB in City Quarter 1 West is closer WRWKH/&,,&VSHFLPHQVWKDQWRWKHSURGXFWVIURP\*UHHFHEXWGRHVQRW¿QGDQ\H[DFWSDUDOOHOLQ terms of both shape and linear decoration.214 A fragment of a shallow strap-handled bowl FT 296 painted with decoration type 7.9.3 (Fig. 22.1),215 the rim of another similar bowl (Fig. 22.2)216 and the lower half of a shallow bowl (Fig. 22.5)217 as well as a krater FT 281/282 without (preserved) patterned decoration (Fig. 22.4)218 complete the local Mycenaean repertoire from the same room. A locally made unpainted version (Plain White Wheelmade) of FT 295/296219 is also present (Fig. 22.6). Another unpainted shallow bowl of local manufacture conforms to the proportions and rim shape of FT 295/296 but was apparently handleless (Fig. 22.7).220

Among the local unpainted pottery, i.e. the so-called Plain White Wheelmade Ware often covered with the whitish slip so characteristic for Enkomi, there is a wide variety of small, mainly shallow bowls. Some of these are close in shape to handmade White Slip (Fig. 22.8)221 and monochrome bowls respectively (Fig. 22.9).222 Others, especially the type with a short thickened and ÀDWWHQHGULPULPW\SHD7VKDSHGULPW\SHWKLFNHQHGRQO\RQWKHLQWHULRUVRPHWLPHVZLWKD groove on top (rim type e, T-shaped with groove), and a single, pierced lug are very common even DVJUDYHR൵HULQJV)LJ±223/DUJHEDVLQVZLWKGL൵HUHQWFRPSOH[ULPSUR¿OHVDUHDOVR a common feature and appear in similar shapes, e.g. at LC IIC Kalavasos-Ayios Dimitrios (Figs. 22.15; 23.1).224 Furthermore, large parts of a plain amphoroid krater are preserved. This vessel has close parallels among the grave gifts in the Enkomi chamber tombs (Fig. 23.2).225 However, UDUHW\SHVDUHUHSUHVHQWHGDVZHOOHJDFXSRUERZOZLWKVVKDSHGSUR¿OH)LJ226 and an apparently globular vessel with incurving upper body and angular lip (Fig. 22.14).227 Other fragments belong to large, closed vessels (Fig. 23.3–4), one of which is a jug of the characteristic LC IIC shape with its handle attached slightly below the lip (Fig. 23.4).228 The rim of a large storage jar belongs to a vessel that in the tradition of Cypriot research would already be called a pithos despite having a height of far less than one meter (Fig. 24.1).229

Handmade cooking pots show a variety of sizes, rim and handle types, all of which correspond to classic LC IIC types and have been discussed in detail elsewhere (Fig. 24.2–5).230

<sup>220</sup>\$VX൶FLHQWO\ODUJHFRQWLQXRXVSRUWLRQRIWKHULPLVSUHVHUYHGWRH[FOXGHDWOHDVWWKHH[LVWHQFHRI WZRVWUDSKDQGOHVZKLFKDUHGH¿QLQJIRU)7DQG

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 294 11.11.2022 09:01:07

<sup>214</sup>0RXQWMR\±¿J±¿JV±)RU)7ZKLFKDV0RXQWMR\ULJKWO\VWUHVVHVVHUYHVDVDODEHO IRUTXLWHGL൵HUHQWERZOVKDSHVVHH)XUXPDUN¶VGH¿QLWLRQLQ)XUXPDUN

<sup>215 2707/9. 10 + 2715/11.</sup>

<sup>216 2762/11.</sup> It belongs to Mountjoy's bowl Type 6 with a production period extending to Enkomi Level IIIA (Mount-MR\±¿JV±

<sup>217 2762/13.</sup> It might be a quite deep version of Type 6 or Type 8 in Mountjoy's bowl typology (cf. specimens from a VKDIWDW.RXNOLD0DQWLVVDGL൶FXOWWRGDWHEXWDURXQGWKHHQGRI/&,,&DQGWKHEHJLQQLQJRI/&,,,\$0RXQWMR\ ±¿JV

<sup>218 2715/15.</sup>

<sup>219</sup>'LNDLRVSO-XQJE¿J

<sup>221 2715/.. [</sup>no sherd number].

<sup>222 2715/.. [</sup>no sherd number]. For the shape cf. e.g. small monochrome bowls from Chamber Tomb 110, excavated by WKH)UHQFKPLVVLRQ&RXUWRLVFDWQRFDWQRV¿J¿J

<sup>223</sup> All 2715/.. [no sherd numbers]; cf. Enkomi, Chamber Tomb 110: Courtois 1981, 136–137 cat. nos. 134–135, 140, ¿J±¿J

<sup>224</sup>)LJ)LJ>QRVKHUGQXPEHU@FI6FKXVWHU.HVZDQL¿J±

<sup>225 2715/29, 2715/35.</sup> The rim and base most probably formed part of the same vessel. For parallels see Courtois 1981, ±FDWQRV¿JIURP&KDPEHU7RPE

<sup>226 2715/24.</sup>

<sup>227 2715/32.</sup>

<sup>228 2715/27.</sup> The base fragment Fig. 23.3 is 2715/34 with slag adhering to one fracture surface.

<sup>229 2715/30 (</sup>rim diameter 28cm). Cf. Schuster Keswani's short-necked Group I pithoi, Form IB1 (Schuster Keswani ¿J±

<sup>230</sup>-XQJD±±¿JV±)LJ)LJ)LJ>QRVKHUGQXPEHU@ Fig. 24.5: 2707/.. + 2715/.. [no sherd numbers].

Fig. 23 Plain White Wheelmade pottery from Enkomi, City Quarter 1 West, Room 1, Level IIB. Scale 1:3 (drawings R. Jung, digitization M. Frauenglas, R. Yassine).

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 295 11.11.2022 09:01:08

Fig. 24 Local unpainted pottery from Enkomi, City Quarter 1 West, Room 1, Level IIB. 1. pithos; 2–5. handmade cooking pots of Cypriot type. Scale 1:3 (drawings R. Jung, D. Knauseder, digitization R. Yassine).

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 296 11.11.2022 09:01:08

Fig. 25 Canaanite jars from Enkomi, City Quarter 1 West, Room 1, Level IIB. 1–3. Scale 1:3; 4. Scale 1:6 (drawings R. Jung, digitization R. Yassine).

The unpainted imports in principal consist of Canaanite jars (Fig. 25),231 one of which preserved just enough of the shoulder carination to be assignable to Pedrazzi's Type 5-4 (Fig. 25.4). This type is the main LBA II maritime transport container of the Levant, represented with numer-RXVH[DPSOHVLQVLGHWKH8OXEXUXQZUHFNDQGLQVLGHDVWRUDJHURRPDWWKH8JDULWDQSRUWRI5ƗV Ibn Hani among others.232

7RFRQFOXGHWKH(QNRPL/HYHO,,%GLVFXVVLRQDIHZPRUH\$HJHDQW\SHYHVVHOVIURPLWV¿QDO ÀRRUVZLOOEHPHQWLRQHG7KH¿UVWLVD0LQRDQN\OL[GHFRUDWLRQW\SHORZHUEDQGVIRRW GHFRUDWLRQIURPWKHÀRRUGHSRVLWRI5RRP\$RQ)ORRU,9WKHUHDUURRPRIWKHVRFDOOHG:HVW Megaron in City Quarter 1 West (Fig. 26.1).233 The combination of the type with raised handles and ÀRZHUPRWLI¿QGVDJRRGSDUDOOHOLQFHQWUDO&UHWHDW3HQWDPRGL 234 According to Eleni Hatzaki, at Knossos the painted version of the kylix type with roll handles raised high above the rim was more common in LM IIIB Late than in LM IIIB Early.235 Next to this Cretan kylix lay an Argive chalice

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 297 11.11.2022 09:01:08

<sup>231</sup> Fig. 25.1: 2715/28; Fig. 25.2: 2707/.. [no sherd number]; Fig. 25.3–4: 2715/.. [no sherd numbers].

<sup>232</sup> Pedrazzi 2007, 75–77, 306–307.

<sup>233</sup>'LNDLRVSO-XQJEQ¿J0RXQWMR\¿J

<sup>234</sup>.DQWD¿J'XHWRWKHODFNRIDGUDZLQJQRWKLQJFDQEHVDLGDERXWWKHLQWHULRUGHFRUDWLRQ\$SDUWIURP the fact that the zone of the motifs is bordered by three instead of two bands, it is a perfect match for the Enkomi kylix. Unfortunately, its context is unknown.

<sup>235</sup> +DW]DNL¿JGHFRUDWLRQW\SHH[FHSWIRUORZHUEDQGVDQGPRWLI±¿JGHForation type 9.2).

298 R. Jung

Fig. 26 Aegean-type pottery from Enkomi Level IIB, City Quarter 1 West. 1–2. Room 3A; 3. Room 7. 1. Minoan import; 2. Argive import; 3. local Mycenaean vessel. Scale 1:3 (drawings R. Jung, digitization M. Frauenglas).

FT 278, which, in contrast to the pictorial one from Tell Kazel (see above), bears only linear deco-UDWLRQFRQVLVWLQJRI¿QHOLQHJURXSVVHSDUDWHGE\EURDGEDQGVRQWKHH[WHULRUDQGWZRULPEDQGVRQ the interior (Fig. 26.2).236 Similar though not identical variations of purely linear decoration occur on a chalice from a LH IIIB Middle context and a second one from a LH IIIB Final context inside the Lower Citadel at Tiryns.2372WKHUYHVVHOVIURPWKLVÀRRUGHSRVLWLQFOXGHWZR%DVH5LQJ,,ERZOV and fragments of White Slip II bowls, characteristic local table wares of LC IIC.238

As a last vessel from Enkomi Level IIB, one quite innovative deep bowl FT 284/285 with decoration type 9.2 (narrow rim band and monochrome interior) and a triglyph with antithetic spirals )0LVZRUWKFRQVLGHULQJ)LJ,WFRPHVIURPWKHXSSHURIWZR/HYHO,,%ÀRRUV)ORRU IV) in Room 7 of City Quarter 1 West.239 With regard to the ubiquitous deep bowls FT 284/285 IURPWKHIROORZLQJ/HYHO,,,\$LWLVQHFHVVDU\WRVWUHVVWKDWQHLWKHUWKHSUR¿OH240 nor the fabric of this vessel resemble the later deep bowls from Enkomi IIIA.241 The deep bowl from Room 7 in City Quarter 1 West may therefore be an import to Enkomi IIB from another region on Cyprus.242

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 298 11.11.2022 09:01:08

<sup>236</sup>'LNDLRVSO0RXQWMR\¿J

<sup>237</sup>/+,,,%0LGGOH6FK|QIHOG¿J1RUWKHUQ\*DWHZD\ÀRRUGHSRVLW/+,,,%)LQDO0DUDQ ¿J:LUJKRYiWKLVYROXPH¿J

<sup>238</sup> Dikaios 1969/1971, 49.

<sup>239</sup> 'LNDLRV SO -XQJ D ± ¿J 0RXQWMR\ ± ¿J 194.1151).

<sup>240</sup>)RUDQRYHUYLHZRQ(QNRPL,,,\$GHHSERZOVVHH0RXQWMR\¿J¿J±¿J± ±¿J±¿J±¿J±7KH/HYHO,,,\$YHVVHOVKDYHDQVVKDSHGSUR¿OHZKLOH WKHSUR¿OHRILVPXFKOHVVFXUYHG2QHGHHSERZOZLWKEURDGZDY\EDQGIRXQGLQVLGHWKHÀRRUOD\HU)ORRU 9RIWKH/HYHO,,,\$&RXUWKDVDVWUDLJKWSUR¿OHZLWKMXVWWKHOLSEHLQJHYHUWHG0RXQWMR\WKHUHIRUHDVFULEHVLWWR WKH/&,,&GHVWUXFWLRQRI/HYHO,,%0RXQWMR\¿JEXWEDVHGRQVWUDWLJUDSK\DORQHLWEHORQJV to the construction period of Level IIIA.

<sup>241</sup> If deep bowls resembling those of Level IIIA are ascribed to Enkomi Level IIB, they do not come from certain /HYHO,,%FRQWH[WV-XQJD¿J

<sup>242</sup> For the fabric description see Jung 2011a, 63 n. 11. Finally, imported Argive deep bowl FT 284/285 specimens are very rare and their linear decoration and motifs rather suggest LH IIIB Early–Middle dates. An example is 5903/1,

The LH IIIB Final destruction level in the West Gate Area of Midea provides us with a parallel showing the same decoration and motif, while the triglyph is somewhat broader than the one on the Cypriot vessel.243 A second parallel for type and decoration comes from the same destruction level, but from the West Gate passage itself. In this case, however, the antithetic spirals have taken the shape of two stemmed spiral versions.244 The Tirynthian Epichosis with its known dating range (see above) gave us two examples for this decoration type in combination with a triglyph ÀDQNHGE\DQWLWKHWLFVSLUDOV<sup>245</sup>

)RUWKH\$UJLYH¿QHFKURQRORJ\LWLVLPSRUWDQWWRQRWHWKDWVXFKGHHSERZOVZLWKGHFRUDWLRQ type 9.2 (often called FT 284/285A with monochrome interior) appear in the Western Staircase VWUDWLJUDSK\RI7LU\QV¿UVWLQ=RQHLQWKHOD\HUVRISDODFHGHVWUXFWLRQGHEULV/+,,,%)LQDO but are common only by Zone 1, i.e. in the early Post-palatial debris deposited on top (LH IIIC Early 1).246 Likewise, deep bowls with decoration type 9.2 showing antithetic spirals are rare even in the Zone 1 layers,247 while the Lower Citadel stratigraphy proves that their innovation dates back to LH IIIB Final.248

If the Cypriot potters of the deep bowl found in Room 7 of City Quarter 1 West drew on Argive prototypes, the presented stratigraphic evidence would favor a LH IIIC Early rather than a LH IIIB Final date for the vessel. In this context it is also interesting to note that Pyla-Kokkinokremos, destroyed and abandoned in LC IIC, provides more examples of deep bowls FT 284/285 than (QNRPL,,%EXWDOORIWKHYHVVHOVSXEOLVKHGVRIDUVKRZDVWUDLJKWSUR¿OHPRUHRUOHVVFORVHWRWKH (QNRPL,,%H[DPSOHIURP5RRPGLVFXVVHGKHUHDQGQRWWKHVSUR¿OHFKDUDFWHULVWLFIRU(QNRPL Level IIIA.249

This overview shows that the Aegean-type pottery from the Enkomi LC IIC destruction layers suggests a synchronism with LH IIIB Final or LH IIIC Early 1, but most probably with the latter SKDVH,QWKLVFRQWH[WRQHVKRXOGDOVRWXUQWR¿QGFRQWH[WVIURPWKHSUHFHGLQJ/HYHO,,\$LQRUGHU to narrow down the construction date of that settlement phase. In City Quarter 1 West, Level IIA HQGHGLQDGHVWUXFWLRQLQFOXGLQJDFRQÀDJUDWLRQ250 The deposit on top of the burnt Floor VIIA LQVLGH5RRPR൵HUVDSRWWHU\DVVHPEODJHWKDWLVFKURQRORJLFDOO\VLJQL¿FDQW IRUDVVHVVLQJWKH end date of this phase.251 An Argive shallow strap-handled bowl FT 295/296 with purely linear

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 299 11.11.2022 09:01:08

a FT 284/285A with decoration type 5.1 and FM 18, from City Quarter 4 West, Room 142 (Dikaios 1969/1971, 309, pls. 66.1; 87.47). Unfortunately, the well-known singular Argive deep bowl FT 284/285B with reserved bottom FLUFOHDQG)0IURPµ6ZHGLVK7RPE¶0RXQWMR\±¿JGRHVQRWKHOSWR¿[WKHV\QFKUR-QLVPRIVHWWOHPHQW/HYHO,,%7KLVODVWYHVVHOIXO¿OOV)UHQFK¶VDQG0RXQWMR\¶VGH¿QLWLRQFULWHULDIRUµ\*URXS%¶GHHS ERZOVLHDPRQRFKURPHLQWHULRUDYHU\EURDGULPEDQGRIFFPZLGWKPHDVXULQJFPLQWKLVVSHFL¿FFDVH DQGEURDGORZHUEDQGV9HUGHOLVHWDO)UHQFK±¿J0RXQWMR\±¿J ,Q3RG]XZHLW¶VGH¿QLWLRQLWLVDGHHSERZO%ZLWKGHFRUDWLRQW\SH3RG]XZHLW%HLODJHJ

<sup>243</sup>'HPDNRSRXORX±'LYDUL9DODNRX±¿J

<sup>244</sup>'HPDNRSRXORX±¿J

<sup>245</sup> Voigtländer 2003, 95, pls. 68.Si 132a–Si 132b; 129.Si 132.

<sup>246</sup> Kardamaki 2009, 455, tab. 5: 'Skyphos A mit monochromer Innenseite'. In the Lower Citadel decoration type 9.2 is well attested by the LH IIIB Developed and Final phases and continues into the LH IIIC phases (Podzuweit 2007, Beil. 5). Podzuweit subsumed all deep bowls with monochrome interior under his deep bowl Type B (Podzuweit 2007, 24, 29).

<sup>247</sup> Kardamaki 2009, 229, 358 (about parallels at Mycenae), 457, tab. 10 (Typ GT5d); pl. 23.472.

<sup>248</sup> Podzuweit 2007, Beil. 6 (deep bowls with monochrome interior and antithetic spirals: one in LH IIIB Final, four in LH IIIC Early).

<sup>249</sup>.DUDJHRUJKLV±'HPDVFDWQRV±SO%UHWVFKQHLGHUHWDOD¿J 54. However, the local Pyla deep bowls FT 284/285 do not parallel the monochrome interior of the Enkomi inv. no. 1157.

<sup>250</sup> Dikaios 1969/1971, 45–46.

<sup>251</sup>&RQWH[W7KHODEHOUHDGVµ5RRP9,,,\$'HPROLWLRQOD\HUXQGHUÀRRU9,,±¶ZKLFKFRUUHVSRQGVWR the Level IIA Floor VIIA in the published plan and in the room description (Dikaios 1969/1971, 40, pl. 249: 'VIIA ±¶)ORRU9,,WKHORZHUÀRRURI/HYHO,,%IROORZVDWP'LNDLRVSO By contrast, the assignation of Floor VIIA to Level IIB in a stratigraphic table (Dikaios 1969/1971, 45: '-14.45m') must be wrong (also based on the section Dikaios 1969/1971, pl. 260.3: VIIA = 'destr. of IIA'). The destruction of

Fig. 27 Pottery from Enkomi, City Quarter 1 West, Room 8, end of Level IIA. 1–2. Argive imports; 3. Plain White Handmade vat. 1–2. Scale 1:3; 3. Scale 1:4 (drawings R. Jung, digitization R. Yassine).

GHFRUDWLRQGHFRUDWLRQW\SHEHORQJVWRWKLVÀRRUGHSRVLW)LJ252-XGJLQJE\VWUDWL¿HG Argive examples of FT 295/296 with a monochrome interior, one might not expect a production date for this decoration prior to LH IIIB Final for the Enkomi vessel.253 However, one needs to keep in mind that those shallow strap-handled bowls belong to those Argive export vessels that were not often used by the Mycenaeans themselves (see above). On balance, one might assign this shallow bowl a production date in LH IIIB Middle or Developed. The other wheelmade rim VKHUGVIURPWKLVÀRRUGHSRVLWEHORQJWRDVPDOOLPSRUWHG\$UJLYHERZO)LJ254 and two local Plain White Wheelmade vessels, while the handmade rim sherds consist of three White Slip II pieces, one Base Ring fragment, one trefoil mouth of a jug and a large Cypriot vat with vertical

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 300 11.11.2022 09:01:08

WKH/HYHO,,\$EXLOGLQJLVLQGLFDWHGE\WKHODEHORI&RQWH[WµGHPROLWLRQOD\HUXQGHUÀRRU9,,¶DQGSUREDEO\E\ WKHGHVFULSWLRQRI)ORRU9,,\$DVµGDUNHQHGE\VPRNH¶DVZHOO7KH/HYHO,,%5RRPKDGWKUHHFRQVHFXWLYHÀRRUV (VII, VI and V according to Dikaios 1969/1971, 58, pl. 251).

<sup>252</sup>ULPGLDPHWHUFPULPSUHVHUYDWLRQIRUWKHVKHUGVHH-XQJD¿J

<sup>253</sup> Cf. Tiryns, Lower Citadel: Podzuweit 2007, 73, Beil. 48 (one specimen in LH IIIB Final and one in LH IIIC Early), pl. 40.6–8.

<sup>254 2597/9.</sup>

handles (Fig. 26.3).255 In terms of local pottery, this is a classic LC IIC group, while the handmade YDW¿WVZHOOZLWKDGDWHSULRUWR/HYHO,,%<sup>256</sup>

:HLJKLQJWKHGL൵HUHQWFKURQRORJLFDOLQGLFDWLRQVLWLVSRVVLEOHWKDWWKHVHWWOHPHQWSKDVH(Qkomi IIB started by the time of LH IIIB Developed, while it ended in a destruction that most probably occurred contemporaneously with LH IIIC Early 1.

#### Alassa

The settlement of Alassa located in the center of a plateau above the Kouris River in southern Cyprus includes two excavated quarters, the upper quarters at the location called Paliotaverna and, 250m to the east, the lower quarters at Pano Mantilaris.257 While the evidence at Pano Mantilaris (Fig. 28) shows that this quarter was abandoned 'without any trace of violent destruction',258 the SLFWXUHIURPWKHRWKHUTXDUWHULVHQWLUHO\GL൵HUHQW\$W3DOLRWDYHUQDWKHH[FDYDWLRQXQFRYHUHGWKUHH buildings (Fig. 29). Building II is the largest one with an area of 1545m² including a courtyard of 462m².259 The only partially excavated Building I, separated from Building II by a street to the south, is interpreted as a subsidiary structure to Building II, while Building III, located immediately to the northeast of Building II but with another orientation, served for 'industrial activities'.260

Buildings II and III burnt down at the end of Paliotaverna Phase 1, but, in the absence of an undisturbed stratigraphic connection between the two, the excavator Sophocles Hadjisavvas re-IUDLQVIURPDVVLJQLQJERWK¿UHVWRRQHDQGWKHVDPHFDWDVWURSKH+RZHYHUKHDOVRQRWHVWKDWQR FDVXDO¿UHFRXOGKDYH¿UVWEURNHQRXWLQWKH3LWKRV0DJD]LQHDQGWKHQH[SDQGHGRYHUWKHZKROH building and further east to Building III, because neither the latter nor the south wing of Building II communicated directly with the pithos storeroom, nor were they attached to it. Apart from an DFFLGHQWDO¿UHKHDOVRFRQVLGHUVDQDWWDFNE\IRUHLJQUDLGHUVµ6HD3HRSOHV¶DVDSRVVLEOHFDXVH of the destruction, but argues that the undisturbed development of the Pano Mantilaris settlement does not support the invasion hypothesis.261)ROORZLQJWKH¿UH%XLOGLQJ,,ZDVUHXVHGLQDVHFond settlement phase.262&RQVLGHULQJWKHVLJQL¿FDQWDUFKLWHFWXUDOGL൵HUHQFHVEHWZHHQWKHVLPSOH Pano Mantilaris buildings with their walls made of simply cut stones and mudbricks on the one hand,263 and the carefully planned and imposing ashlar walls, especially of Building II, including huge storage facilities, on the other,264 one may wonder if the selectivity of the destruction might have had a social dimension. We may then seek those people who burnt down the ashlar buildings ZKLOHVSDULQJWKHQHDUE\YLOODJHDPRQJWKHORFDOSRSXODWLRQ7KHDUFKDHRORJLFDO¿QGLQJVPLJKW be evidence of class struggle rather than the actions of foreign raiders.

/D\HUVRIGHVWUXFWLRQGHEULVLQFOXGLQJEXUQWSRWWHU\XVHIXO IRUGDWLQJWKH¿UHZHUH IRXQG in the North Corridor outside Building II. The excavator suspects that the broken objects had been thrown out of (hypothetical) windows of the Pithos Magazine, because they were found lying in groups in the North Corridor.265 Unfortunately, only very few pottery fragments allow LGHQWL¿FDWLRQRIWKHW\SHDQGGHFRUDWLRQ7KHQHFNDQGSDUWLDOO\SUHVHUYHGYHUWLFDOKDQGOHRI

264 Hadjisavvas 2017, 138–170, 176–197, 203–214, 221–225, 232–241; Schmid 2017. The building techniques used for %XLOGLQJ,,,DUHFRPSDUDEOHWRWKRVHRI%XLOGLQJ,,µEXWWKHZRUNPDQVKLSLVQRWDV¿QH¶+DGMLVDYYDV

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 301 11.11.2022 09:01:08

<sup>265</sup>+DGMLVDYYDV±¿J±

<sup>255 2597/3.</sup>

<sup>256</sup> Yet even by Level IIB a large part of the pottery was still produced without the aid of the potter's wheel (Jung E¿J

<sup>257</sup>+DGMLVDYYDV±¿JV±¿J

<sup>258</sup> Hadjisavvas 2017, 68.

<sup>259</sup>+DGMLVDYYDV±¿J

<sup>260</sup> Hadjisavvas 2017, 131.

<sup>261</sup>+DGMLVDYYDV ±¿J ,W UHPDLQV XQFOHDUZK\0LOOHN GHQLHVWKHH[LVWHQFH RIDQ\DUFKDHRORJLFDO evidence for destruction in Buildings II and III (Millek 2021, 79).

<sup>262</sup> Hadjisavvas 2017, 473.

<sup>263</sup>+DGMLVDYYDV±¿J

)LJ ([FDYDWLRQDUHDRI\$ODVVD3DQR0DQWLODULVDIWHU+DGMLVDYYDV¿J

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 302 11.11.2022 09:01:09

)LJ ([FDYDWLRQDUHDRI\$ODVVD3DOLRWDYHUQDZLWK%XLOGLQJV,,,DQG,,,DIWHU+DGMLVDYYDV±¿J

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 303 11.11.2022 09:01:10

)LJ 3RWWHU\¿QGVIURP\$ODVVD3DOLRWDYHUQD%XLOGLQJ,,)URPWKH3LWKRV0DJD]LQHIURPWKHEXUQWGHEULV in the North Corridor outside Building II; 3–5. from Well 2 inside Room I. Scale 1:3 (digitization St. Fragner, 1: after Hadjisavvas 2017, 215 no. PT 112; 2: after Hadjisavvas 2017, 227 no. PT 181; 3: after Hadjisavvas 2017, 199 no. PT 89; 4: after Hadjisavvas 2017, 198 no. PT 84; 5: after Hadjisavvas 2017, 198 no. PT 88).

a Plain White vessel is not described in detail and might therefore be either wheelmade or handmade (Fig. 30.2).266,WVVKDSH¿QGVJRRGSDUDOOHOVDW(QNRPLLQ/HYHO,,%)LJZLWK DGL൵HUHQWULPYDULHW\DQGDW3\OD.RNNLQRNUHPRV267 An imported Mycenaean shallow cup FT 220 (apparently without sunken base) is painted only with banded decoration. This cup W\SHZLWKRXWVXQNHQEDVHDQGQRQWKLFNHQHGÀDULQJULPVHHPVWRKDYHKDGLWVPDLQSURGXFtion period in LH IIIB Early and Middle,268 but is not common in the Argive settlements,269 which impedes its precise dating. There is no reason to classify a further painted fragment as 'Mycenaean IIIC:1b', for it seems to carry a pictorial motif and, according to its fabric characteristics, should be an import, too. In the absence of a drawing, one cannot classify it with any certainty.270 A rather coarse krater fragment with the hind legs of an animal is listed with the North Corridor pottery, but according to the square, was not found inside the corridor itself, but outside of it to the north.271 It is therefore stratigraphically problematic and cannot help in GDWLQJWKHFRQÀDJUDWLRQRI3DOLRWDYHUQD3KDVH

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 304 11.11.2022 09:01:10

<sup>266</sup> Hadjisavvas 2017, 227 no. PT 181.

<sup>267</sup>&I-XQJE¿J3ODLQ:KLWH:KHHOPDGH:DUH.DUDJHRUJKLV±\*HRUJLRXSO 142 (Plain White Wheelmade Ware).

<sup>268</sup> Hadjisavvas 2017, 229 no. PT 292. Cf. Tiryns, Lower Citadel, LH IIIB Early and LH IIIB Middle: Schönfeld 1988, WDE¿J7LU\QV(SLFKRVLV/+,,,%)LQDO±/+,,,&(DUO\9RLJWOlQGHUFDW nos. SC 30, SC 39, pls. 58.SC 30, SC 39; 118.SC 30 (with N-pattern); 119.SC 39 (linear). Athens, Agora, Chamber Tomb XXV with two burials, LH IIIB Early–Middle: Immerwahr 1971, 227 no. XXV-3, pl. 53.tomb XXV.3; 0RXQWMR\±¿J

<sup>269</sup>2QWKHUDULW\VHHDOUHDG\0RXQWMR\±¿J

<sup>270</sup> Hadjisavvas 2017, 229 no. PT 314.

<sup>271</sup> Hadjisavvas 2017, 230 no. PT 695.

No burnt destruction debris is reported from Well 2 in Room I. This room is part of the West :LQJZKLFKDFFRUGLQJWR+DGMLVDYYDVµPRVWOLNHO\EHORQJVWRWKH¿UVWSHULRGRIFRQVWUXFWLRQ¶<sup>272</sup> 1HYHUWKHOHVVWKHGHHSHVWPWKLFNDQGVLOW\¿OOOD\HURIWKHZHOOFRQWDLQHGIRXUXQEXUQWYHVVHOV which might be related to a phase preceding the last use of the building. However, this hypothesis is EDVHGVROHO\RQWKHLU¿QGGHSWKLQVLGHWKDWPGHHSZHOO2737KH¿UVWRQHLVDZKHHOPDGHYHUVLRQ of a Base Ring bowl (Fig. 30.3).274 At Enkomi, such wheelmade bowls of Base Ring shape – pro-GXFHGHLWKHUXQSDLQWHGRUZLWKPRQRFKURPHSDLQW±DUH¿UVWDWWHVWHGE\WKHHQGRI/HYHO,,%ZKHUH they belong to the most innovative pottery classes of that settlement phase.275 An almost completely preserved specimen with monochrome decoration (decoration type 11.0) from City Quarter 4 West, IRXQGLQ5RRPDOPRVWGLUHFWO\RQ)ORRU9,,WKHODVW/HYHO,,%ÀRRUPD\VHUYHDVDQH[DPSOH (Fig. 31.1).2767KHUHVWRIWKDWÀRRUGHSRVLW277 comprises characteristic LC IIC Plain White Wheelmade bowls (Fig. 31.2–3, 5–8),278 a wheelmade vat (Fig. 31.16),279 the rims of a narrow-necked closed vessel, probably a jug (Fig. 31.13),280 a storage jar (Fig. 31.15),281 and a pithos (Fig. 31.14);282 and in terms of imports, some Argive Mycenaean body and base fragments (Fig. 31.12),283 as well as Canaanite jars (Fig. 31.10–11).284 It also includes characteristic handmade shapes such as cooking pots of Cypriot type (Fig. 31.9),285 a shallow bowl (rim variety d) made in the same handmade cooking pot fabric (Fig. 31.4),286DQG¿QDOO\VHYHUDOULPVRI:KLWH6OLS,,ERZOV1RQHRIWKHVH¿QGV suggest a Level IIIA date or contamination, so that we can accept the whole wheelmade Base Ring bowl as a genuine Level IIB product. This, in turn, allows us to also assume a LC IIC date for the wheelmade Base Ring bowl from Well 2 in Building II of Alassa Paliotaverna.

,Q IDFW WKH DFFRPSDQ\LQJ ¿QGV IURP WKDW ZHOO VXSSRUW VXFK D GDWH \$FFRUGLQJ WR IDEULF descriptions and color photos, the other two published vessels from Well 2 are Mycenaean im ports PRVWSUREDEO\IURPWKH\$UJROLG7KH¿UVWRQHLVDVKDOORZVWUDSKDQGOHGERZO)7287 with URXQGHGSUR¿OHWKLFNHQHG ULPÀDWWHQHGRQWRS ULPYDULHW\OLQHDUGHFRUDWLRQ EDVH GHFRUDWLRQDQGDURZRIDOWHUQDWLQJȁDQG9SDWWHUQV)0RQWKHLQVLGH)LJ288 This vessel can give only an approximate chronological hint (see the discussion on Fig. 21.1 above).

The second Mycenaean vessel is a presumably handleless hemispherical bowl FT 210 with an irregular N-pattern, FM 60, below the rim on the exterior and joining semicircles, FM 42, positioned DORQJWKHGL൵HUHQWLQWHULRUEDQGV)LJ289 Examples of FT 210 are known from the Epichosis at Tiryns.290

<sup>276</sup>KHLJKWFPULPGLDPHWHU±FPEDVHGLDPHWHUFP'LNDLRVSO

280 5898/.. [no sherd number].

282 5898/.. [no sherd number].



Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 305 11.11.2022 09:01:10

<sup>272</sup> Hadjisavvas 2017, 178.

<sup>273</sup>+DGMLVDYYDV±¿JV±

<sup>274</sup> Hadjisavvas 2017, 199 no. PT 89.

<sup>275</sup> On the production period of wheelmade bowls of Base Ring shape see Dikaios 1969/1971, 451, 458, 464, 470–471.

<sup>277</sup>&RQWH[WVDQGERWKEHWZHHQWKHXSSHUÀRRURI/HYHO,,%LH)ORRU9,,DQGWKH¿UVWÀRRURI/HYHO,,,\$ i.e. Floor VI (cf. Dikaios 1969/1971, 168, pls. 271, 273).

<sup>278</sup> Fig. 31.2–3: 5897/.. [no sherd numbers]; Fig. 31.5–8: 5898/.. [no sherd numbers].

<sup>279 5897/.. [</sup>no sherd number].

<sup>281 5898/.. [</sup>no sherd number].

<sup>283 5898/2.</sup>

<sup>287</sup>)RUDFULWLFDOGLVFXVVLRQRI)XUXPDUN¶VRULJLQDOW\SRORJLFDOGL൵HUHQWLDWLRQVHH/HRQDUG±-XQJ 155 with n. 30.

Fig. 31 Pottery from Enkomi, City Quarter 4 West, Room 142, end of Level IIB. 1. Local painted wheelmade Base Ring bowl; 2–3, 5–8, 13, 15–16. Plain White Wheelmade vessels; 4, 9. handmade coarse ware; 10–11. Canaanite jars; 12. Argive import; 14. pithos. Scale 1:4 (drawings R. Jung, D. Knauseder, digitalization St. Fragner, R. Yassine).

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 306 11.11.2022 09:01:10

7KHÀRRUFRQWH[WVRIWKH3LWKRV0DJD]LQHSURYLGHWKHPRVWYDOXDEOHVWUDWLJUDSKLFHYLGHQFH IRUWKHODVWVHWWOHPHQWSKDVHIROORZLQJWKHFRQÀDJUDWLRQEHFDXVHLWZDVVHDOHGE\DWKLFNOD\HU of decomposed mudbrick that had remained undisturbed after the abandonment of Building II.291 Inside a pithos, a large fragment of a krater FT 281/282 turned up, which appears to bear pictorial motifs. Judging from the photo and the fabric description, we may be dealing with a Pastoral Style krater, perhaps showing bulls.2923DVWRUDO6W\OHNUDWHUVZHUHSURGXFHGLQGL൵HUHQWUHJLRQV of Cyprus during LC IIC and IIIA.293 A second fragmentary krater FT 281/282 is in a bad state of preservation, but according to the drawing, a narrow cross-hatched triglyph, FM 75, was one of its motifs (Fig. 30.1).294

Regarding other Mycenaean-type vessels, which may be imports, a fragmentary open cari-QDWHGYHVVHOZLWKQDUURZULPEDQGDQGFRQWLQXRXVH[WHULRUEDQGLQJPDGHXSE\¿QHOLQHVDQGD EURDGLQWHULRUEDQGDWPHGLXPKHLJKWLVGL൶FXOWWRFODVVLI\GXHWRWKHODFNRIDGUDZLQJ295 Its rim GLDPHWHURIFPFRXOGVWLOO¿WZLWKDFKDOLFH)7296 but the part above the carination seems to be too short for that type. Therefore, it is probably a carinated handleless bowl FT 209.297 The fabric description might suggest that this piece is an import from Greece, but if it was locally made, it would belong to Mountjoy's Cypriot bowl, Type 3, which has a long production period lasting from LC IIC to LC IIIB.298 A jug with a rim band, a band around the base of the neck, and a broad wavy line down the vertical handle belongs to the high-necked (Levanto-Helladic) jug version FT 116 – probably an imported specimen.299 Finally, there is the solidly painted torus base of either a large piriform jar or an amphoroid krater as well as a ring base and body fragments with broad body bands, which cannot contribute to the comparative chronology at all.300

7KHXQSDLQWHGYHVVHOIUDJPHQWVRI&\SULRWW\SHIURPWKHÀRRUVRIWKH3LWKRV0DJD]LQHDOO¿QG parallels in Enkomi Level IIB and at Pyla-Kokkinokremos. One may name a rim of a Base Ring carinated bowl with wishbone handle, a fragmentary Coarse Monochrome jug, a base and a shoulder of two Plain White Handmade jugs, the rim of a handmade basin with a rim thickened on the H[WHULRUDQG¿QDOO\WKHXSSHUSDUWRIDKDQGPDGHFRRNLQJSRWZLWKRQHYHUWLFDOKDQGOHSUHVHUYHG<sup>301</sup>

In conclusion then, the destruction of Alassa Paliotaverna Phase 1 happened during LC IIC, PRVWSUREDEO\WRZDUGVLWVHQGEXWQRSUHFLVHV\QFKURQL]DWLRQZLWKDVSHFL¿F0\FHQDHDQSKDVH is possible based on the Aegean-type pottery from Alassa itself.

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 307 11.11.2022 09:01:10

PT 88. An earlier morphological parallel comes from the LH IIIA 2 (Late) context of the Petsas House at Mycenae 6KHOWRQSOE>ULJKW@>H[WHULRUGHFRUDWHGZLWK¿QHOLQHVEHWZHHQDEURDGULPDQGDEURDGEDVHEDQG interior invisible]).

<sup>291</sup>+DGMLVDYYDV±¿JV±

<sup>292</sup>+DGMLVDYYDV¿JIRUWKH¿QGVSRWQRV3737&IDQH[DPSOHIURP(QNRPL/HYHO IIB (LC IIC): 2889/2, 2889/3 (according to the tray label '-14.30–13.80 m. E–Z/15–17', i.e. the layer between the XSSHUÀRRURI/HYHO,,%)ORRU,9DQGWKH/HYHO,,,\$)ORRU,,,VHH'LNDLRV>DVVLJQHGWR/HYHO,,%@ -XQJE¿J0RXQWMR\±¿J

<sup>293</sup> Mountjoy – Mommsen 2015, 474–475. For a LC IIIA example see Hala Sultan Tekke, City Quarter 1, Stratum 2 %UJH±)LVFKHU±¿J

<sup>294</sup> Hadjisavvas 2017, 215 no. PT 112. Cf. Enkomi Level IIIA, Room 45, below Floor IV, inv. no. 1072: Mountjoy ±¿JNUDWHU)7WULJO\SKVWRERWKVLGHVRIDQDQWLWKHWLFYHUVLRQRIVWHPPHGVSLUDOV )0QHWWULJO\SKLQWHUSUHWHGDV0LQRDQLQÀXHQFHE\0RXQWMR\

<sup>295</sup> Hadjisavvas 2017, 219 no. PT 237.

<sup>296</sup>&I6FK|QIHOG¿JULPGLDPHWHUFPDFFRUGLQJWRWKHGUDZLQJ

<sup>297</sup> Voigtländer 2003, 83 cat. no. SC 38, 185, pls. 58.SC 38; 119.SC 38 (rim diameter 10.7cm).

<sup>298</sup> Cf. Mountjoy 2018, 95–99.

<sup>299</sup> Hadjisavvas 2017, 219 no. PT 303.

<sup>300</sup> Hadjisavvas 2017, 215 no. PT 78; 218–219 no. PT 216.

<sup>301</sup> Hadjisavvas 2017, 215 no. PT 98; 216 nos. PT 173 + PT 174a; 218 nos. PT 196, PT 198, PT 214; 220 no. PT 635. Cf. Dikaios 1969/1971, pl. 62.14, 21; Karageorghis – Demas 1984, 34 cat. no. 18; 41 cat. no. 103, pl. 36.18.103; -XQJD¿J±.DUDJHRUJKLV±\*HRUJLRXFDWQRV±±FDWQRV 144, 161; pls. 5.115; 14.107; 15.114, 141; 16.144, 161.

#### 308 R. Jung

#### **Conclusion**

7KHDQDO\VLVRIWKHDYDLODEOHSRWWHU\HYLGHQFHIURPZHOOVWUDWL¿HGOD\HUVOHDGVWRWKHIROORZLQJ V\QFKURQLVWLFWDEOH )LJ+RZHYHUGXHWRWKHZLGHO\GL൵HULQJTXDQWLWLHVRISUHVHUYHGDQG SXEOLVKHG¿QGVIURPWKHUHOHYDQWGHVWUXFWLRQGHSRVLWVLWQHHGVWREHSRLQWHGRXWDJDLQWKDWWKH \$HJHDQ V\QFKURQLVPVDUH QRW RIWKH VDPH SUHFLVLRQ IRUDOOWKH VLWHV RQWKLVFKDUW7KH¿UPHVW dates are those based on the presence of several artefact categories in combination, such as local Mycenaean pottery and locally made Subapennine pottery in Phase K1 at Tell Kazel. The most insecure synchronisms are those that rely heavily on Argive imports, while local pottery classes suggest that the contexts are well beyond the time when the last LH IIIB Middle imports reached the site. This is the case with Phase 1 of Alassa Paliotaverna. At Ugarit we have the *desideratum* RI¿QGLQJPRUHSRWWHU\JURXSVLQFOHDUUHRFFXSDWLRQOD\HUV2QO\VXFKDVVHPEODJHVZRXOGDOORZ DVHFXUHGDWHWREH¿[HGWRWKDWODVWVHWWOHPHQWSKDVHZKLFKDSSDUHQWO\ IROORZHGPRUHRUOHVV LPPHGLDWHO\RQWKHYLROHQWFRQÀDJUDWLRQRIWKHFLW\


Fig. 32 Comparative chronology chart.

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## **Index**

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 323 11.11.2022 09:01:11

Achaea 214, 224 Adriatic 286 Aegina 49, 50, 53, 64–65, 68, 85–87, 89–92, 172 n. 45, 279 Aeolian islands 288 Aigeira 214, 217, 218 n. 59, 221, 224 Akkar plain 73, 274–288, 308 Akrotiri 68 n. 92 Alašiya 263, 288–289 Alassa 22, 25, 33, 289, 301, 302, 303, 304, 305, 307, 308 Amarna 38, 267 n. 83, 274 n. 117 ± PPXUDSL\$ޏ Amurru 263 n. 65, 274–275 Ano Englianos *see* Pylos Apulia 286 Archanes 212 Argolid 11, 16–18, 19, 40, 67 n. 82, 68, 85, 107, 114, 128 n. 28, 131, 140–142, 155–156, 170, 177–185, 193 n. 3, 194, 202 n. 32, 203–206, 215, 219 n. 61, 233–234, 237, 256–257, 259–260, 270, 272–273, 276–277, 281–282, 290–292, 305 Armenoi 212 Asia Minor 22, 255, 257, 288 Asine 126, 283 Athens 11, 24–25, 33, 35, 42, 140–141, 149, 169, 179, 193 n. 4, 196 n. 13, 209, 304 n. 268 Attica 11, 65 n. 74, 85, 97 n. 1, 106, 140, 142, 169 n. 30, 178, 181, 219 n. 61, 283 n. 165 Aziru 274 n. 117 Ayios Kosmas 106 Ayia Pelayia 215 n. 46 Ayios Stephanos 170 n. 39, 178–183, 219 n. 61 Ayia Triada (on Crete) 212, 220 Ayios Vasileios 11–12, 15, 17, 19–20, 24–25, 33, 107 n. 41, 140–142, 161–185, 193–206, 231, 233, 236 Bamboula-Vournes 265 n. 80, 267 n. 83 Basilicata 287 Berbati 276 Beya 262 Boiotia 11, 19, 99, 100, 113–114, 140–142, 184, 233 Brauron 281 n. 148, 283 n. 162 Broglio di Trebisacce 288 n. 185 Calabria 288 Caria 261 Chamalevri 212, 220 Chania (on Crete) 11–13, 20–21, 24–25, 33, 68, 209, 212, 214–221, 257 n. 8, 269, 292 n. 212 Cilicia 224 Corinthia 257 n. 8, 276

Crete 9, 11, 14, 18, 21, 65, 66–70, 91–92, 161, 172 n. 49, 185, 209–224, 238, 255, 292, 297 Cyclades 65, 66, 67 n. 80, 213 Cyprus 18, 22, 24, 25, 65, 69, 72, 92, 224, 255–257, 259 n. 30, 261, 263 n. 60, 276, 288–308 'HLUޏ\$OOD Q Deir el-Medina 262 Dimini 11 n. 5, 21–22, 24–25, 33, 106, 110, 112, 113 n. 121, 140–142, 168, 180–182, 209, 217, 221, 234, 271, 273 n. 114, 286–288, 292 n. 205 Dodecanese 65, 68–69, 71–73, 92, 213, 261 'Dorians' 231 Egypt 22, 38, 210 n. 5, 212, 240, 255, 257, 262, 274 n. 117, 288–289 n. 189 Enkomi 22, 25, 33, 265, 267, 278, 289–301, 304–308 Eurotas 15 Eutresis 113, 140–141 *foederati* 241 n. 88 Gibala *see* Tell Tweini Glas 11–12, 24–25, 33, 109, 113–114, 141, 184, 233 Glyka Nera 169 n. 30 Gouves 211–212, 221–222 Hala Sultan Tekke 307 n. 293 Hittites 236–237, 258, 263 Ialysos 278, 283 n. 160 Iklaina 12, 17, 19, 24–25, 33, 140–142, 149–159, 184 n. 138, 233, 237 Iria 179, 273, 284, 292 n. 208 Italy 21, 215, 217, 219 n. 64, 224, 287–288 Jordan 256 n. 6 Kalamafka 220, 222, 292 Kalavasos 265 n. 80, 267 n. 81 and 83, 273 n. 115, 288–289 n. 189, 290 n. 199, 294 .ƗPLGHO/ǀ] Q Kanakia 257, 283 Karkamiš 262–263 Kastelli Pediada 215 n. 46 Kastri 220, 223 Kastrokefala 215 n. 46, 217–218 Kastro-Palia 11, 15, 234, 288 n. 182 Kea 65 n. 74 Knossos 11–13, 15, 17 n. 57, 21–22, 210–213, 215 n. 46, 220, 222, 238, 240, 292 n. 209, 297 Kolonna 65 n. 73 Kommos 65, 185, 211–212, 214, 219–220, 223 Kontopigado 85, 141, 169–170, 177–178, 180–181, 196 n. 13, 260 n. 43, 283 n. 159 Kopais Lake 114

#### 324 Index

Jung\_Kardamaki.indb 324 11.11.2022 09:01:11

Korakou 140–141, 204, 217–218 Kos 18, 65, 68 Kouklia 294 n. 217 Koukounaries 219 n. 61 Kydonia *see* Chania Kythera 65–67, 91–92, 185 Laconia 11, 15–16, 19–20, 142, 161–185, 193–206, 218 n. 58, 219 n. 61, 233 Lebanon 73, 274 Lazarides 172 n. 45, 279 Lefkandi 217–218, 283 Levant 18, 22, 64–65, 92, 255–257, 261, 263–265, 269–270, 273, 275–276, 288, 290, 297, 307 Lipari 288 Makra Vounara 278 n. 137 Malia 211 Maroni 265 n. 80, 267 n. 82 Medinet Habu 274–275 Mediterranean 9, 18, 22, 185, 193 n. 4, 233, 235, 240– 242, 255, 256, 257, 263, 279, 288 Menelaion 19–20, 140, 142, 154, 172 n. 45, 178–185, 193–195, 198, 202–206, 218–219 Merneptah 262–263 Mesara 68, 212 n. 17, 292 n. 212 Mesopotamia 22 Messenia 11–12, 18–19, 128 n. 28, 130 n. 36, 141, 149, 153, 155, 213, 233, 237 Midea 11, 16–17, 24–25, 33, 73 n. 103, 86 n. 144, 106–110, 112–113, 141, 172 n. 45, 179–180, 182, 215, 231–233, 256, 272, 292 n. 208, 299 Mitrou 19, 126–127, 140–141, 168 n. 25, 178 n. 71, 182, 184 Mochlos 211, 220 Mycenae 11–18, 20, 24–25, 33, 35–44, 75, 85, 100, 106–107, 109–113, 126, 140–142, 156, 161, 168– 169, 172–174, 177–179, 181–185, 200, 204, 215, 231–232, 234, 236–238, 241, 256, 260 n. 42, 269 n. 89, 272, 276, 281–284, 290 n. 200–201, 299 n. 247, 306–307 n. 290 Nafplio 89 n. 147 Near East 64, 255–257, 260 n. 36 Nichoria 127–128, 140, 149, 172, 178, 182, 201 n. 28, 204 n. 44, 206 n. 59 Nile 256 Orchomenos 11, 113–114, 184 Palaikastro 212, 220–221, 223 Paros 219 n. 61 Pausanias 98 n. 9 Peloponnese 20, 114, 121, 141–142, 161, 180, 211, 214, 218, 221, 256 Pentamodi 297 Perati 257 n. 14, 283 n. 160 Phaistos 212 n. 17, 220, 223 Philistia 224 Prosymna 140, 170 Punta di Zambrone 219, 288 Pyla 256 n. 7, 259 n. 30, 264, 273 n. 115, 276 n. 126, 299, 304, 307

Pylos 11–12, 15, 17–19, 24–25, 33, 65 n. 76, 107–109, 113 n. 124, 121–142, 149, 159, 161, 168, 170, 179, 185, 193–194, 213, 234, 235–238, 240 Ramesses II 257 Ramesses III 22, 257, 262–263, 273–275, 288 5ƗV,EQ+DQL Ra'šu 263–264, 273 Rethymno 212 Rhodes 278 Roca Vecchia 286 Roman 237 n. 49, 241 n. 88 Salamis 257, 283 Sea Peoples 231, 240–241, 262–263, 273, 275, 301 âHNHOHã Seriphos 65 n. 74 âLNDOƗ\nj Siphnos 65 n. 74 Siptah 256 n. 6, 262, 273 Sissi 220, 222 Staminii 292 n. 212 Sumur 274 Syria 22, 24–25, 73, 224, 255–258, 262, 266, 270 n. 93, 274, 278–279 Tell Kazel 22, 25, 33, 274–288, 298, 308 Tell Tweini 22, 25, 33, 265–273, 276, 281–282, 288, 308 Tewosret 256 n. 6 Thebes 11–12, 14, 17–20, 24–25, 33, 97–114, 140– 142, 168, 178 n. 65, 179, 182–185, 231, 234, 236, 281 n. 149, 284 Thera 68 n. 92 Thessaly 11, 15, 19, 141, 182, 271 Thorikos 140–141, 181 n. 104 Thronos Kefala (Sybrita) 215 n. 46, 220 Tjekery 263 Timmari 287 Tiryns 11–18, 21, 24–25, 33, 49–92, 108–111, 113–114, 126, 140–142, 156, 161, 167, 169, 170 n. 36, 172– 173, 177 n. 64, 179–185, 204, 215, 217–218, 221, 231–239, 241, 256, 260, 269–272, 276 n. 129, 281 n. 145, 283, 288, 290, 292, 298–300, 304 n. 268, 305 Trapeza (on Crete) 172 n. 49 Troodos 288–289 n. 189 Troy 68 n. 92, 277–278 Tsikouriana ridge (on Crete) 220 Tsoungiza 112 n. 103, 126, 172 n. 50, 178, 184 n. 136, 195 n. 11, 200, 257 n. 8, 279 n. 141, 281 n. 145 Ugarit 22, 25, 33, 258, 259–265, 273, 288–289 n. 189, 308 Uluburun 38, 297 8UWƝQX ± Volos 11, 15, 217, 288 n. 182 /*wanax*/ 141, 237–239 Xirokambi (in Laconia) 193 Yabninu 261 Zygouries 173 n. 53, 183, 211, 269 n. 91, 276

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