# Encyclopaedia of German diatheses

Michael Cysouw

Open Germanic Linguistics 4

### Open Germanic Linguistics

Editors: Michael T. Putnam, B. Richard Page, Laura Catharine Smith

In this series:


# Encyclopaedia of German diatheses

Michael Cysouw

Michael Cysouw. 2023. *Encyclopaedia of German diatheses* (Open Germanic Linguistics 4). Berlin: Language Science Press.

This title can be downloaded at: http://langsci-press.org/catalog/book/374 © 2023, Michael Cysouw Published under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 Licence (CC BY 4.0): http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ ISBN: 978-3-96110-407-9 (Digital) 978-3-98554-065-5 (Hardcover)

ISSN (print): 2750-5588 ISSN (electronic): 2750-557X DOI: 10.5281/zenodo.7602514 Source code available from www.github.com/langsci/374 Errata: paperhive.org/documents/remote?type=langsci&id=374

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# **Preface**

Errors and omissions are unavoidable in scientific writing. They are the writer's [0.1] equivalent of statistical Type I and Type II errors, respectively. And just as with statistical data, I have worked hard to keep all errors and omissions to a minimum in relation to the number of justified statements and judgements. Still, I need to start with a major disclaimer: this book is a work in progress. The current version undoubtedly contains numerous errors, omissions, inaccuracies and wrong generalisations. I can say this with certainty because I have been changing, adding and deleting details up to the last moment before publication of the current version of this book. And I do not expect it to stop here. Actually, the work-in-progress status is intended to be taken quite literally: I plan to update and revise this book regularly in the future. Any progress can be followed online at https://github.com/cysouw/diathesis. I welcome any suggestions for improvement, which can be submitted as an "issue" on that website, or, even better, as a "pull request" including proposed changes and corrections.

This book is about German grammar, but the book is written in English. These [0.2] two decisions have a purely personal background. First, the idea to write about German grammar arose in the context of me teaching German grammar at the Philipps-University in Marburg. Actually, the diversity of diathesis could, and should, be investigated in the same depth in other language besides German. Second, the book is written in English first and foremost because I personally feel more comfortable writing in English than in German. Also, I think that the current approach to diathesis is also of interest to readers that do not care too much about all minute details of German grammar. And for the readers that are interested in those details of the German language, I assume that they both have a working knowledge of English (so they can read this text) and of German (so they can understand the German examples). For that reason I decided to omit any interlinear glossing of the examples. Most examples are simple enough to be understood even with just an approximate understanding of German. Adding interlinear glossing throughout would be an enormous undertaking, which I think is not worthwhile given the intended readership.

This book is written in Pandoc Markdown. Markdown (https://commonmark. [0.3] org) allows for clean and readable raw text, while Pandoc (https://pandoc.org)

### Preface

provides easy transformations of the text into beautiful output, for example in formats like XƎLATEX/PDF or HTML. I have used various extensions for Pandoc ("filters" in Pandoc-parlance), for example to format and number linguistic examples. More information on these filters can be found on the GitHub webpage mentioned above.


# **1 Setting the scene**

# **1.1 The daunting diversity of diathesis**

The quintessential example of German diathesis, discussed in every grammatical [1.1] description of this language, is the *werden+Partizip* passive construction (1a). The crucial characteristic that makes this a diathesis is that the state-of-affairs as described by the passive is fundamentally the same as in the corresponding active (1b). Yet, while the circumstances remain the same, the grammatical structure and the communicated perspective differ between the two expressions.

	- b. Der Künstler malt ein Gemälde.

This general approach to diathesis, viz. alternating sentence structures that [1.2] express approximately the same state-of-affairs, is applicable to a large number of grammatical phenomena in German. All in all, almost 250 different German diatheses are described in this book, some highly productive, some only attested for a handful of verbs. The main goal of this book is to present this wealth of grammatical possibility in a unified manner, while at the same time attempting to classify and organise this diversity.<sup>1</sup>

It might come as a surprise that there are so many different diatheses in Ger- [1.3] man, but my impression is that in this respect German is no exception among the world's languages. I expect that all languages have a similar abundance of different ways in which to construe a sentence around a lexical predicate. In a sense, a diathesis allows for the expression of a distinct perspective on the event described, something that is arguably a common desire of any language user.

By way of an introduction, consider the following five illustrative examples of [1.4] diathesis.<sup>2</sup> Some verbs, like *beginnen* 'to start' (2a), allow for a passive-like con-

<sup>1</sup> I will make no attempt to fit all the hundreds of constructional possibilities of the German language into any specific grammatical framework, although the collection of diatheses presented here might be taken as a modelling-challenge for your favourite grammatical theory.

<sup>2</sup>Many examples in this book contain masculine nouns, not because of laziness on my behalf, but because their definite articles overtly show the different German cases (*der, des, dem, den*). Notwithstanding this grammatical preference, I will try to use examples with as much diversity as possible throughout this book.

### 1 Setting the scene

struction without any *werden* auxiliary, often called "anticausative". Other verbs, like *schießen* 'to shoot' (2b), allow for an alternation between an accusative and a prepositional phrase, often called "antipassive". Further, there are many different kinds of diathesis marked by a reflexive pronoun, like the reflexive antipassive with *beklagen* 'to lament' (2c). Diathesis is also frequently marked by a prefix, like the applicative between *stammen aus* and *entstammen* 'to descend from' (2d). Lastly, many light-verb constructions show diathesis, for example the *sein+zu‑Infinitiv* passive, as illustrated below with the main verb *lösen* 'to solve' (2e).

	- b. Der Jäger schießt den Bären. Der Jäger schießt auf den Bären.
	- c. Der Lehrer beklagt den Lärm. Der Lehrer beklagt sich über den Lärm.
	- d. Der Kandidat stammt aus einem Adelsgeschlecht. Der Kandidat entstammt einem Adelsgeschlecht.
	- e. Der Ermittler löst den Fall. Der Fall ist für den Ermittler leicht zu lösen.

# **1.2 Defining diathesis**


# **1.2.1 Alternation**

	- An alternation consists of two different linguistic constructions, i.e. there are two alternants.

Alternations include basic morphological oppositions, like singular vs. plu- [1.8] ral (3a) and in general comprise any opposition of grammatical forms, like synthetic present vs. analytic perfect (3b). Alternations also exist in syntax as oppositions between different sentence structures, like a plain transitive nominative+accusative structure alternating with an intransitive reflexive anticausative with obligatory adverbial (3c).

	- b. Das Kind schläft. Das Kind hat geschlafen.
	- c. Ich verkaufe das Buch. Das Buch verkauft sich gut.

There is a thought-provoking and almost philosophical issue here, which I [1.9] will not further explore, namely whether the basis of grammatical analysis are the constructions themselves or the alternations between constructions. The approach taken here is that the alternations are the more crucial entities. I consider alternations as the morphosyntactic equivalent to phonological minimal pairs. Alternations are also useful in the practice of grammatical description. The meaning/function of a construction by itself is often hard to describe in full, while the meaning/function of an alternation can simply be described by the difference in meaning between the alternants. Only the crucial facets that are added by the

### 1 Setting the scene

alternation need to be captured – a task that often is already difficult enough. Similar intuitions about the importance of alternations have led to the development of syntactic transformations (cf. Harris 1957).

# **1.2.2 Clause alternation**

	- In a clause alternation both alternants are monoclausal, i.e. both alternants contain a single main predicate. For German, the crucial definitional property of monoclausality will be a phenomenon called "coherence" (see Section 1.3.1).
	- In both alternants, the main predicate consists of the same lexeme, i.e both contain the same verb and the meaning of the lexical verb does not (substantially) change between the alternants (see Section 1.3.2).
	- The lexical roles of the verb do not change between the alternants. Lexical roles are an inherent part of the meaning of a verb and alternations do not change them. Note, however, that there might be new roles introduced or some roles might be left unexpressed (see Section 1.3.3).
	- A specific clause alternation is only applicable to a restricted set of verbs. The list of applicable verbs constitutes the domain of application of the alternation. Any semantic/syntactic characterisation of these applicable verbs should be seen as a summary of the domain of application, not its definition (see Section 1.3.4).
	- The meaning/function of the whole clause changes between the alternants. This functional difference is the whole point of having a clause alternation in the first place (see Section 1.3.5).
	- b. Ich esse den Apfel. Ich esse den Apfel auf.
	- c. Er hat das Haus angesehen. Er hat sich das Haus angesehen.
	- d. Er erledigt seine Hausaufgaben. (Ich hoffe, dass) er seine Hausaufgaben erledigt.

# **1.2.3 Diathesis**

Based on the notion of a clause alternation, a diathesis (sometimes also known [1.12] as "valency alternation") is defined as follows:


### 1 Setting the scene

between structures A and B. However, such diatheses are not included here. It is a major goal of this book to present a precise description of all possible role remappings relative to the basic clause structure (see Section 2.7).

	- (5) a. Der Schreiner lackiert den Tisch. Der Tisch wurde von dem Schreiner lackiert.
		- b. Der Lehrer nimmt dem Schüler das Handy ab. Der Schüler bekommt das Handy von dem Lehrer abgenommen.
		- c. Der Preis empört den Kunden. Der Kunde empört sich über den Preis.
		- d. Der Tourist steigt auf den Berg. Der Tourist besteigt den Berg.

# **1.3 Definitional details**

# **1.3.1 Monoclausality and coherence**


now occurs at the end of the sentence. In this example it is not possible for anything to follow after this finite verb, as shown by the ungrammaticality of (6c). So, the original sentence in (6a) is a single clause.

	- b. (Es ist bekannt, dass) ich morgen nach Hause gehe.
	- c. \* (Es ist bekannt, dass) ich gehe morgen nach Hause.

Sentences with this characteristic will be called (syntactically) coherent, fol- [1.16] lowing Bech (1955; see also Kiss 1995 for an in-depth discussion).<sup>3</sup> Coherent constructions are considered to be monoclausal. For example, coherence is attested in auxiliary constructions with participles (7) and infinitives (8). Such constructions are thus monoclausal.

	- b. (Es ist bekannt, dass) ich gestern ein Haus gekauft habe.
	- c. \* (Es ist bekannt, dass) ich gestern gekauft habe ein Haus.
	- b. (Es ist bekannt, dass) ich morgen ein Haus kaufen will.
	- c. \* (Es ist bekannt, dass) ich morgen kaufen will ein Haus.

In contrast, constructions with *zu* and an infinitive are sometimes coherent, [1.17] e.g. (9) with the finite verb *geben* 'to give', and sometimes non-coherent, e.g. (10) with the finite verb *behaupten* 'to claim'. The coherent construction in (9a) is thus monoclausal, while the non-coherent construction in (10a) consists of two clauses.

	- b. (Es ist bekannt, dass) der Protest ihr zu denken gibt.
	- c. \* (Es ist bekannt, dass) der Protest gibt ihr zu denken.
	- b. \* (Es ist bekannt, dass) der Sportler den Wettkampf zu gewinnen behauptet.
	- c. (Es ist bekannt, dass) der Sportler behauptet den Wettkampf zu gewinnen.

<sup>3</sup>This usage of the term "coherence" is slightly confusing, because it is used here as a technical term from the syntactic literature, completely independent from the pragmatic usage of the term "coherence" for contextual interconnectedness.

### 1 Setting the scene


[1.19] When the above definition of monoclausality is strictly followed, then there turn out to be dozens of verbs that can be used as the finite "auxiliary" in a coherent multi-verb clause. When used as finite auxiliaries, these verbs are grammaticalised, i.e. they shed much of their lexical meaning when used in a multi-verb construction. Such grammaticalised verbs are classified into different groups and referred to by many different names in the German grammatical literature, for examples *Hilfsverb*, *Kopulaverb*, *Modalverb*, *Modalitätsverb*, *Halbmodalverb* (Eisenberg 2006b), *Nebenverb* (Engel 1996: 406), *Funktionsverb* (Polenz 1963 cited in Kamber 2008: 34), *Strukturverb* (Weber 2005), or *Stützverb* (Seelbach 1991 cited in Kamber 2008: 34). I will not pursue the question here how to classify these verbs into different kinds. I will simply refer to the whole group of these auxiliary verbs as light verbs.<sup>4</sup> All light verbs that will be discussed in this book are shown in alphabetical order in (11).

(11) German verbs that can be used as light verbs *aussehen, bekommen, bleiben, brauchen, bringen, drohen, dürfen, erscheinen, fahren, finden, fühlen, geben, gehen, gehören, gelten, glauben, haben, halten, heißen, helfen, hören, kommen, kriegen, können, lassen, legen, lehren, lernen, liegen, machen, mögen, müssen, nehmen, pflegen, riechen, scheinen, schicken, sehen, sein, setzen, sollen, spüren, stehen, suchen, tun, vermögen, versprechen, verstehen, werden, wirken, wissen, wollen*

# **1.3.2 Grammaticalisation of lexical meaning**

[1.20] It is not always immediately clear whether a verb remains the same verb in a clause alternation. For example, the verb *trinken* means 'to drink' when used as

<sup>4</sup>The same English term "light verb" has recently also been used as a translation of the German term *Funktionsverb* (Fleischhauer & Gamerschlag 2019; Fleischhauer 2021; Fleischhauer & Hartmann 2021). Actually, both that use and my use of the term "light verb" are instances of a more general overarching concept. The *Funktionsverb* can be specified as a "light verb with a nominal main predicate". In contrast, in this book the term "light verb" is used for a "light verb with a verbal main predicate" (cf. Section 13.2.4).

a transitive verb (12a). In contrast, when used intransitively it contains a strong insinuation that the drinking includes too much alcohol, so it might better be translated as 'to be an alcoholic' (12b). In effect, the transitive and the intransitive use of *trinken* have a different meaning. However, in this case, the special intransitive meaning is probably best analysed as a conversational implicature because the suggestion of alcoholism can be suppressed given the right context (12c).

	- b. Er trinkt.
	- c. Er trinkt hastig, weil er durstig ist.

In general, when the same lexical verb is used in different alternating construc- [1.21] tions, then there is (of course) a difference in meaning between the two occurrences. However, ideally this difference is completely induced by the alternation and not by the lexical verb itself. Yet, it is extremely common for the combination of a lexical verb with the surrounding construction to grammaticalise into a new meaning. For example, the verb *auftreten* means something like 'to act' as an intransitive (13a), but 'to kick open' as a transitive (13b). Both meanings originate as metaphorical extensions from the meaning 'to step on something (by foot)'.

	- b. Er hat die Tür aufgetreten.

Likewise, historical processes can lead to current homophony of two different [1.22] lexemes. For example, this appears to be the case with the verb *abhauen*, which has a transitive meaning 'to cut off' (14a). However, it has attained another usage during the course of the 20th century as an intransitive meaning 'to run away' (14b), probably based on a southern German dialectal meaning of *hauen* 'to go, to walk'.<sup>5</sup>

	- b. Er ist abgehauen.

In between those extremes (i.e. conversational implicature as with *trinken* and [1.23] different lexicalisation as with *abhauen*) there are various intermediate stages of semantic separation. For example, the verb *hängen* 'to hang' can be used as

<sup>5</sup>Pfeiffer (1993), entry *hauen* at https://www.dwds.de/wb/etymwb/hauen, accessed 12 December 2018.

### 1 Setting the scene

a regular intransitive verb with a location (15a). However, the specific combination with the preposition *an* can also have a special meaning 'being emotionally attached to something' (15b). In this case it seems most appropriate to interpret the combination *hängen an* as a separate lexicalisation, although the path of the grammaticalisation to this new interpretation can still be intuitively grasped.

	- b. Er hängt an seinem Teddy.

# **1.3.3 Lexeme-specific lexical roles**

	- (16) a. [Der Koch]<sup>i</sup> füllt [den Topf]ii [mit dem Reis]iii.
		- b. [Der Koch]<sup>i</sup> füllt [den Reis]iii [in den Topf]ii.
		- c. [Der Reis]iii füllt [dem Koch]<sup>i</sup> [den Magen]ii.
		- d. [Der Koch]<sup>i</sup> füllt sich [den Magen]ii.
		- e. [Der Blumentopf]ii füllt sich [mit Wurzeln]iii.

First, each role that is case-marked in at least one clause alternant is a lexeme- [1.27] specific role. In the example of *füllen* in (16), each of the three roles is marked as nominative, accusative or dative in at least one of the alternants, so all three roles are lexeme-specific. Various exceptions and stipulations to this criterion are discussed in Section 5.2.

Second, all obligatory prepositional phrases are lexeme-specific roles. There [1.28] are different kinds of such lexeme-specific prepositional phrases. First, some verbs obligatorily require such a location, like *sich befinden* (17), see Section 6.3.3. Second, some diatheses introduce an obligatory location, like the caused-motion diathesis with *waschen* (18), see Section 6.8.8. This diathesis turns an accusative object *Hose* 'trousers' (18a) into an obligatory location (18b,c).

	- b. \* Der Stuhl befindet sich.
	- b. Ich wasche den Fleck aus meiner Hose.
	- c. \* Ich wasche den Fleck.

Third, there is a large class of lexeme-specific prepositional phrases that I [1.29] will call governed prepositions, like with *arbeiten an* 'to work on' (19a). These prepositional phrases are not obligatorily present (19b). However, the intuition behind governed prepositions is that these prepositions are lexically determined by the verb and often strongly grammaticalised both semantically and structurally. For example, the preposition *an* with the verb *arbeiten* 'to work' (19a) is semantically strongly bleached with none of its local meaning remaining. Syntactically, the prepositional phrase in *arbeiten an* can be paraphrased with a complement clause of the form *daran, dass* (19c). The possibility of such a syntactic paraphrase will be used as the main characteristic to identify governed prepositions. Various exceptions and stipulations to this criterion are discussed in Section 6.2.

	- b. Ich arbeite hart.
	- c. Ich arbeite daran, dass das Buch bald fertig wird.

Under this approach, there are a few lexical roles that appear to be very wide- [1.30] spread, up to the point of seemingly being universally applicable to all verbs. If that would be the case, then it would defeat the idea of lexeme-specific roles.

### 1 Setting the scene

However, on closer inspection it appears that there are no roles that apply to all verbs. The closest contender is, arguably, the role of causer, which can be introduced to almost any German verb by using the *lassen+Infinitiv* diathesis (20), see Section 11.6.2. However, there is a small group of verbs that do not allow for this diathesis, like *gefallen* 'to like' (21). This shows that even virtually universal roles are still lexically determined in German.

	- b. Der Professor lässt den Studenten an einer Aufgabe arbeiten.
	- b. \* Er lässt mir seinen Haarschnitt gefallen.

# **1.3.4 Domain of application and verb classes**

[1.33] A widespread assumption in linguistic analysis is that most alternations (including diatheses) have a sensible domain of application. This is the idea that there

is some rationale, often a kind of semantic characterisation, explaining which roots allow for a specific kind of linguistic marking (e.g. only transitive verbs allow for a *werden* passive).<sup>6</sup> Although I also believe that many alternations, including diatheses, mostly behave sensibly, I would advise not to expect too much (semantic) regularity to be hidden in grammatical structure. Many grammatical regularities have unexpected exceptions, be it because of haphazard diachronic change or through creative analogical extension. Even stronger, some grammatical marking appears to be almost completely without (semantic) rationale, like the assignment of plural allomorphy in German. If that can happen in morphology, it can also happen in syntax.

As a practical approach to determine the domain of application (say, which [1.34] verbs allow for the *werden+Partizip* passive) I propose to always first enumerate as much examples as possible. In other words, first empirically establish a verb class of those verbs that happen to be possible with an alternation. In this book, I will not be satisfied with four or five cases that suggest a neat semantic characterisation for a specific diathesis. In contrast, I will list as many as possible further examples, idiosyncratic as they may be. Only after such a formal listing of the domain of application (which ideally needs much more corpus research than I have been able to perform here) is it possible to investigate the presence of any (semantic) rationale. In many cases there might be a (partial) rationale for the attested group of verbs, but it is just as likely (and just as interesting) to have to conclude that there apparently is none.

Taking this principle one step further, I propose to define the domain of appli- [1.35] cation by the concrete listing of all examples. Any (semantic) characterisation is then always a post-hoc generalisation, not a definition. This radically lexicalist interpretation is the approach that I will follow in this book. For each diathesis I will list as many example verbs as possible that take part in the diathesis (for some I will reverse the approach and list verbs that are not possible). These lexical lists (i.e. the empirical verb classes) are the definition of the domain of application. For some diatheses I will speculate about semantic generalisations, but I consider these generalisations always to be secondary to the concrete listing of examples. My semantic generalisations are thus never a causal explanation.

This principle of definition by listing even holds for questions of productivity. [1.36] For example, when somebody would propose a nonce-verb like *flurchten* to be a new verb for the German language in an experimental setting, then its meaning

<sup>6</sup> For example, compare the infamous sentence on the first page of Levin (1993: 1) "the behavior of a verb, particularly with respect to the expression and interpretation of its arguments, is to a large extent determined by its meaning". In contrast to that claim, Levin in practice uses form to establish classes of verbs, not meaning. That practical approach is also taken here.

### 1 Setting the scene

is partially defined by stipulating what kind of diatheses it can take part in. For example, the following constructions might, or might not, be chosen in examples that contextualise the new verb. The choices made will strongly influence the interpretation of the new verb.

	- b. Ich flurchte auf den Gärtner.
	- c. Ich flurchte mich vor den Gärtner.
	- d. Der Gärtner flurchtet.
	- e. Der Gärtner flurchtet sich.

# **1.3.5 Functional analysis**

	- (23) a. Ich schließe die Tür.
		- b. Die Tür schließt sich.

characterise the difference between the reflexive anticausative, like with *schließen* above in (23), and the unmarked anticausative, like with *kochen* in (24), see Section 5.5.5.

	- b. Der Kaffee kocht.
	- c. \* Der Kaffee kocht sich.

The problem of providing a concise functional description for a grammatical [1.40] construction is not restricted to diatheses. Clause alternations that do not have any role-remapping are also in need of a functional description (see Chapter 4 for a survey). An example is the phenomenon of "free" reflexives, illustrated with *ansehen* in (25), see Section 7.4.4. Although there is no role-remapping in this alternation (and thus no diathesis), it turns out to be really difficult to describe the difference between (25a) without reflexive and (25b) with reflexive. All clause alternations, with or without role-remapping, are in need of a functional analysis, and most such analyses will need substantial further research.

	- b. Ich habe mir das Haus angesehen.

# **1.4 Method**

Methodologically, I regard the approach in this book as an attempt to unify gram- [1.41] matical research with lexicographic research, two aspects of linguistics that are often considered to be separate inquiries. In contrast to such a separation, I would like to propose a view of linguistics that might be called grammar of the lexicon (cf. Levin 1993: 2–4, but one might just as well include all of construction grammar here). In this approach, each grammatical phenomenon should always be linked to individual occurrences, either types (lexicon) or tokens (corpus). It is my experience from compiling the current compendium of diatheses that identifying and characterising a specific grammatical structure is really just "step one" of grammatical research. Only by trying to find more examples, with different lexemes and in different contexts, it becomes clear how prominent and varying a grammatical structure really is.

As as rule-of-thumb, I propose the 10-in-10-rule as "step two" of grammatical [1.42] research. If you think that a particular construction is widespread, or maybe even typical for a specific class of words (e.g. typical for intransitives), then take 10 minutes to search for examples, either using your own intuitions or in one of

### 1 Setting the scene

the many online databases or corpora. Resources like the *Digitales Wörterbuch der deutschen Sprache* (DWDS), the various online offerings of the *Institut für Deutsche Sprache* (IDS), or just a Google "exact search" are literally just a click away and completely rejuvenate linguistic research. If you are not able to list 10 examples in 10 minutes, then go back to the drawing board and reconsider your intuitions.


# **1.5 Previous research**


on individual verbs have appeared (De Vaere et al. 2018; Imo 2018; Dux 2020: Ch. 6).

Diathesis is of course closely linked to the concept of valency, so the ground- [1.47] breaking valency dictionary for German by Helbig and Schenkel (1969, originally from 1969) deserves mentioning. They identify the problem that certain verbs can be used in different constructions, but diatheses are not investigated consistently in their dictionary. Another highly influential valency dictionary for German, edited by Schumacher (1986; also the precursor Engel & Schumacher 1978), discusses passive diatheses for all verbs that are included. I regard the current survey of German diatheses as a next step to extend such valency dictionaries into even more all-encompassing dictionaries that discuss all possible clause constructions for each verb.

# **1.6 Structure of this book**

The structure of this book is somewhat unusual for a scholarly monograph. It [1.48] is not a narrative with a painless beginning, a sturdy middle and a satisfying conclusion. Rather, this book is open ended, and it does not have a gratifying closure at the end. That is by design. It is an encyclopaedia after all.

The book consists of three different parts. First, Chapters 1 and 2 discuss the [1.49] major theoretical considerations that guide the collection and organisation of the data. This is the part to read for insights into the nature of diathesis and sundry topics. Second, Chapters 3 and 4 are the closest to what this book has to offer in the way of a conclusion. Each of these chapters presents an astonishingly long list of grammatical constructions, summarising a selection of the major linguistic structures as identified in the remainder of this book. These summaries are intended to be a quick entry into the actual German language data, with ample cross-references to the following encyclopaedia. Finally, Chapters 5 to 13 make up the actual encyclopaedia, with separate sub-subsections about individual phenomena. Each of these sub-subsections is a fragment of a research project, sometimes mundane, but often full of surprising avenues for future research.

Going through the chapters in more detail, this first chapter summarised the [1.50] basic definitional properties of clauses and clause alternations. The next Chapter 2 describes in detail how diatheses are analysed and classified. Chapter 3 presents a summary of the about 80 major German diatheses and proposes German names for those structures. As a small extra, Chapter 4 summarises the about 40 major epithetical structures and provides an unconventional approach to the analysis of verbal categories of German.

### 1 Setting the scene

	- Section X.1 is a concise introduction into the kind of diatheses discussed.
	- Section X.2 is a detailed discussion of the relevant grammatical definitions.
	- Section X.3 lists deponent structures (i.e structures that look like diathesis, but there is no alternation).
	- Section X.4 lists epitheses (i.e. alternations with the relevant structure, but there is no diathesis).
	- Section X.5 lists diatheses with subject demotion.
	- Section X.6 lists diatheses with promotion to subject.
	- Section X.7 lists diatheses with object demotion.
	- Section X.8 lists diatheses with promotion to object.
	- Section X.9 lists symmetrical diatheses.

# **2 The structure of a diathesis**

# **2.1 Analytical dimensions**

The central concepts to analyse the structure of a diathesis are valency (Sec- [2.1] tion 2.2), voice (Section 2.3) and diathetical operation (Section 2.4). These concepts will be discussed extensively in this chapter. Two new concepts are introduced as well, namely stacking (Section 2.5) and chaining (Section 2.6). Finally, I will present an extensive discussion about naming diatheses at the end of this chapter (Section 2.7).

A diathesis (as defined in Section 1.2) is an alternation between two differ- [2.2] ent clausal construction. Each of the alternants show a different mapping of (grammatical) expressions onto (semantic) roles. Such an alternation is what is called a "diathetical operation" in Zuñiga & Kittilä (2019: 4), in contrast to the term "diathesis" being used for each individual mapping between expressions and roles. However, because I will only consider diathetical operations between an unmarked basic clause and a marked alternant, I have decided to simplify the terminology in this book. Both the alternation itself (Zuñiga & Kittilä's "diathetical operation", e.g. "causativisation") and the derived alternant (Zuñiga & Kittilä's "diathesis", e.g. "causative") will be referred to here simply as a diathesis, from Greek *διάθεσις* 'placement in order, (re)arrangement'.

A side-effect of this approach is that "active" is not a diathesis, but simply the [2.3] unmarked counterpart of a diathetical operation. Even stronger, I will refrain from using the term "active" because it immediately conjures up "passive" as its antithesis. This opposition is too much of an oversimplification as "passive" is just one of the hundreds of possible diatheses. Also, the "active" does not necessarily describe an action, so content-wise this term is also ill-fitting.

As an alternative to "active", I will use the term basic clause as the unmarked [2.4] base of comparison for all clause alternations. A basic clause is a clause with a single finite verb from, either in the German *Präsens* or *Präteritum* tense.<sup>1</sup> All

<sup>1</sup> Strictly speaking, a basic clause can also be a clause with a single finite verb in the *Konjunktiv I* or *Konjunktiv II*. However, because these are rather rare nowadays I have hidden this possibility in this footnote.

### 2 The structure of a diathesis

other verb forms, including the *Perfekt* and the other traditional German tenseaspect distinctions, are all derived clauses, i.e. the result of some kind of clause alternations. A diathesis is a special instance of a derived clause that also exhibits a diathetical operation. In constrast to a diathesis, a derived clause without any diathetical operation will be called epithesis, from Greek *ἐπίθεσις* 'placement upon, imposition'. Epithesis is grammatical marking "on top of" a basic clause.<sup>2</sup> A summary of all major epithetical constructions will be presented in Chapter 4.


[2.7] Lastly, I prefer to use the term "diathesis" over the frequently attested term "valency alternation", although in practice both terms can mostly be used interchangeably. There is only a difference when using a highly simplistic interpretation of the term "valency", namely as indicating the number of arguments of a verb. There are many diatheses in which the number of arguments does not change between the alternants. For example, in (1) both sentences have the same (surface) valency, having three arguments: a nominative case, an accusative

<sup>2</sup>There appears to be a rarely used alternative meaning of the term "epithesis" in linguistics to indicate the addition of a sound to the end of the word, i.e. a special kind of epenthesis, see for example http://www.websters1913.com/words/Epithesis, accessed 23 December 2022.

<sup>3</sup> Somewhat confusingly, Zuñiga and Kittilä (2019: 3) use the term "transitivity" (following Hopper & Thompson 1980) for such semantic effects. However, the effects of diathetical operations seem to far surpass differences in transitivity.

case and a prepositional phrase. Yet, there clearly is a role-remapping between both sentences. Strictly speaking, "number-of-arguments" valency alternations are then just a subset of all possible diatheses.

	- b. Ich beschmiere die Wunde mit Salbe.

# **2.2 Valency**

# **2.2.1 Utterance valency and lexical roles**

Valency is traditionally interpreted as a fixed constructional characteristic of a [2.8] lexical verb, e.g. the verb *geben* 'to give' is said to be ditransitive. A central thesis of this book is that this conception of valency is too limited. Individual verbs can (and normally will) be used in many different constructions with different valency (i.e. most verbs show some kind of diathesis). Consider for example the verb *wehen* 'to blow'. Such weather verbs are often considered to have zero valency, which in German is characterised by an obligatory non-phoric *es* pronoun (2a). However, the same verb can just as well be used as an intransitive (2b,c), as a transitive with an accusative object (2d), or even as a ditransitive with a dative and accusative object (2e). Note that the prepositional phrases in (2c,d,e) cannot be left out and their obligatory presence might be used to argue for argumentstatus of these prepositional phrases. The example in (2e) then will be an example of the verb *wehen* with a valency of four.

	- b. Gestern wehte kein Lüftchen.
	- c. Der Rosenduft weht ins Zimmer.
	- d. Der Sturm weht den Schnee von den Dächern.
	- e. Der Fahrtwind weht mir die Mütze vom Kopf.

There is a recurrent tendency in the literature to try and reduce such variation [2.9] to a single valency per verb (viz. its "real" or "underlying" valency), and various strategies are employed to arrive at such a prototypical valency (see e.g. Welke 2011: Ch. 9 for a survey). That will not be the approach taken here. Instead, valency is proposed to be a characteristic of a specific utterance, not of a specific verb. So, the examples in (2) can simply be assigned an utterance valency from zero (2a) to four (2e) even though they all use the same lexeme *wehen* as their main verb.

### 2 The structure of a diathesis

	- i. blower: the blowing air, *Fahrtwind* 'headwind'.
	- ii. blowee: Object affected by the blowing air, *Mütze* 'cap'.
	- iii. blowing location: Location affected by the blowing air, *Kopf* 'head'.
	- iv. blowing location possessor: Possessor of the locational object, in (2e) the dative *mir* 'my'. This role is necessarily the possessor of the location *Kopf* 'head' affected by the blowing.
	- (3) a. Der Chef kocht den Fond.
		- b. Der Chef kocht immer noch.
		- c. Der Fond kocht immer noch.
	- (4) a. Der Chef isst den Fond.
		- b. Der Chef isst immer noch.
		- c. \* Der Fond isst immer noch.

# **2.2.2 Arguments of utterance valency**

The lexical roles of a specific verb are defined as those participants that are [2.12] treated as argument in at least one of the possible utterance valencies of this verb. So, to identify lexical roles, a strict definition of the arguments of utterance valency is needed. The following four kinds of arguments can be identified. First, all case marked noun phrase constituents are arguments, with a few exceptions that will be discussed in Section 5.2. Basically, case-marked arguments (5a) can be questioned by the question pronouns *wer* or *was*, including their case forms *wem*, *wen* and *wessen* (5b,c). Further, case-marked arguments can be pronominalized by personal pronouns (5d) or the indefinite pronouns *(irgend)jemand* or *(irgend)etwas* (5e).

	- b. Wer sieht einen Vogel?
	- c. Was sieht der Löwe?
	- d. Er sieht ihn.
	- e. Jemand sieht etwas.

Second, prepositional phrases (6a) are arguments of an utterance when they [2.13] can be paraphrased by a complement clause of the form *da(r)+preposition, dass* (6b). All details of the difficult question when to treat prepositional phrases as arguments in German are discussed in Section 6.2.

	- b. Der Weltreisende wartet darauf, dass ein Zug kommt.

Third, there exist obligatory prepositional phrases, though they are not very [2.14] widespread in German and mostly designate a location. Some verbs always expect such a location-role, like *sich befinden* 'to be located' (7a,b), see Section 6.3.3 and 7.3.4.

	- b. \* Der Stuhl befindet sich.

More widespread are diatheses that introduce an obligatory local role, like [2.15] with *brechen* 'to break' (8), see Section 6.8.8. This example crucially shows that arguments should be determined as part of the clause structure, not the lexeme structure. It is perfectly possible to use the verb *brechen* without a prepositional phrase (8c), but only with a different lexical role in the accusative, viz. *Felsen* takes

the role "broken object", while *Loch* has the role "location where the breaking took place".

	- b. \* Ich breche ein Loch.
	- c. Ich breche den Felsen.
	- (9) a. Er hofft, dass er rechtzeitig kommt.
		- b. Er hofft rechtzeitig zu kommen.
		- c. Was hofft er?
		- d. Er hofft es.
		- e. \* Er hofft eine gute Note.
		- f. Er hofft auf eine gute Note.

# **2.2.3** *es* **Arguments**

[2.17] A further kind of utterance-valency argument can be instantiated by *es*, the 3rd person nominative/accusative pronoun in the neuter gender. There are four uses of this pronoun that have to be distinguished, the last of which is particularly important for the analysis of diathesis. First, the most obvious use of the pronouns *es* is for anaphoric reference (phoric *es*). The next two uses do not have argument-status (viz. correlative and position-simulating *es*). Most interestingly in the current context, the fourth usage of *es* does not have anaphoric reference, but will still be counted as an argument (viz. valency-simulating *es*). I will illustrate these four options below.

[2.18] First, *es* can be used for anaphoric reference to neuter nouns, typically with gender agreement as shown in (10). There are many variants of such phoric usage, extensively discussed by Czicza (2014: Ch. 2).

(10) Das Mädchen weint. Ich tröste es.

Second, another kind of referential *es* occurs with some non-finite complement [2.19] clauses. By definition, a complement clause replaces an argument (11a), but in some examples a pronoun *es* remains in place of the original argument, side by side with the complement clause (11b). This is known as a correlative *es* (Czicza 2014: 79ff.).

	- b. Ich hasse [meine Aufgaben]. Ich hasse *es* [schnell zu laufen].

Third, the pronoun *es* is also used to fill the first sentence position in front of [2.20] the finite verb (*Vorfeld* in the German grammatical terminology), because there is a strong regularity in German that this position cannot be left empty (except in imperatives and in yes/no questions). Word order is rather flexible in German, and it is often possible to have no lexical content in the *Vorfeld*. In such sentences, the pronoun *es* has to be used to fill the *Vorfeld*, as shown in (12b). This is known as a position-simulating *es* (Czicza 2014: 115).

	- b. Es weint ein Mädchen.

Finally, there are also constructions that obligatorily include the pronoun *es* [2.21] in the sentence as part of the valency of the utterance. The main reason for such a pronoun *es* is that there is a strong regularity in German that a nominative subject has to be present in each sentence (with very few exceptions, see below). Note that "subject" is defined here strictly for German as the nominative noun phrase that shows agreement with the finite verb. When there is no such subject available, then the pronoun *es* is used to fill this gap. This is known as a valencysimulating *es* (Czicza 2014: 115). In the analysis of diatheses in this book, such valency-simulating *es* is alway explicitly noted.

In constructions with a valency-simulating *es*, as exemplified in (13a,b), the [2.22] pronoun *es* can occur in the *Vorfeld* (13a), seemingly parallel to the positionsimulating usage (12b). However, when another constituent is placed in the *Vorfeld*, the pronoun *es* in (13a) cannot be dropped, but has to occur elsewhere in the sentence, typically immediately after the finite verb (13b). This post-verbal retention of the pronoun *es* is a typical sign for the valency-simulating use.

### 2 The structure of a diathesis

	- b. Hier stinkt es sehr.
	- (14) a. Heute ist mir kalt.
		- b. Dem Arzt graut vor Blut.
	- (15a) impersonal *werden+Partizip*, see Section 10.5.1
	- (15b) impersonal *lassen+Infinitiv+Reflexiv*, see Section 11.5.1
	- (15c) impersonal *sein+Infinitiv*, see Section 11.5.3
	- (15d) impersonal *sein+zu‑Infinitiv*, see Section 12.5.1
	- (15) a. Im Bett wird geschlafen.
		- b. An der Ernsthaftigkeit der Aussage lässt sich zweifeln.
		- c. Mit einem neutralen Deutschland ist schwer leben.
		- d. Mit ihm ist nicht zu spaßen.
	- (16) a. Ich belasse es bei einer Warnung.
		- b. Ich meine es ernst.

# **2.2.4 Adjuncts**

[2.26] Adjuncts, the counterparts of arguments, are phrases that are not specifically induced by the main verb of a clause. Typically, such adjuncts are adverbial prepositional phrases, see Section 6.2.2. Just like with arguments, adjunct status should not be linked to a lexical verb itself, but to the clause construction in which it is used.

For example, the verb *tanzen* 'to dance' is typically considered to be an intransi- [2.27] tive verb with optional (adjunct) location prepositional phrases (17a,b). However, there is a crucial difference between the two locations in these two examples, see Section 6.8.1. The static location *im Saal* 'in the hall' (17a) remains optional in the perfect (with auxiliary *haben*), see (17c,d), while the dynamic location *in den Saal* 'into the hall' becomes obligatory in the perfect (with auxiliary *sein*), see (17e,f). So, the obligatory location in (17e) is an utterance argument (and as a consequence, the role of "path" is a lexical role of such verbs of movement like *tanzen*).

	- b. Ich tanze (durch den Saal).
	- c. Ich habe im Saal getanzt.
	- d. Ich habe getanzt.
	- e. Ich bin durch den Saal getanzt.
	- f. \* Ich bin getanzt.

Adjuncts are, by definition, optionally present, so there is a natural connec- [2.28] tion to them being unexpressed. A central unanswered problem is whether there is a crucial distinction between constructions in which a participant is obligatorily absent (i.e. impossible to express) vs. optionally absent (i.e. possibly not expressed). In most diatheses that involve absence, the whole point is that there is an alternation between absence and presence of a lexical role (e.g. in all diatheses that involve a drop or addition). The problematic cases are differences like passive vs. anticausative, which by definition are distinguished by possibility vs. impossibility for the agent to be expressed. This difference is highly volatile, i.e. it often differs from lexeme to lexeme whether it is possible or just dispreferred for an agent to be expressed.

# **2.3 Voice**

The formal linguistic marking of a diathesis, for example by verbal morphology [2.29] or auxiliaries, is called grammatical voice (following Zúñiga & Kittilä 2019: 4). The different kinds of grammatical voice in German establish the basic organisational framework of this book. Each of the data chapters discusses a specific kind of grammatical voice, listing all diatheses using that "voicing". The nine data chapters can be grouped into four kinds of grammatical voices:

	- (18) a. Er verbrennt den Tisch.
		- b. Der Tisch verbrennt.
	- (19) a. Ich schlürfe meinen Tee.
		- b. Ich schlürfe an meinem Tee.
	- (20) a. Ich wasche das Auto.
		- b. Ich wasche mich.
	- (21) a. Ich fürchte den Tod.
		- b. Ich fürchte mich vor den Tod.

rather similar. The most widespread diathesis marked by such preverbs is an applicative, like with *be‑* in (22). Because of the bound morphological structure, these diatheses show a strong tendency to grammaticalise into a large variety of different kinds of diathetical operations. A central generalisation of the diatheses discussed in this chapter is that the resulting sentence structures after a preverb diathesis is mostly transitive (especially nominative+accusative).

	- b. Ich besteige den Berg.

Closely related to preverbs are resultative preverbials that induce diathesis, [2.33] like the applicative with *leer‑* in (23). There exist also diatheses induced by evaluative adverbials, like the reflexive anticausative with a manner specification *gut* in (24). Although these two kinds of elements, resultatives and evaluatives, occur in rather different kinds of diathesis, for convenience both phenomena are combined into a single chapter on adverbial-like diatheses in Chapter 9.

	- b. Ich habe den Teich leergefischt.
	- b. Der Lastwagen fährt sich gut.

A large number of diatheses use light verbs in combination with a non-finite [2.34] form of the lexical verb. A somewhat surprising insight is that light-verb diatheses always involve a role-change of the nominative subject. I distinguish four different kinds of light verb constructions, to be discussed in four different chapters. Chapter 10 discusses light verb construction with participles, like the infamous *werden+Partizip* passive (25).

	- b. Der Brief wurde geschrieben.

The next three chapters describe different combinations of light verbs with [2.35] lexical verbs in the infinitive. Chapter 11 discusses light verbs with straight infinitives, like the *lassen+Infinitiv* causative (26).

	- b. Sie lässt mich meine Kleider waschen.

Chapter 12 investigates light verbs with *zu* plus an infinitive, like for exam- [2.36] ple the *sein+zu‑Infinitiv* passive (27). The combination of *zu* with an infinitive is

arguably completely grammaticalised and is considered here to be yet another non-finite verb form of German, alongside *Partizip* and *Infinitiv*. I propose to call it the *zu-Infinitiv*.

	- b. Ein Hund ist an der Leine zu führen.
	- (28) a. Das Feuer brennt.
		- b. Der Wind hält das Feuer am Brennen.

# **2.4 Diathetical operations**

# **2.4.1 Abbreviations used**



Figure 2.1: Abbreviations used to describe role-remapping

Lower-cased letters are used for non-argument participants in the clause: 'p' [2.40] for non-governed prepositional phrases and 'g' for adnominal genitives. Adnominal genitives become relevant because in some diatheses a newly introduced participant is inherently the possessor of another participant (see paragraph 2.133 on page 60). Absence of a specific role will be indicated by a dash. Lower-cased 'a' and 'd' are only used in Section 7.4 to indicate accusative and dative reflexive pronouns in referential usage. As described in much detail in that chapter, it is important to distinguish between reflexive pronouns in German that refer to a lexical role (i.e. "referential" or "real" reflexive constructions) and reflexive pronouns that mark a diathesis without referring to a separate role themselves. Only the former reflexive pronouns, those that are (doubly) marking a role, are abbreviated by lowercased 'a' or 'd'.

Besides single-letter abbreviations I will also use capitalised three-letter ab- [2.41] breviations for a more abstract level of analysis. As summarised at the left side

### 2 The structure of a diathesis

of Figure 2.1, the grammatical expressions are grouped into sets of grammatical macroroles, mostly along familiar lines. However, it is crucial to realise that these macroroles are defined here as a superset of language-specific German grammatical expressions. There is no abstract metalinguistic (universal) definition assumed. The current grouping is not necessarily the best or most optimal grouping, but this grouping has emerged to be useful to organise the large diversity of diatheses in this book.


# **2.4.2 Remapping of roles**

[2.45] All diatheses in this book will be organised and categorised in various levels of abstraction using the abbreviations as summarised in Figure 2.1. The following levels of abstraction will be used to arrange the diatheses in each chapter.

<sup>4</sup>There are various other nominatively marked phrases in German grammar which are not included under this heading, e.g. the nominative in nominal or equational predication like *der Täter* in *Er ist der Täter*.

level 1: diathesis. On the lowest level, each diathesis is summarised in its [2.46] own sub-subsection. The establishment of an individual diathesis is not always obvious, and each diathesis in this book is already a conscious categorisation (which could be wrong). It has actually been a voyage of discovery in the preparation of this book to decide when to consider a set of examples to be a single diathesis. Very often erstwhile single diatheses turned out to be better analysed by a separation into various different diatheses, and vice versa. Although I am rather confident in the quality of the current decisions, I expect that further refinements are necessary in the future.

level 2: remapping pattern. The role-remapping of each diathesis is anal- [2.47] ysed using the single-letter abbreviations (nadgpl pgad‑) from Figure 2.1. A remapping is specified as an ordered listing of grammatical expressions for roles, both before and after the diathesis. For example, [na | ‑n] is a diathesis that involves two roles that are marked N(ominative) and A(ccusative) before the diathesis but unexpressed ("–") and N(ominative) after the diathesis, respectively. Because there are many diatheses with this same pattern, this characterisation is already an (implicit) classification.

level 3: local group. Groups of diatheses with similar remapping and similar [2.48] semantics within each chapter can be grouped together as a local group. These groups are rather ad-hoc and mainly represent a useful summary to streamline the presentation. Local groups are indicated by similar names for the diatheses.

level 4: macrorole pattern. The remapping of each local group is struc- [2.49] turally analysed in terms of the three-letter macroroles (sbj, obj, pbj, adj, ø) from Figure 2.1. For example, the remapping from above [na | ‑n] includes both a change from n to being omitted (i.e. sbj › ø) and a change from a to n (i.e. obj › sbj). These two macrorole changes can be combined into a single macrorole pattern obj › sbj › ø.

level 5: promotion/demotion. On the most abstract level, all diatheses are [2.50] separated into chapter-subsections of either demotion or promotion (with only very few diatheses being symmetrical exchanges). Basically, each remapping is evaluated on the macrorole hierarchy (29) with role-remapping upwards being promotion and role-remapping downward being demotion. Note that there is a crucial additional criterion necessary, because the majority of diatheses consist of chains of two coinciding remappings (see Section 2.6 on the notion of "chains"). In such chained remappings, the largest jump on the macrorole hierarchy defines a diathesis as being demotion or promotion. When both jumps are equally large, then the diathesis is symmetric.

### 2 The structure of a diathesis

	- (30) a. Ich schließe die Tür.
		- b. Die Tür schließt sich.
	- (31) a. Das Lied erinnert den Mann an den Krieg.
		- b. Der Mann erinnert sich an den Krieg.
	- 36

This diathesis is a combination of two different remappings obj › sbj and [2.54] sbj › ø, with the first being a promotion on the macrorole hierarchy and the second a demotion. Crucially, because the demotion part (sbj › ø) is a larger jump on the hierarchy than the promotion part (obj › sbj), the complete combination is categorised as a demotion.

So, in summary, the role-remapping of the diathesis (31) is categorised as sum- [2.55] marised below. This information also informs the place in the book where this diathesis will be discussed: Reflexive voice is Chapter 7, demotion that includes the subject in the macrorole pattern is always Section 5 within each chapter, and consequently, this diathesis can be found with the heading obj › sbj › ø named "reflexive antipassive" in Section 7.5.5.


# **2.5 Stacking**

# **2.5.1 Combining diatheses**

Different clause alternations (both diatheses and epitheses) can be applied one [2.56] after the other, forming stacks of diatheses and/or epitheses. The term "stacking" is introduced here explicitly in opposition to "subordinating". Subordination leads to non-coherent multi-clause constructions, while stacks always remain coherent and thus monoclausal. My impression is that much of modern syntactic theory could be drastically simplified by strictly distinguishing between stacking and subordinating.

Stacked diatheses can lead to convoluted role-remappings. A beautiful exam- [2.57] ple of such stacking of diatheses is given by Dixon (2014: 252) for the Amazonian language Paumarí. Here, the root *noki‑* 'to see' is transparently related to the meaning 'to show' through a series of derivational diatheses, viz. *noki‑* 'to see', *noki-a‑* 'to be visible', *na-noki-a‑* 'to become visible', and finally *na-noki-a-hi‑* 'to make become visible' i.e. 'to show'.

### 2 The structure of a diathesis

	- (32) a. Der Lehrer antwortet auf deine Frage.
		- b. Der Lehrer beantwortet deine Frage.
		- c. Deine Frage beantwortet sich von selbst.
	- (33) a. Der Lehrer hat die Aufgabe lösen wollen.
		- b. Basic clause: Der Lehrer löst die Aufgabe.
			- +> *wollen* modal (cf. 11.4.7)
				- = Der Lehrer will die Aufgabe lösen.
			- +> *haben* perfect (cf. 10.4.1)
				- = Der Lehrer hat die Aufgabe lösen wollen.
		- c. Der Lehrer will die Aufgabe gelöst haben.
	- +> beneficiary dative (cf. 6.8.10)
		- = Jemand löst dem Lehrer die Aufgabe.
	- +> *haben* dative passive (cf. 10.5.22)
		- = Der Lehrer hat die Aufgabe gelöst.
	- +> *wollen* modal (cf. 11.4.7)
		- = Der Lehrer will die Aufgabe gelöst haben.

With unmarked ("covert") diatheses such stacks can sometimes be tricky to [2.62] tease apart. As an example, consider the arguably somewhat artificially constructed example in (34) using the verb *schneiden* 'to cut'. It starts off in (34a) as a basic transitive construction with a nominative and accusative argument. Yet, after various twists and turns it ends up on (34f) with a nominative, an accusative, a dative and an obligatory location prepositional phrase, while the original agent *Arzt* is not even expressed.

	- b. Der Arzt schneidet in den Nagel des Patienten.
	- c. Der Arzt schneidet dem Patienten in den Nagel.
	- d. Der Arzt schneidet dem Patienten einen Schlitz in den Nagel.
	- e. Der Arzt schneidet dem Patienten einen Schlitz in den Nagel mit dem Fräser.
	- f. Der Fräser schneidet dem Patienten einen Schlitz in den Nagel.

Teasing this stack apart, there are five different diatheses, concurrently show- [2.63] ing that the verb *schneiden* has at least five different lexeme-specific roles. As defined in Section 2.2.2, each role that appears as a case-marked constituent in at least one diathesis is a lexeme-specific role, and all of the following participants are case-marked in the stack of diatheses (34):


The five diatheses (and the corresponding role-remappings) are the following: [2.64]

### 2 The structure of a diathesis


# **2.5.2 Fixed stacks**

	- (35) a. Ich schließe die Tür.
		- b. Die Tür schließt sich.
		- c. Ich verkaufe das Buch.
		- d. Das Buch verkauft sich gut.
	- b. Ich befasse mich mit dem Entschluss.

Also some light verb alternations show fixed stacks. For example, there is a [2.68] very widespread causative diathesis using the light verb *lassen* with an infinitive (37b), see Section 11.6.2. Additionally, the combination of *lassen+Infinitiv* and a reflexive pronoun leads to a passive alternation (37c), which does not make sense as being derived from the causative (37b). It seems better to consider the combination of *lassen+Infinitiv+Reflexiv* as a fixed stack, see Section 11.5.5.

	- b. Der Lehrer lässt den Schüler die Aufgabe lösen.
	- c. Diese Aufgabe lässt sich (von den Schülern) lösen.

# **2.6 Chaining**

# **2.6.1 Beyond solitary remapping**

Many diatheses just remap a single role. Such diatheses are called isolated dia- [2.69] theses here. However, there are also many diatheses in which more than one role is remapped. I distinguish the following kinds of combined role-remappings, of which only the first is frequently attested.


Chained diatheses are surprisingly frequent in German, and my impression [2.70] is that this pervasiveness extends to many other languages beyond German. In a chained diathesis the result of the first remapping is the start of the second remapping. This can be conceptualised as a "push" or "pull" chain in which one remapping induces another. The prevalence of such chains is probably caused

### 2 The structure of a diathesis

by two general tendencies of language structure, namely distinctness and default marking. These tendencies are formulated here as hypotheses for language structure in general, beyond the specifics of German.

[2.71] First, the tendency for distinctness causes language to disprefer multiple constituents with the same structure in a single clause. For example, the German languages tends to prevent two accusatives in the same clause. In effect, if a diathesis would gives rise to such a duplication, then the duplicated constituent is preferably "pushed" out to another kind of marking. Second, the principle of default marking induces languages to mark at least one of its constituents as the "default" in each clause. For example, in German the nominative subject has to be present in almost every clause. As a result, if a diathesis removes this preferred constituent, then another constituent is typically "pulled" into this kind of marking. It remains to be further investigated whether these two forces really exist, and whether the two tendencies can be teased apart.

# **2.6.2 Chained diatheses**

	- (38) chained diathesis (obj › sbj › adj)
		- a. Der Lehrling backt den Kuchen.
		- b. Der Kuchen wird gebacken (von dem Lehrling).
	- a. Sie kocht kubanisches Essen für ihre Freundin.
	- b. Sie bekocht ihre Freundin mit kubanischem Essen.

Among the chained diatheses there is a group of frequently recurring remap- [2.75] ping patterns. Because of their frequency, it is highly useful to give them specific names. Such names are widespread in the literature, e.g. anticausative for obj › sbj › ø or passive for obj › sbj › adj. A survey of the various names used in this book will be pursued in Section 2.7.

# **2.6.3 Multi-chained diatheses**

multi-chained diatheses consist of combinations of more than two role-remap- [2.76] pings that occur in a sequence. This occurs frequently as the result of a stack of multiple diatheses, but only very rarely in a single diathesis. As an example arising from a stack of multiple diatheses consider taking a verb like *lesen* 'to read' (40a) and applying a stack of two diatheses (40b,c). This leads to a chain of three role-remappings. First, the preverb diathesis with *vor‑* (40b) leads to the addition of a dative argument *dem Jungen*, i.e. a role-remapping ø › obj, see Section 8.8.7. On top of that, the *bekommen* dative passive (40c) promotes this dative to subject and removes the original subject, i.e. a role-remapping obj › sbj › ø, see Section 10.5.21. Combined, these two diatheses lead to a multi-chained role-remapping ø › obj › sbj › ø.

	- a. Der Vater hat ein Buch gelesen.
	- b. Der Vater hat dem Jungen ein Buch vorgelesen.
	- c. Der Junge bekommt ein Buch vorgelesen.

Such multi-chained diatheses that are the result of diathesis-stacking are wide- [2.77] spread. However, I know of only two diatheses with a multi-chain that cannot be decomposed into a stack of separate diatheses. Both these "fixed" multi-chain diatheses appear to occur with just a few idiosyncratic verbs, so this phenomenon really seems to be dispreferred in German.

First, the preverb diathesis from *erben* 'to inherit' to *enterben* 'to disinherit' (41), [2.78] see Section 8.6.13, contains three linked role-remappings for (i) the originator of the inheritance *Vater* 'father' (adj › sbj), (ii) the receiver of the inheritance *Junge* 'boy' (sbj › obj) and (iii) the inheritance *Schreibtisch* 'desk' (obj › ø).

### 2 The structure of a diathesis

	- a. Der Junge erbt den Schreibtisch von seinem Vater.
	- b. Sein Vater enterbt den Jungen.
	- (42) multi-chained diathesis (obj › adj › sbj › ø)
		- a. Der Koch schmeckt die Pfefferminze in der Suppe.
		- b. Die Suppe schmeckt nach Pfefferminze.

# **2.6.4 Disjunct diatheses**

	- (43) disjunct diathesis (ø › obj › pbj + adj › obj)
		- a. Ich wasche das Hemd des Nachbarn.
		- b. Ich wasche den Fleck aus dem Hemd des Nachbarn.
		- c. Ich wasche dem Nachbarn den Fleck aus dem Hemd.
	- a. Ich deute den Traum.
	- b. Der Traum deutet auf nichts Gutes.

Second, some preverbs lead to disjunct diatheses, like with *schweigen* 'to re- [2.83] main silent' and *verschweigen* 'to conceal' (45), see Section 8.8.15.

	- a. Ich schweige zu dir über meinen Besuch.
	- b. Ich verschweige dir meinen Besuch.

Further examples are a few verbs of naming like *schimpfen* 'to scold' (46), see [2.84] Section 6.8.6. The disjunct diathesis in (47) is less clear, as it might be better analysed as a stack, see Section 6.5.3.

	- a. Sie schimpft auf mich.
	- b. Sie schimpft mich einen Narren
	- a. Der Sommer ist kalt.
	- b. Mir ist kalt im Sommer.

The only more widespread disjunct diathesis is the caused-motion construc- [2.85] tion that can arise with some apparently intransitive verbs like *schwitzen* 'to sweat' (48). This diathesis introduces two roles at once: a result of the sweating *Fleck* 'stain' and an obligatory location of the result *Hemd* 'shirt', see Section 6.8.3.

	- a. Ich schwitze.
	- b. Ich schwitze einen Fleck in mein Hemd.

# **2.7 Naming**

# **2.7.1 Names for macrorole patterns**

Throughout the introductory chapters I have used various names for diathe- [2.86] ses, like passive, antipassive, applicative or causative. These names have a long

history in the typological grammatical literature (cf. Mel'čuk 1993; Wunderlich 1993; Wunderlich 2015; Dixon & Aikhenvald 2000; Dixon 2014; Haspelmath & Müller-Bardey 2004; Kulikov 2011; Malchukov 2015: 96ff.; Zúñiga & Kittilä 2019). Although I have been using these terms as if their meaning is clear, this is often far from the truth. Many different terms and definitions have been proposed in the literature, and different terms have at times been used for the same phenomena. For example, the original proposal for the term "antipassive" is already 50 years old (Silverstein 1972: 395), but the same phenomenon is also known as deaccusative (Geniušė 1987: 94) or antiapplicative (Haspelmath & Müller-Bardey 2004: 1132; Scheibl 2006: 371). Conversely, the term antipassive is also attested referring to a slightly different phenomenon of the drop of an object (Scheibl 2006: 372–373).

[2.87] In this section I will describe in more detail how these names are used and defined in the current book about German diatheses. The names for diatheses will here always refer to a macrorole pattern, i.e. to the highly abstract classification of a diathesis in terms of sbj, obj, etc. as defined in Section 2.4.2. For example, the term "anticausative" will be used as a name for the macrorole pattern obj › sbj › ø. Such macrorole patterns are strictly defined here in a language-specific way for German, so care should be taken when applying the same names to different languages.


<sup>5</sup>Thrax writes: *διαθέσεις εἰσὶ τρεῖς, ἐνέργεια, πάθος, μεσότης* 'there are three diatheses, active, passive and middle' (Uhlig 1883: 48).

# **2.7.2 Isolated subject diatheses**

Isolated diatheses that involve a nominative subject do not show much variation [2.90] in German. The most widespread kind is the drop of the subject (sbj › ø), i.e. the complete removal of the role marked as nominative subject without any further accompanying role-remapping or reintroduction of a new subject. This is typically attested with intransitive verbs: after removing the single available role, there is no other role introduced to fill the structural subject position. Semantically, such diatheses put the focus on the activity as described by the verb itself, so I propose to call them insubjective diatheses. Note that there is a strong tendency for every German sentence to formally have a nominative subject with verb agreement. Consequently, such insubjective diatheses regularly (but not always) result in the presence of a valency-simulating nominative pronoun *es* (see Section 2.2.3).

An insubjective diathesis is attested with verbs like *stinken* 'to stink' (49), see [2.91] Section 5.5.1. In a sentence like *es stinkt* the pronoun *es* can of course simply be an anaphor, like in (49b). In such a sentence, the role of "stinker" is still present and there is no diathesis at all. However, in other contexts (49c) the verb *stinken* is used without implied subject. This is typically attested in contexts in which some odour is attested, but the originator is not known.

	- a. Der Müll stinkt.
	- b. Das schmutzige Tuch, es stinkt!
	- c. Hier stinkt es.

Another example of a insubjective diathesis is illustrated with the verb *leben* [2.92] 'to live' (50), see Section 9.5.1. Many such intransitive verbs can be used without a subject in a habitual sense, but this is only possible with an obligatory adverbial qualification like *gut* (50b,c).

	- a. Ich lebe in diesem Haus.
	- b. In diesem Haus lebt es sich gut.
	- c. \* In diesem Haus lebt es sich.

Also the so-called impersonal passive consisting of *werden+Partizip* (51), see [2.93] Section 10.5.1, is an example of a insubjective diathesis, in this case even without any valency-simulating *es*.

	- a. Die Jungs tanzen hier.
	- b. Hier wird getanzt.
	- c. \* Hier wird es getanzt.
	- (52) desubjective (sbj › adj)
		- a. Wir gewinnen einen Preis.
		- b. es gibt (für uns) einen Preis zu gewinnen.
	- (53) desubjective (sbj › pbj)
		- a. Das Geld fehlt ihm.
		- b. Ihm fehlt es an Geld.
	- (54) subject addition (ø › sbj)
		- a. Es donnert.
		- b. Die Motoren donnerten.

# **2.7.3 Chained subject diatheses**

[2.97] Chained diatheses that involve the nominative subject are widespread in German (in contrast to the infrequent occurrence of isolated diatheses as discussed previously). Figure 2.2 presents an overview of the different terms that I will use for these diatheses. The bold-faced terms are used for widely attested diatheses, while the other kinds of diatheses are only incidentally found. There is currently

no evidence in German for the existence of the remappings that are left empty in the figure. There appears to be a preference for various kinds of demotion (i.e. the upper right corner of the figure), which fits nicely with the known typological preference of German for anticausative constructions (Haspelmath 1993: 101; Nichols et al. 2004: 189).


Figure 2.2: Names for chained macro-role remappings with the subject in the middle of the chain

The upper right part of Figure 2.2 are demotions, the lower left part are promo- [2.98] tions, and on the diagonal are examples of symmetrical diatheses. I will discuss all types in this order.

# **2.7.3.1 Demotions**

The most extreme kind of demotion is an anticausative (obj › sbj › ø). The typ- [2.99] ical characteristic of an anticausative is the complete removal of the nominative subject that is the causer of the action/state of the clause. Filling the syntactic gap, a case-marked argument (typically the accusative) is promoted to subject. This is a widespread kind of diathesis. An example is the reflexive anticausative with verb like *schliessen* 'to close' (55), see Section 7.5.2.

(55) anticausative (obj › sbj › ø)


[2.100]

Very similar to an anticausative is the passive (obj › sbj › adj). The main difference between the two (a distinction which is often difficult to delimit) is that for a passive the original subject is still implied and can optionally be overtly expressed (56). In contrast, for an anticausative the original subject is completely removed and a phrase like *by itself* can typically be added. As an example of a passive diathesis in (56) is the *bekommen Rezipientenpassiv* in which a dative is promoted to subject Section 10.5.21

	- a. Ihr Freund kocht ihr eine Suppe.
	- b. Sie bekommt von ihrem Freund eine Suppe gekocht.
	- (57) conversive (obj › sbj › pbj)
		- a. Der Preis empört den Kunden.
		- b. Der Kunde empört sich über den Preis.
		- c. Der Kunde empört sich darüber, dass der Preis schon wieder gestiegen ist.
	- a. Der Lehrer überrascht mich mit seiner Aufgabe.
	- b. Die Aufgabe überrascht mich.
	- c. Der Lehrer überrascht mich damit, dass er die Aufgabe schon korrigiert hat.

A similar kind of diathesis will be called conciliative (adj › sbj › ø) based on [2.103] Lat. *conciliator* 'intermediary, mediator'. In a conciliative an external object (typically an instrument) is promoted to subject (59), see Section 6.5.5. The conciliative and fabricative in German both regularly use a prepositional phrase with *mit*, but the grammatical status is clearly different. The *mit* phrase in a conciliative is an optional adjunct (59), while the *mit* phrase in a fabricative is a governed preposition (58). This grammatical difference is paralleled by a functional difference in the role that is promoted to subject: a conciliative concerns a (typically tangible) instrument that is used by an agent, while a fabricative promotes a (typically intangible) creation that is produced by the agent.

	- a. Der Doktor heilt die Wunde mit einer Salbe.
	- b. Die Salbe heilt die Wunde.

### **2.7.3.2 Promotions**

The most widespread promotion to subject attested in German is the diathesis [2.104] with role-remapping ø › sbj › obj, called novative here (based on Lat. *novare* 'renew, refresh'). This role-remapping is best known as "causative", but this semantic characterisation does not hold for all examples of this diathesis. Various other novative diatheses exist in which the new nominative is not a causer but an experiencer, opinionator, permitter or assistant.

Semantically, the most widespread kind of novative adds a new causer to the [2.105] construction, like with the diatheses between *brennen* 'to burn (intransitive)' and *verbrennen* 'to burn (transitive)' (60), see Section 8.6.1. Such a diathesis is aptly called a causative.

### (60) causative novative (ø › sbj › obj)


[2.106]

### 2 The structure of a diathesis

The *sehen+Infinitiv* diathesis (61), see Section 11.6.6, adds a new nominative subject and the old nominative is turned into an accusative. This diathesis is thus structurally an example of a novative (ø › sbj › obj). However, the newly added nominative is not a causer. The new role is better described as an experiencer, so this diathesis can semantically be called an experientive. Similar constructions are also attested with light-verbs *hören*, *fühlen*, and *spüren*.

	- a. Der Junge putzt den Tisch.
	- b. Ich sehe den Jungen den Tisch putzen.
	- (62) opiniative novative (ø › sbj › obj)
		- a. Das Projekt scheitert.
		- b. Ich finde das Projekt gescheitert.
	- (63) causative novative (ø › sbj › obj)
		- a. Der Junge schläft ein.
		- b. Ich lasse den Jungen einschlafen. (= Ich sorge dafür, dass der Junge einschläft.)
	- (64) permissive novative (ø › sbj › obj)
		- a. Der Junge schläft.
		- b. Ich lasse den Jungen schlafen. (= Ich erlaube, dass der Junge weiter schläft.)

Finally, the *lehren/helfen+Infinitiv* diathesis (65), see Section 11.6.12, is a no- [2.109] vative in which the role of the new subject is more of an assistant than a real causative. Therefor it is called here an assistive novative. Note that both *lehren* and *helfen* can also be used with *zu‑Infinitiv*, but then the constructions are not coherent, so those constructions are not included among the diatheses.

	- a. Der Sohn faltet die Wäsche.
	- b. Der Vater lehrt seinem Sohn die Wäsche falten.

The novative with extended demotion (ø › sbj › pbj) is extremely rare in [2.110] German. The name is adapted from Kulikov (2011: 388) to denote a diathesis in which the demotion accompanying the novative is not just sbj › obj but sbj › pbj. The diathesis between *freuen* 'to be pleased' and *erfreuen* 'to please' (66) might be an example because *mit* is a governed preposition (66c), see Section 8.6.10.

	- a. Das Geschenk freut mich.
	- b. Er erfreut mich mit einem Geschenk.
	- c. Er erfreut mich damit, dass er mich besucht.

Slightly more widespread, a novative with extreme demotion (ø › sbj › adj) [2.111] is a novative diathesis that almost completely removes the erstwhile subject. This is attested in an interesting group of constructions using light verbs like *finden* with a participle and a transitive main verb like *aufheben* 'to preserve' (67), see Section 10.6.8. With this diathesis, there is a new opinionator introduced, just like with the opiniative above (see paragraph 2.107 on page 52). However, the erstwhile nominative subject is now demoted to an optional prepositional phrase.

	- a. Das Archiv hebt den Nachlass auf.
	- b. Ich finde den Nachlass (im Archiv) gut aufgehoben.

The remaining types of promotions are extremely rare. A reversed passive [2.112] (adj › sbj › obj) demotes the subject to object and at the same time promotes a new subject from an erstwhile adjunct role. An example in German is the diathesis from *erben* 'to inherit' to *enterben* 'to disinherit' (68a,b), see Section 8.6.13. This is semantically very close to a causative ø › sbj › obj in which the newly introduced causer can sometimes be expressed as an adjunct (68c,d). This affinity

between a reversed passive and a causative is reminiscent of the affinity between a passive and an anticausative. In both pairs, the difference amounts to a switch between the closely related macro-role of an optional adjunct (adj) and being completely unexpressed (ø).

	- a. Ich erbe den Schreibtisch von meinem Vater.
	- b. Mein Vater enterbt mich.
	- c. Der Wettkampf endet (durch den Gong).
	- d. Der Gong beendet den Wettkampf.
	- (69) reversed conversive (pbj › sbj › obj)
		- a. Ich staune über deine Arbeit.
		- b. Deine Arbeit erstaunt mich.
		- c. Ich staune darüber, dass du schon fertig bist.

# **2.7.3.3 Symmetrical subject diatheses**

	- (70) inversive (obj › sbj › obj)
		- a. Dein Verhalten wundert mich.
		- b. Ich bewundere dein Verhalten.

Because dative and accusative are both classified here as obj, this counts as an inversive diathesis. However, when a separation between core case (accusative) and non-core case (dative/genitive) would be pursued (see paragraph 2.43 on page 34), then this diathesis would be an example of demotion. There are two remappings, namely down from sbj to non-core-obj and up from core-obj to sbj. When non-core is taken as being lower on the macrorole hierarchy (29) then the biggest jump is the jump down, which is the definition of demotion (see Section 2.4.2). Instead of adding a completely new set of categories I propose to simply split inversive into two subtypes and call this phenomenon a demoted inversive.

	- a. Ich räume den letzten Schrank ein.
	- b. Dieser letzte Schrank bleibt mir noch einzuräumen.

The opposite promoted inversive promotes a dative/genitive into a nomi- [2.116] native subject, and demotes the erstwhile nominative to an accusative. This is illustrated with the *haben+Infinitiv* diathesis in (72), see Section 11.9.2.

	- a. Ein Tropfen hängt ihm an der Nase.
	- b. Er hat einen Tropfen an der Nase hängen.

At the other extreme, a commutative (ø › sbj › ø) completely removes the old [2.117] subject and introduces a completely new role as subject. I propose this term on the basis of Lat. *commutare* 'exchange, replace'. A German example of such a diathesis is the *geben+Partizip* construction (10), see Section 10.9.3. Note that the subjects in the two sentences do not have to be the same participant.

	- a. Das Kind verliert den Ring.
	- b. Der Vater gibt den Ring verloren.

The two other symmetrical diatheses in between the two extremes are even [2.118] rarer. A preposition inversive (pbj › sbj › pbj) is similar to an inversive, but the exchange is with a governed preposition. This is arguably attested in the diathesis between *strahlen* 'to shine' and *erstrahlen* 'to gleam' (74), see Section 8.9.6.

### 2 The structure of a diathesis

	- a. Die Sonne strahlt auf das Haus.
	- b. Das Haus erstrahlt in der Sonne.
	- (75) adjunct commutative (adj › sbj › adj)
		- a. Die Kinder wimmeln auf den Platz.
		- b. Der Platz wimmelt von Kindern.

# **2.7.4 Isolated object diatheses**



Figure 2.3: Names for isolated object remappings

# **2.7.4.1 Applicatives & antipassives**

Applicatives and antipassives are very similar, though reversed. applicatives [2.124] (adj › obj) change a prepositional phrase into a case-marked phrase, while antipassives (obj › adj) convert a case-marked phrase into a prepositional phrase. Given this affinity, instead of antipassive it might be better to call such remappings "antiapplicative" (e.g. Haspelmath & Müller-Bardey 2004: 1132) or "deapplicative" (in line with the other names below).

By removing or adding an object, applicatives and antipassives change the [2.125] transitivity of the sentence. However, because case marking in German is nominative/accusative aligned, changes in transitivity are not reflected in the marking of the subject. This is crucially different from languages with ergatively aligned case marking, in which antipassives also include a change in the marking of the subject, namely from ergative to absolutive (and vice versa with applicatives). Terminologically, these two situations might be distinguished by using the term "deapplicative" for nominative/accusative languages and reserve "antipassive" for ergative/absolutive languages. I decided against that distinction and the term "antipassive" will be used throughout in this book with this explicit caveat.

Applicatives occur frequently with the addition of a preverb, like in the alterna- [2.126] tion between *steigen auf* 'to climb' and *besteigen* 'to mount' (76), see Section 8.8.8.

	- a. Sie steigt auf den Berg.
	- b. Sie besteigt den Berg.
	- (77) antipassive (obj › adj)
		- a. Ich treffe dich.
		- b. Ich treffe mich mit dir.
	- (78) dative applicative (adj › obj)
		- a. Ich stamme aus einem Adelsgeschlecht.
		- b. Ich entstamme einem Adelsgeschlecht
	- (79) dative antipassive (obj › adj)
		- a. Er berichtet dem Vorstand alles.
		- b. Er berichtet alles an den Vorstand.
	- a. Ich arbeite an dem Text. (Ich arbeite daran, dass der Text fertig wird.)
	- b. Ich bearbeite den Text.
	- a. Ich beklage den Lärm.
	- b. Ich beklage mich über den Lärm. (Ich beklage mich darüber, dass es so laut ist.)

There are a many diatheses with a role-remapping between adjunct and object [2.130] that do not have any overt indication of a direction. Without explicit marking it is difficult to decide whether such diatheses are cases of (applicative) promotion (adj › obj) or (antipassive) demotion (obj › adj). For the sake of organisation in this book I classify such covert alternations on the basis of (debatable) semantic intuitions and parallels to other overtly marked diatheses.

Most covert diatheses with an alternation between prepositional phrases and [2.131] case-marked arguments are classified here as antipassive, like in the alternation between *schießen auf* 'to aim at' and *schießen* 'to shoot' (82), see Section 6.7.8. This is also widespread with datives (83), see Section 6.7.11. In such examples, I judge the case-marking to be more basic than the prepositional phrase.

	- a. Ich schieße den Bären.
	- b. Ich schieße auf den Bären.
	- a. Ich schreibe dir einen Brief.
	- b. Ich schreibe einen Brief an dich.

In contrast, there is a widespread alternation between datives and beneficiary [2.132] *für* prepositional phrases (84) that I classify as an applicative, see Section 6.8.10. In this example the beneficiary dative seems to be the derived construction.

	- a. Er kocht eine Suppe für mich.
	- b. Er kocht mir eine Suppe.

[2.133]

There is a further kind of covert diathesis with a dative object, conventionally called possessor raising. In such diatheses there is an alternation between a possessor (typically expressed as an adnominal genitive) and a dative (85). The dative can alternate with the possessor of a nominative subject (see Section 5.8.3), an accusative object (see Section 5.8.4) or an obligatory location (see Section 6.8.12). Following widespread convention, I classify these diatheses as promotion (adj › obj)

	- a. Er schneidet meine Haare.
	- b. Er schneidet mir die Haare.
	- (86) a. ? Ich schneide dir (zuliebe) in den (meinen) Finger. (= Ich schneide für dich in meinen Finger.)
		- b. Ich schneide dir in den (deinen) Finger. (= Ich schneide in deinen Finger.)

# **2.7.4.2 Objectives & deobjectives**

	- (87) deobjective (obj › ø)
		- a. Ich habe gestern ein Buch gekauft.
		- b. Ich habe gestern eingekauft.

This diathesis is called endoreflexive (Haspelmath 1987: 27–28), see Section 7.7.1 for an extensive discussion.

	- a. Er verbrennt das Buch.
	- b. Er verbrennt sich.

An objective diathesis (ø › obj) is a diathesis that adds a new object, i.e. a [2.137] completely new role is introduced in the form of an object. An example of an overtly marked object addition is the alternation from *zaubern* 'to perform magic' to *verzaubern* 'to enchant' (89). In this example the new object is simply an added patient to an erstwhile intransitive action. Such object additions are frequently attested with preverbs like *ver-*, see Section 8.8.1.

	- a. Sie zaubert.
	- b. Sie verzaubert mich.

A semantically special kind of diathesis introduces a new added result ob- [2.138] ject. Such an objective diathesis adds an object that is the result of performing the activity described by the predicate. An overtly marked example is presented in (90) with the diathesis between *arbeiten* 'to work' and the inherent reflexive *sich etwas erarbeiten* 'to acquire something through work', see Section 8.8.5. The result of the work is added as an object in (90b).<sup>6</sup>

	- a. Ich arbeite.
	- b. Ich erarbeite mir ein Vermögen. (= Ich arbeite, und das Resultat davon ist, dass ich ich ein Vermögen besitze.)

Objectives and deobjectives are frequently attested without any overt marking [2.139] (cf. ambitransitive/labile verbs), and in such "covert" diatheses it is difficult to establish a direction. As already noted above, for the sake of organisation in this

<sup>6</sup>Here I consciously avoid the term "resultative" for this phenomenon to avoid confusion. First, I already use the term "resultative" in this book for a special class of preverbial adjectives (see Section 9.2.6). Second, the term "resultative" is also frequently used in the literature for an aspectual concept, namely to indicate a special kind of state induced as the result of performing the predicate (e.g. Nedjalkov 1988).

### 2 The structure of a diathesis

book I classify such covert alternations on the basis of (often debatable) semantic intuitions and parallels with other overtly marked diatheses. For example, the verb *stören* 'to disturb' (91) can be used both with and without an accusative object, see Section 5.7.1. This is classified here as a deobjective diathesis. Such unmarked object drops are also attested with datives, see Section 5.7.4, and with governed prepositions, see Section 6.7. The dropping of an object is also often used to put the focus on the action itself, but then it is typically attested with an adverbial, see Section 9.7.1 for an extensive discussion.

	- a. Du störst die Veranstaltung.
	- b. Du störst.
	- (92) covert objective: added result (ø › obj)
		- a. Er stotterte.
		- b. Er stotterte eine Entschuldigung. (= Er stotterte, und das Resultat davon ist eine Entschuldigung.)

# **2.7.4.3 Locatives & delocatives**

[2.141] A locative diathesis (ø › pbj) is a diatheses that adds an obligatory location phrase to the clause. For example, the transitive *befehlen* 'to order' marks the ordered person as an accusative (93a). With a (directional) locative phrase *an die Front* 'to the frontline' the sentence obtains a caused-motion reading (93b), see Section 6.8.4. Note that there is no profound association between such a *locative diathesis* and the widespread phenomenon of a *locative case*. Both terms simply use the term "locative" to describe the fact that the marking of location is concerned.

	- a. Ich befehle eine Armee.
	- b. Ich befehle die Armee an die Front. (= Ich befehle, und dadurch geht die Armee an die Front.)

Even more noteworthy, such a caused-motion diathesis is also possible with [2.142] many intransitive verbs like *schwitzen* 'to sweat' (94a). With such verbs, a locative diathesis not only adds a location, like *in mein Hemd* 'in my shirt', but also an added-result accusative object, like *einen Fleck* 'a stain' (94b), see Section 6.8.3.

(94) locative: caused motion & added result (ø › pbj + ø › obj)


The reversal of a locative diathesis is a delocative diathesis (pbj › adj). In [2.143] such a diathesis an obligatory location loses its obligatory status and is often completely dropped. An example of such a diathesis is shown in (95) with the alternation between *stecken* 'to put into' and *verstecken* 'to hide'. The verb *stecken* needs an obligatory location (95a,b). Such an obligatory location is classified here as a pbj prepositional object (see Section 2.2.2). The situation is different with the verb *verstecken*. With this verb the location is an adj optional adjunct and can be left out (see Section 8.7.11 for an extensive discussion).

	- a. Ich stecke das Geschenk in den Schrank.
	- b. \* Ich stecke das Geschenk.
	- c. Ich verstecke das Geschenk in dem Schrank.
	- d. Ich verstecke das Geschenk.

### **2.7.4.4 Symmetrical object diatheses**

Symmetrical object diatheses are rare in German. A case change (obj › obj) is [2.144] illustrated in (96) by the alternation between *folgen* 'to follow' (with dative) and *verfolgen* 'to chase' (with accusative), see Section 8.9.2.

	- a. Ich folge dem Auto.
	- b. Ich verfolge das Auto.
	- (97) governed preposition change (pbj › pbj)
		- a. Er arbeitet an den Daten.
		- b. Er arbeitet sich durch die Daten.
		- c. Er sorgt für seine Mutter.
		- d. Er sorgt sich um seine Mutter.
	- (98) adjunct change (adj › adj)
		- a. Ich erwarte dein Geschenk.
		- b. Ich erwarte ein Geschenk von dir.

# **2.7.5 Chained object diatheses**

[2.147] Chains of object diatheses (i.e. chains with the object in the middle of the chain) can always be interpreted as a combination of two isolated object diatheses from the previous section. However, not all theoretically possible combinations are attested (see Figure 2.4). The most frequently attested chained object diatheses are the highlighted variants of object exchange (see Sections 2.7.5.1, 2.7.5.4). A few incidental examples of chained case change are also attested (see Section 2.7.5.5).

# **2.7.5.1 Object exchange**

[2.148] The highlighted diatheses in Figure 2.4 are collectively called object exchange because as part of the role-remapping the accusative marking is exchanged from


Figure 2.4: Names for chains of object diathesis

one role to another. These diatheses are used with verbs that involve some kind of part/whole relation between the two roles involved. A typical example (99) is the diathesis between *schmieren* 'to smear' and *beschmieren* 'to spread' (discussed in detail in Section 8.7.13). In this example an *auf* prepositional phrase turns into a new accusative, while the old accusative is turned into a *mit* prepositional phrase. So, syntactically the role marked as an accusative object is exchanged from *Salbe* 'ointment' to *Wunde* 'wound'. Semantically, the *Wunde* is the "whole" to which the *Salbe* is applied.

	- a. Ich schmiere die Salbe auf die Wunde.
	- b. Ich beschmiere die Wunde mit der Salbe.

Different variants of such object exchange show an astonishingly strong cor- [2.149] relation between syntactic structure and semantic interpretation. Basically, promotions have the effect that the new object role is a part of the old object role (i.e. the new object is a meronym), while demotions have the reverse effect in that the new object role encompasses the old object role (i.e. the new object is a holonym). To appreciate this generalisation it is important to recall how demotions and promotions are defined for chained diatheses. This definition is not trivial because chained diatheses are always a combination of both a promotion and a demotion. So the question is which of the two "wins".

### 2 The structure of a diathesis

	- (100) macrorole hierarchy sbj » obj » pbj » adj » ø
	- (101) demoted object exchange (pbj › obj › adj)
		- a. Ich schmiere die Salbe auf die Wunde.
		- b. \* Ich schmiere die Salbe.
		- c. Ich beschmiere die Wunde mit Salbe.
		- d. Ich beschmiere die Wunde.

the old meronymic object *Salbe* 'ointment' is applied. To be precise, the terms meronym and holonym are language-specific classifications as observed in the structure of German. So, not all examples necessarily correspond to any (universal) semantic conceptualisation of the terms holonym/meronym. For example, German verbs that describe an act of covering (e.g. *schmieren* 'to smear') or wrapping (e.g. *wickeln* 'to wrap around') consistently treat the cover/wrap alike to other meronyms and the covered/wrapped object alike to other holonyms. That is no statement about what it semantically means to be a meronym or holonym. It is just a statement about the distribution of syntactic structures among German verbs as they take part in object exchange.

### **2.7.5.2 Demoted object exchange**

There are two different kinds of object exchange with demotion, namely the [2.154] filled holonym and the emptied holonym object exchange. These two kinds of exchange correlate with the intensity of the demotion. A minor demotion manifests a filled-holonym object exchange, while a more extreme form of demotion expresses an emptied-holonym object exchange.

Typically, a filled holonym diathesis is expressed by a minor demotion ("net [2.155] one step down"), as illustrated with *schmieren/beschmieren* above in (101). Note that in that example, the holonym *Wunde* is not literally 'filled with' the meronym *Salbe*. However, with many other examples, like *pflanzen/bepflanzen* 'to plant' below (102), the holonym *Garten* 'garden' is literally filled with the meronym *Tulpen* 'tulips'. In accordance with this being a minor overall demotion ("net one step down"), the new accusative object after the object exchange is a filled holonym.

Note that with *pflanzen/bepflanzen* (102) the pre-diathesis location phrase *in* [2.156] *den Garten* is not obligatory (102a,b), so the resulting diathesis is symmetric (adj › obj › adj). This is the kind of minor syntactic variation that is indicated in Figure 2.4 with the unnamed boxes in the centre of the highlighted objectexchange domain. Still, this diathesis is clearly an example of a filled-holonym object exchange because the change in prepositions from *in* (with unmarked *pflanzen*) to *mit* (with marked *bepflanzen*) fits in perfectly with other filled-holonym examples (cf. Section 8.7.13).

	- a. Ich pflanze Tulpen in den Garten.
	- b. Ich pflanze Tulpen.
	- c. Ich bepflanze den Garten mit Tulpen.
	- d. Ich bepflanze den Garten.

### 2 The structure of a diathesis

	- (103) demoted object exchange: emptied holonym (pbj › obj › ø)
		- a. Ich klopfe den Staub von meinem Mantel.
		- b. \* Ich klopfe den Staub.
		- c. Ich klopfe meinen Mantel aus.
		- d. \* Ich klopfe meinen Mantel von den Staub aus.

# **2.7.5.3 Promoted object exchange**


an objective diathesis (ø › obj), i.e. "three steps up". The promotion is larger than the demotion, so the whole diathesis overall is a promotion, although a minor one, i.e. "net one step up". As predicted for promotions, the new object *Knopf* semantically is a meronymic part of the original object *Bluse*. Further, in accordance with the promotion being minor, the verb *nähen* describes a situation in which the new object *Knopf* is physically connected to the holonymic *Bluse*. In summary, the new object is a joined meronym.

	- a. Ich habe eine Bluse genäht.
	- b. Ich habe den Knopf an die Bluse festgenäht.
	- c. Ich habe den Knopf festgenäht.

In some examples the joined-meronym object exchange allows for optional [2.160] prepositional phrases at both sides of the diathesis, resulting in a symmetric diathesis (adj › obj › adj). For example, this is attested with the diathesis from *massieren* 'to massage' (105a,b) to *einmassieren* 'to massage in' (105c,d). Still, this diathesis is clearly an example of a joined-meronym object exchange because the change in preposition from *mit* (with unmarked *massieren*) to *in* (with marked *einmassieren*) is completely parallel to all other joined-meronym examples (cf. Section 8.9.1). Semantically, the new accusative object role (*Balsam*, 'balm') is a meronym of the old object role (*Muskeln* 'muscles'), and this new object role is applied to the old object role to become a part of it by the verb *massieren*. So, even though the diathesis is symmetric, the new object is syntactically and semantically a joined meronym.

	- a. Ich habe die Muskeln mit Balsam massiert.
	- b. Ich habe die Muskeln massiert.
	- c. Ich habe den Balsam in die Muskeln einmassiert.
	- d. Ich habe den Balsam einmassiert.

The parted meronym object exchange occurs with more extreme promotions [2.161] ("net two steps up"). For example, the verb *waschen* 'to wash' normally takes an accusative object role that is the washee, here *Hose* 'trousers' (106a). There is a covert diathesis that introduces a new object role that cannot be expressed earlier, here *Fleck* 'stain' (106b). this addition is an objective promotion (ø › obj), i.e. "three steps up". At the same time, the original accusative is turned into a

locational prepositional phrase and this location phrase cannot be left out (106c). This is an obligatory-location antipassive (obj › pbj), i.e "one step down". This diathesis is thus an extreme promotion overall, i.e. "net two steps up". Accordingly, the new meronymic object *Fleck* is semantically a component part of the original holonymic object *Hose* and it is removed from it by the action *waschen*. In summary, the new object is a parted meronym.

	- a. Ich wasche meine Hose.
	- b. Ich wasche den Fleck aus meiner Hose.
	- c. \* Ich wasche den Fleck.

# **2.7.5.4 Other kinds of object exchange**

	- (107) object exchange: persuadee demotion (pbj › obj › adj)
		- a. Er zwingt ihn zu einem Geständnis.
		- b. Er zwingt ihn dazu, ein Geständnis abzulegen.
		- c. Er erzwingt ein Geständnis (von ihm).
	- (108) object exchange: possessor raising (adj › obj › pbj)
		- a. Ich bewundere seine Ehrlichkeit.
		- b. Ich bewundere ihn für seine Ehrlichkeit.
		- c. Ich bewundere ihn dafür, dass er ehrlich ist.

# **2.7.5.5 Chained case changes**

Finally, there are a few object chains involving a change of case, shown at the top [2.164] and the left of Figure 2.4. Note that a case change of dative/genitive to accusative can be interpreted as a promotion, and the reverse as a demotion, cf. paragraph 2.43 on page 34, but that perspective will not be expanded upon here.

Example (109) shows a combination of a dative-to-accusative case change with [2.165] an antipassive, resulting in a chain (obj › obj › adj). The verb *schenken* 'to gift' takes a recipient in the dative and a patient in the accusative, while the derived *beschenken* 'to gift' turns the accusative into a prepositional phrase (i.e. antipassive) and changes the dative *dir* into an accusative *dich* (see Section 8.7.8).

	- a. Ich schenke dir ein Buch.
	- b. Ich beschenke dich mit einem Buch.

The reverse situation, i.e. a chain (adj › obj › obj), is attested with the diathesis [2.166] between *drängen* 'to urge' and the derived *aufdrängen* 'to impose' (110), see Section 8.8.12. In this example a prepositional phrase changes into an accusative (i.e. applicative), while the accusative *dich* changes to dative *dir*.

	- a. Ich dränge dich zu einem Abo.
	- b. Ich dränge dir ein Abo auf.

Finally, an idiosyncratic diathesis is attested with the verb *rauben* 'to rob' [2.167] (111), see Section 8.9.4. When this verb is changed to *berauben* 'to rob' then two case changes happen simultaneously: first a dative-to-accusative change (*dich* becomes *dir*) and second an accusative-to-genitive change (*das Buch* becomes *des Buches*). This is thus an example of a remapping pattern (obj › obj › obj), here called double case change.

	- a. Ich raube dir das Buch.
	- b. Ich beraube dich des Buches.

# **3 Summary of major diatheses**

# **3.1 German names for German grammar**

Among the almost 250 diatheses that are distinguished in this book there are [3.1] many that are frequently attested and that can be used with very many different verbs. In contrast, there are also many diatheses that only occur in very specific circumstances or that might otherwise be considered to be exceptions or incidental instances. Only the major diatheses, those that are of central importance to the grammatical structure of German, will be summarised in this chapter. Such a summary would normally be presented at the end of a book, but because of the often long-winding data-driven details of the subsequent descriptive chapters, I decided to present this summary here at the end of the introductory deliberations. Take it as a quick appetiser of things to come, with ample links to the actual discussion in later chapters. This chapter also provides a sketch of how diathesis could be approached in practical grammars of the German language.

To reiterate the basic premise of this book: in the Chapters 5 to 13 I aim to [3.2] present a complete list of all coherent, and thus monoclausal, clause structures in German (cf. Section 1.3.1 on defining monoclausality). All in all, in those chapters there are more than 300 separate sub-subsections that describe (often minor) variations of monoclausal structures. This diversity is condensed into about 120 major clause alternations as summarised here. Of those, about 80 are diatheses (i.e. clause alternations with role-remapping, discussed in this chapter), while only about 40 are epitheses (i.e. clause alternations without any change in role marking, discussed in the next chapter). So, diathesis ("grammatical voice") is a much more diverse grammatical phenomenon than epithesis ("tense-aspectmood marking"). All these counts should be taken with some leeway, because a lot depends on individual decisions about splitting or lumping structures into groups (e.g. how many *lassen+Infinitiv* constructions are counted separately, cf. Section 11.2.5). Although the analysis of German clause alternations might look cleaner when lumping structures into larger groups, that would not reduce the attested diversity, it would only hide the variation at the cost of larger withingroup complexity.

### 3 Summary of major diatheses


[3.5] In this chapter, the diatheses are organised in sections according to the grammatical macro-role remapping patterns as introduced in Section 2.7. The different diatheses in each section are thus functionally highly similar, but they are structurally different. Inversely, there are various diatheses that are structurally highly similar, but are nonetheless repeated in separate sections under different names. This is necessary because superficially identical diatheses can have rather different structural repercussions depending on the verbs to which they are applied. This happens for example with different instantiations of the *sein+Partizip* or the *lassen+Infinitiv* constructions.

74

# **3.2 Naming clause types**

Before diving into the daunting diversity of German diathesis, a short note on [3.6] German names for different clause types is in order (summarised in Table 3.1). The distinction between sentence (German: satz) and clause (German: teilsatz) is customary made in the German grammatical literature when a precise description is needed. However, the term *Satz* is often used as a shorthand for both. When subdividing clauses, there is of course a basic distinction between main clause (German: hauptsatz, more precise would be selbständiger teilsatz) and subordinate clause (German: nebensatz or alternatively untergeordneter teilsatz).

Yet, a central thesis of this book is that there is a further subdivision for both [3.7] main and subordinate clauses. First, a "basic clause" is a clause with a single finite verb in the *Präsens* or *Präteritum*. For German I propose to use the term basissatz, or, to be more precise, grundlegender teilsatz. Various kinds of derived clauses can be constructed from a basic clause. For German I propose to call such a derived clause a spezialsatz, or, to be more precise, abgeleiteter teilsatz.

There are two kinds of derived clauses. First, an epithesis is a clause alternation [3.8] without role-remapping. For German I propose to use either the neologism übersatz or the Greek-inspired epithese, or, to be more precise, erweiterter teilsatz. Second, a diathesis is a clause alternation with role-remapping. For German I propose to use the neologism wechselsatz or the Greek-inspired diathese, or, to be more precise, umgestellter teilsatz.


Table 3.1: German terminology for clause types

# **3.3 Insubjective diatheses (sbj › o)**

[3.9] An insubjective is a diathesis that completely removes the role marked as nominative subject without introducing a new subject. For details on the definition see Section 2.7.2, specifically starting at paragraph 2.90 on page 47.

# **3.3.1** *Auslöserentfall*

	- (1) a. Der Müll stinkt.
		- b. Hier stinkt es aber.

# **3.3.2** *Aktionsbewertung*

	- (2) a. Wir leben in diesem Haus.
		- b. Hier lebt es sich gut.

# **3.3.3** *Zustandsbewertung* **(***sein+Infinitiv***)**

[3.12] The zustandsbewertung (full discussion in Section 11.5.3) is a somewhat formulaic construction dropping the nominative subject of an intransitive verb. This construction is constructed with *sein* and an infinitive. Additionally an adverbial phrase describing an evaluation is obligatory, like *gut* 'well' or *schlecht* 'badly'. A valency-simulating pronoun *es* instead of the dropped nominative is mostly not present. This construction expresses an evaluation and it typically used with a location, like with *sitzen* 'to sit' (3).

	- b. Zwischen den Stühlen ist schlecht sitzen.

# **3.3.4** *Möglichkeitsbewertung* **(***lassen+Infinitiv***)**

The möglichkeitsbewertung (full discussion in Section 11.5.1) consists of the [3.13] light verb *lassen* with the infinitive of an intransitive verb. This construction obligatory includes a reflexive pronoun and an evaluating adverbial expression like *gut* 'fine'. A valency-simulating pronoun *es* appears to be optional (4). This construction gives an evaluation about a possible situation. It is closely related to the permissivpassiv for transitive verbs (see Section 3.8.6).

	- b. Zuhause lässt (es) sich gut arbeiten.

# **3.3.5** *Unpersönliches Vorgangspassiv* **(***werden+Partizip***)**

The unpersönlicher vorgangspassiv (full discussion in Section 10.5.1) is a con- [3.14] struction consisting of the light verb *werden* with a participle of an intransitive verb. Only agentive ("unergative") intransitive verbs like *tanzen* 'to dance' (5) or *schlafen* 'to sleep' allow for this construction without any nominative subject (not even a valency-simulating *es* is needed). The name "passive" is rather unfitting for this diathesis, but it is retained here because of widespread usage. This construction is closely related to the vorgangspassiv for transitive verbs (see Section 3.8.1).

	- b. Jetzt wird getanzt!

# **3.3.6** *Unpersönliches Modalpassiv* **(***sein+zu‑Infinitiv***)**

The unpersönlicher modalpassiv (full discussion in Section 12.5.1 and subse- [3.15] quent sections) consists of a light verb *sein* with *zu* and an infinitive. It is found with incidental intransitive verbs, but more typically with verbs with a dative argument (but no accusative) like *helfen* 'to help' or *trauen* 'to trust' (6). In this diathesis the nominative subject is dropped and cannot be retained in any other form. There is also no valency-simulating *es* present. The name "passive" is actually beside the point for this diathesis, but it is used here because this construction is closely related to the modalpassiv (see Section 3.8.4).

	- b. Ihm ist nicht zu trauen.

# **3.4 Desubjective diatheses (sbj › adj)**

[3.16] A desubjective is a diathesis that removes the role marked as nominative subject, though this role can still optionally be expressed as a prepositional phrase. For details on the definition see Section 2.7.2, specifically starting at paragraph 2.94 on page 48.

# **3.4.1** *Möglichkeitsdesubjektiv* **(***geben+zu‑Infinitiv***)**

	- (7) a. Wir kaufen den Koffer.
		- b. In dem Laden gibt es den Koffer ? (für uns) zu kaufen.

# **3.4.2** *Notwendigkeitsdesubjektiv* **(***gelten+zu‑Infinitiv***)**

[3.18] The notwendigkeitsdesubjektiv (full discussion in Section 12.5.5) uses a subjectless light verb *gelten* with *zu* and an infinitive (8). The removed nominative subject is replaced by a valency-simulating pronoun *es*, so the light verb *gelten* is always in the third person singular, resulting in fixed expressions *es gilt*. The removed subject can optionally be retained with a *für* prepositional phrase. Any other argument is simply preserved, like the accusative *den Koffer* 'the suitcase' in the example below. This construction semantically invokes some kind of (self‑)assignment that should be fulfilled, i.e. a modal-like 'must' meaning.

	- b. Jetzt gilt es (für uns) den Koffer nicht zu verlieren.

# **3.4.3** *Aufforderungsdesubjektiv* **(***heißen+Infinitiv***)**

The aufforderungsdesubjektiv (full discussion in Section 11.5.4) consists of [3.19] the verb *heißen* with an infinitive. The meaning of this constructions is very close to the previous *Notwendigkeitsdesubjektiv* (see Section 3.4.2). The removed nominative subject is replaced by a valency-simulating pronoun *es*, so the light verb *heißen* is always in the third person singular, resulting in fixed expressions *es heißt*. The removed subject can optionally be retained with a *für* prepositional phrase. However, different from *gelten+zu‑Infinitiv*, the construction *heißen+Infinitiv* can only be applied to intransitive verbs. Note that there also exists a completely separate causative usage of *heißen+Infinitiv*, but that *Aufforderungskausativ* appears to be rather old-fashioned (see Section 3.11.8).

	- b. Dann heißt es für ihn weiter reden.

# **3.5 Conciliative diatheses (adj › sbj › o)**

A conciliative is a diathesis that completely removes the role marked as subject [3.20] and promotes an instrument to be the new subject. For details on the definition see Section 2.7.3.1, specifically starting at paragraph 2.103 on page 51.

# **3.5.1** *Instrumentsubjektiv*

The instrumentsubjektiv (full discussion in Section 6.5.4 and subsequent sec- [3.21] tions) promotes an instrument to nominative subject. For example, the instrument *Schlüssel* 'key' of the verb *öffnen* 'to open' is expressed with a *mit* prepositional phrase in (10a). Alternatively, it can be expressed with a nominative as in (10b). In that construction, the original agent cannot be expressed anymore. This diathesis looks very similar to the *Kreationsubjektiv* (see Section 3.6.1), but there are crucial semantic and structural differences (discussed below).

	- b. Der Schlüssel öffnet die Tür.

# **3.6 Fabricative diatheses (pbj › sbj › ø)**

[3.22] A fabricative is a diathesis that completely removes the role marked as subject and promotes an fabricated entity to be the new subject. For details on the definition see Section 2.7.3.1, specifically starting at paragraph 2.102 on page 50.

# **3.6.1** *Kreationsubjektiv*

	- (11) a. Der Lehrer überrascht mich mit der Aufgabe.
		- b. Die Aufgabe überrascht mich.
		- c. Der Lehrer überrascht mich damit, dass er die Aufgabe schon korrigiert hat.

# **3.6.2** *Auslösersubjektiv* **(***sein+zum-Infinitiv***)**

	- (12) a. Ich heule über den Schaden.
		- b. Ich heule darüber, dass der Schaden so groß ist.
		- c. Der Schaden ist zum Heulen.

# **3.7 Anticausative diatheses (obj › sbj › ø)**

An anticausative is a diathesis that completely removes the role marked as [3.25] subject and promotes an object to be the new subject. For details on the definition see Section 2.7.3.1, specifically starting at paragraph 2.99 on page 49.

# **3.7.1** *Antikausativ*

The unmarked antikausativ (full discussion in Section 5.5.5 and subsequent [3.26] sections) is attested with verbs like *öffnen* 'to open' or *kochen* 'to cook'. These verbs occur both as transitive (13a) and intransitive (13b) without any further grammatical marking. Crucially, the object of the transitive is the subject of the intransitive. Because this diathesis is unmarked, there is no formal indication of a direction. So, this diathesis could just as well be interpreted as a causative. However, there is a formal difference between verbs that allow for both a *haben* and *sein* in the intransitive (13c,d) and those that only allow for a *sein* in the intransitive. There seems to be an interesting semantic correlate to this formal difference in that the verbs that allow for both *haben* and *sein* seem primarily transitiv. Consequentially this group is called antikausativ (this section), while the second group with only *sein* is called kausativ (see Section 3.11.1).

	- b. Der Laden öffnet gleich.
	- c. Der Laden hat geöffnet.
	- d. Der Laden ist geöffnet.

# **3.7.2** *Ortsantikausativ*

The unmarked ortsantikausativ (full discussion in Section 6.5.10) is similar [3.27] to the previous unmarked antikausativ. Verbs like *kleben* 'to glue, to stick' or *klappen* 'to fold' occur both as transitive and intransitive (14a,b) with the object of the transitive being the subject of the intransitive. Likewise, the intransitive is possible with both *haben* and *sein* (14c,d). The only difference is the obligatory presence of a location. Note that there is also a parallel ortskausativ (see Section 3.11.2).

	- b. Der Zettel klebt an der Wand.
	- c. Der Zettel hat an der Wand geklebt.
	- d. Der Zettel ist an die Wand geklebt.

# **3.7.3** *Reflexiv Antikausativ*

	- (15) a. Der Richter entscheidet den Fall.
		- b. Der Fall entscheidet sich.
		- c. Der Fall hat sich entschieden.
		- d. Der Fall ist entschieden.

# **3.7.4** *Bewertungsantikausativ*

	- (16) a. Ich verkaufe das Buch.
		- b. Das Buch verkauft sich gut.
		- c. Das Buch hat sich gut verkauft.
		- d. Das Buch ist verkauft.

# **3.7.5** *Inferenzantikausativ* **(***scheinen/erscheinen+Partizip***)**

[3.30] The inferenzantikausativ (full discussion in Section 10.5.10) is constructed with one of the light verbs *scheinen* or *erscheinen* with a participle of a transitive verb (17). This construction expresses an evidential inference by the speaker that something is the case. The retention of the original agent as a prepositional

phrase seems to be mostly not possible (17b), so this diathesis is classified as an anticausative here. With intransitive verbs this construction does not show any diathesis and is consequently called perfektinferenz (see Section 4.6.2).

	- b. Die Tür scheint \*(von dem Pförtner) geschlossen.

# **3.7.6** *Sinnesantikausativ* **(***aussehen/wirken+Partizip***)**

The sinnesantikausativ (full discussion in Section 10.5.11) uses the light verbs [3.31] *aussehen* or *wirken* together with a participle of a transitive verb to form an anticausative diathesis (18). This construction expresses that the speaker has sensory evidence about the state of affairs. The retention of the original subject is very rare, though it might to be possible with verbs describing a mental state, like *entspannen* 'to relax' (18b). With intransitive verbs this construction does not show any diathesis and is consequently called sinnesevidenz (see Section 4.6.3).

	- b. Die Stille entspannt ihn. Er wirkt ? (von der Stille) entspannt.

# **3.7.7** *Darstellungsantikausativ* **(***geben/zeigen+Partizip***)**

The darstellungsantikausativ (full discussion in Section 10.5.12) consists of [3.32] the light verb *geben* with a participle and an obligatory reflexive pronoun. It expresses a conscious performance to appear in a certain way by the erstwhile accusative. The original nominative cannot be retained. The light verb *zeigen* can be used alternatively to *geben*. Any difference between these two light verbs needs more investigation.

	- b. Er gibt sich \*(durch die Stille) entspannt.

# **3.7.8** *Erwartungsantikausativ* **(***stehen+zu‑Infinitiv***)**

The erwartungsantikausativ (full discussion in Section 12.5.6) uses a light [3.33] verb *stehen* with *zu* and an infinitive. The original accusative object is promoted to subject and the erstwhile nominative subject cannot be retained, so this clearly is an anticausative diathesis. However, examples with an explicitly accusative

### 3 Summary of major diatheses

noun phrase as in (20a) are actually rare. Typically, this diatheses is found with cognitive predicates expressing an expectation, like *befürchten* 'to fear', with a *dass* complement clause (20b). Functionally, this complement clause has the same status as an accusative object. Note that complement clauses typically come towards the end of the sentence in German, and then the first position of the sentence often has to be filled with a position-simulating pronoun *es* (which is removed when the first position is filled otherwise).

	- b. Ich befürchte, dass er zu spät kommen wird. Es steht zu befürchten, dass er zu spät kommen wird.

# **3.7.9** *Unmöglichkeitsantikausativ* **(***gehen+zu‑Infinitiv***)**

	- (21) a. Ich lösche die Datei.
		- b. Die Datei geht nicht zu löschen.
		- c. Die Datei geht zu löschen.

# **3.8 Passive diatheses (obj › sbj › adj)**

[3.35] A passive is a diathesis that removes the role marked as subject and promotes an object to be the new subject. The erstwhile subject can optionally be expressed as a prepositional phrase. For details on the definition see Section 2.7.3.1, specifically starting at paragraph 2.100 on page 49.

# **3.8.1** *Vorgangspassiv* **(***werden+Partizip***)**

[3.36] The vorgangspassiv (full discussion in Section 10.5.15) is the infamous diathesis consisting of a light verb *werden* with a participle. Passives are very similar to anticausatives in that the transitive object is turned into the intransitive subject (22). The special characteristic of a passive is that the transitive subject can be optionally retained, typically as a prepositional *von* or *durch* phrase. However, note that this prepositional phrase is normally not used. The same *werden+Partizip* construction leads to a different diathesis with intransitive verbs, namely the *unpersönlicher Passiv* (see Section 3.3.5).

	- b. Der Schrank wird verkauft (von mir).

# **3.8.2** *Zustandspassiv* **(***sein+Partizip***)**

The zustandspassiv (full discussion in Section 10.5.16) consists of a light verb [3.37] *sein* with a participle (23). Although this diathesis is traditionally called "passive" in German grammar, the status of the retained agent is problematic and appears to be strongly dependent on the verb (23b,c). It might thus be better to consider this diathesis to be an anticausative. However, because of the long tradition I hold on to the term *Zustandspassiv* and the analysis of it being a passive. The closely related *sein+Partizip* erlebniskonversiv (see Section 3.9.2) retains the subject with a governed preposition. Also the *sein+Partizip* perfekt as attested with some intransitive verbs is arguably a similar construction, though applied to different verbs (see Section 4.3.1).

	- b. Der Schrank ist ? (von mir) verkauft.
	- c. Der Schrank ist ! (vom Schreiner) gebaut.

# **3.8.3** *Fortsetzungspassiv* **(***bleiben+Partizip***)**

The fortsetzungspassiv (full discussion in Section 10.5.17) is closely related to [3.38] the *sein-Zustandspassiv* (see Section 3.8.2), but now the light verb *bleiben* is used with a participle (24). This construction expresses that a reached state is maintained. Like with *sein*, the retention of the original agent with *bleiben* is possible, but often difficult (24b,c). However, not all verbs can be equally used with *sein* and *bleiben*. For example, verbs like *drucken* 'to print' or *schreiben* 'to write' are fine with the *sein-Zustandspassiv* but not with the *bleiben-Fortsetzungspassiv*. This construction is only attested with transitive verbs. The same *bleiben+Partizip* construction can be used with intransitive verbs, but then it does not induce a diathesis and is called perfektkontinuativ (see Section 4.3.9).

	- b. Die Tür bleibt ? (durch den Pförtner) geschlossen.
	- c. DIe Tür bleibt ! (durch einen Vorhang) verborgen.

# **3.8.4** *Modalpassiv* **(***sein+zu‑Infinitiv***)**

	- (25) a. Der Besitzer führt den Hund an der Leine. Hunde sind an der Leine zu führen (von ihren Besitzern).
		- b. Die Schüler lösen die Aufgabe. Die Aufgabe ist (für die Schüler) leicht zu lösen.

# **3.8.5** *Normpassiv* **(***gehören+Partizip***)**

	- (26) a. Der Schiedsrichter bestraft den Spieler.
		- b. Der Spieler gehört bestraft (durch den Schiedsrichter)

# **3.8.6** *Permissivpassiv* **(***lassen+Infinitiv***)**

[3.41] The permissivpassiv (full discussion in Section 11.5.5) consists of the light verb *lassen* with infinitive and an obligatory reflexive pronoun (27). The agent can be retained with an optional *von* prepositional phrase, so this diathesis is a passive. This diathesis expresses that something is permitted (27a) or that something is possible (27b). A similar construction with *lassen+sich+Infinitiv* can be applied to

intransitive verbs, which leads to a different diathesis, namely the *Möglichkeitsbewertung* (see Section 3.3.4). Also the *Permissivkonversiv* (see Section 3.9.3) and the *Permissivinversiv* (see Section 3.10.4) use the same construction with *lassen*, but they also show different role-remappings.

	- b. Der Pförtner schließt die Tür. Die Tür lässt sich (von dem Pförtner) schließen.

# **3.8.7** *Rezipientenpassiv* **(***bekommen/kriegen/erhalten+Partizip***)**

The rezipientenpassiv (full discussion in Section 10.5.21) has become a mainstay [3.42] in the German grammatical literature. It consists of the light verb *bekommen* with a participle (alternatively, the light verbs *kriegen* or *erhalten* can be used). With this diathesis, a dative recipient is turned into the nominative subject. Again, the erstwhile nominative can be retained as a prepositional phrase, though it mostly is not used (as with all passives). Note that the same construction can also be used in a different "achievement" interpretation without diathesis, called *Effektiv* here (see Section 4.5.6).

	- b. Ich bekomme die Haare geschnitten (vom Friseur).

# **3.8.8** *Pertinenzpassiv* **(***haben+Partizip***)**

The pertinenzpassiv (full discussion in Section 10.5.22) is a special construc- [3.43] tion because it looks identical to the *Perfekt* (see Section 4.3.1), often even being ambiguous among the two interpretations. However, the *Pertinenzpassiv* is functionally much closer to the *Rezipientenpassiv*. The new nominative subject *der Minister* 'the minister' (29b) is the (dative) experiencer/beneficiary of the cutting (29a). The original agent of the cutting *Friseur* 'barber' can only be retained with difficulty, so this diathesis looks closer to an anticausative. However, there is a well-known effect that this *Pertinenzpassiv* becomes much more common when stacked with a modal auxiliary like *wollen* 'to want' (29c). In such a stack, the original agent can clearly be retained.

The designation *pertinenz* refers to the fact that the new subject is necessarily [3.44] the possessor of the accusative object *Haare* 'hair'. Such inherent possessors turn up in various diatheses, and all instances will be designated with the qualifier

*pertinenz*. The most famous one is the pertinenzdativ (see Section 3.13.4), but there are various others, like the pertinenzinversiv (see Section 3.10.2) and the ortspertinenzinversiv (see Section 3.10.3).

	- b. Der Minister hat die Haare geschnitten ? (durch den Friseur).
	- c. Der Minister will die Haare vom Friseur geschnitten haben.

# **3.9 Conversive diatheses (obj › sbj › pbj)**

[3.45] A conversive is a diathesis that removes the role marked as subject and promotes an object to be the new subject. The erstwhile subject can optionally be expressed as a governed prepositional phrase. For details on the definition see Section 2.7.3.1, specifically starting at paragraph 2.101 on page 50.

# **3.9.1** *Reflexiv Erlebniskonversiv*

	- (30) a. Der Preis empört den Kunden.
		- b. Der Kunde empört sich über den hohen Preis.
		- c. Der Kunde empört sich darüber, dass der Preis schon wieder gestiegen ist.
		- d. Der Kunde ist empört über den hohen Preis.
		- e. Der Kunde lässt sich nicht empören vom hohen Preis.

# **3.9.2** *Erlebniskonversiv* **(***sein+Partizip***)**

The erlebniskonversiv (full discussion in Section 10.5.23) is constructed with [3.47] the light verb *sein* and a participle. The form of this diathesis is identical to the *Zustandspassiv* (see Section 3.8.2), but there is a crucial difference in the remapping of the original nominative. Verbs that take a *Zustandspassiv*, like *öffnen* 'to open' only allow for the retention of the nominative with a *von* prepositional phrase, and only in special circumstances. In contrast, the verbs that take the *Erlebniskonversiv* can regularly retain the agent with a governed preposition. For example, with the verb *verärgern* 'to displease' the original nominative can be expressed with an *über* prepositional phrase (31b), which is a governed preposition (31c). Verbs that take the *Erlebniskonversiv* are typically verbs the express an experience, similar to the next other two conversive diatheses, the *Reflexiv Erlebniskonversiv* (31d), see Section 3.9.1 and the *Permissivkonversiv* (71e), see Section 3.9.3.

	- b. Ich bin verärgert über die schlechte Nachricht.
	- c. Ich bin verärgert darüber, dass die schlechte Nachricht verbreitet wurde.
	- d. \* Ich verärgere mich über die schlechte Nachricht.
	- e. Ich lasse mich nicht durch die schlechte Nachricht verärgern.

# **3.9.3** *Permissivkonversiv* **(***lassen+Infinitiv***)**

The permissivkonversiv (full discussion in Section 11.5.7) uses a light verb *lassen* [3.48] with an infinitive and an obligatory reflexive pronoun. In this diathesis, the original dative is promoted to nominative subject, while the original nominative is demoted to a prepositional phrase, like with the verb *begeistern* 'to be enthusiastic' (32a,b). The preposition is a governed preposition (32c). The verbs that allow for this diathesis are highly similar, but not identical, to the verbs that take the *Erlebniskonversiv* (32d), see Section 3.9.2, and the *Reflexiv Erlebniskonversiv* (32e), see Section 3.9.1. However, note the different prepositions in these constructions, as illustrated below.

### 3 Summary of major diatheses

	- b. Die Forscherin lässt sich von dem Aufsatz begeistern.
	- c. Die Forscherin lässt sich davon begeistern, dass der Aufsatz gut geschrieben ist.
	- d. Die Forscherin begeistert sich für den Aufsatz.
	- e. Die Forscherin ist begeistert über den Aufsatz.

# **3.10 Inversive diatheses (obj › sbj › obj)**

[3.49] An inversive is a diathesis that switches subject and object. For details on the definition see Section 2.7.3.3, specifically starting at paragraph 2.114 on page 54.

# **3.10.1** *Restinversiv* **(***bleiben+zu‑Infinitiv***)**

	- (33) a. Ich räume den letzten Schrank ein.
		- b. Dieser letzte Schrank bleibt (mir) noch einzuräumen.

# **3.10.2** *Pertinenzinversiv* **(***haben+am‑Infinitiv***)**

[3.51] The pertinenzinversiv (full discussion in Section 13.9.1) is constructed with the light verb *haben* with an *am‑Infinitiv*. This diathesis also reverses the expression of the subject and object roles, though in the different direction from the previous *Restinversiv* (see Section 3.10.1). In this diathesis the dative is promoted to nominative, while the nominative is demoted to accusative (34). Because the promotion is "larger" than the demotion this can be called a promoted inversive. Further, the dative *dem Mieter* 'tenant' is necessarily the possessor (*pertinenz*) of the nominative *die Wohnung* 'apartment', so it is a *Pertinenzdativ* (see Section 3.13.4). Both in form and meaning this diathesis is strongly connected to the ensuing ortspertinenzinversiv (see Section 3.10.3), in which the dative is the possessor of the obligatory location.

	- b. Der Mieter hat die Wohnung am Brennen.

# **3.10.3** *Ortspertinenzinversiv* **(***haben+Infinitiv***)**

The ortspertinenzinversiv (full discussion in Section 11.9.2) is closely related [3.52] to the previous *Pertinenzinversiv* (see Section 3.10.2). Again, a dative is promoted to nominative, while the nominative is demoted to accusative. Also in both diatheses, the participant expressed by the dative is necessarily the possessor (*pertinenz*) of another participant. The difference is that with the current *Ortspertinenzinversiv* this other participant is an obligatory location, e.g. *an der Nase* 'on the nose' in (35). The dative in this diathesis is thus an *Ortspertinenzdativ* (see Section 3.13.5). An further curious difference to the otherwise highly similar *Pertinenzinversiv* in (34b) is that the infinitive *hängen* does not allow for the preposition *am* in this construction (35c).

	- b. Er hat einen Tropfen an der Nase hängen.
	- c. \* Er hat einen Tropfen an der Nase am Hängen.

# **3.10.4** *Permissivinversiv* **(***lassen+Infinitiv***)**

The permissivinversiv (full discussion in Section 11.9.1) is yet another diathesis [3.53] using the construction *lassen* with obligatory reflexive and infinitive, this time with verbs that take a dative, but no accusative, like *schmecken* 'to taste' (36). In this diatheses a dative is promoted to nominative with an obligatory dative reflexive pronoun. The original nominative is demoted to accusative. Because the promotion is "larger" than the demotion this can considered to be a promoted inversive. Among the various*lassen* diatheses, this one is particularly close to the *Permissivpassiv* (see Section 3.8.6) and the *Permissivkonversiv* (see Section 3.9.3).

	- b. Sie lässt sich den Kuchen schmecken.

# **3.11 Novative diatheses (ø › sbj › obj)**

A novative is a diathesis that introduces a new subject, while demoting the [3.54] erstwhile subject to an object. For details on the definition see Section 2.7.3.2, specifically starting at paragraph 2.104 on page 51.

# **3.11.1** *Kausativ*

	- (37) a. Der Krug zerbricht.
		- b. Der Junge zerbricht den Krug.
		- c. Der Krug ist zerbrochen.
		- d. \* Der Krug hat zerbrochen.

# **3.11.2** *Ortskausativ*

	- (38) a. Der Elefant stürzt ins Wasser.
		- b. Ich stürze den Elefanten ins Wasser.
		- c. Der Elefant ist ins Wasser gestürzt.
		- d. \* Der Elefant hat ins Wasser gestürzt.

# **3.11.3** *Präverb Kausativ*

The präverb kausativ (full discussion in Section 8.6.1 and subsequent sections) [3.57] overtly marks the causative by a preverb (39), i.e. either by a verb prefix (e.g. *enden/beenden* 'to end') or by a verb particle (e.g. *bruzeln/anbruzeln* 'to sizzle/to fry'). Preverbs are also frequently used with adjectival stems forming a causative transitive verb, e.g *matt/ermatten* 'lacklustre/to tire' or *fähig/befähigen* 'capable/to enable' (full discussion in Section 8.6.3).

	- b. Ich beende den Wettkampf.

# **3.11.4** *Direktivkausativ* **(***schicken+Infinitiv***)**

The direktivkausativ (full discussion in Section 11.6.3) is a novative in which [3.58] the new subject is gives orders rather than directly causing something to happen. This diathesis is constructed with the light verb *schicken* with an infinitive. The meaning of the construction is rather close to the full lexical meaning of *schicken* 'to send'. However, this construction is coherent, and thus monoclausal (40c).

	- b. Ich schicke ihn schlafen.
	- c. (Es ist bekannt, dass) ich ihn schlafen schicke.

# **3.11.5** *Permissivkausativ* **(***lassen+Infinitiv***)**

The permissivkausativ (full discussion in Section 11.6.2) consists of the light [3.59] verb *lassen* with an infinitive. This diathesis is widely acknowledged in German grammar. It is often simply called a *Kausativ* but this construction has actually at least two different interpretations, namely a causative (41c) and a permissive (41d). It is widely used in German and there are only few verbs that do not allow for this diathesis (e.g. *gefallen* 'to like' or*interessieren* 'to interest' cannot be used).

	- b. Sie lässt mich die Kleider waschen.
	- c. (= Sie verursacht, dass ich die Kleider wasche.)
	- d. (= Sie erlaubt, dass ich die Kleider wasche.)

# **3.11.6** *Möglichkeitskausativ* **(***geben+zu‑Infinitiv***)**

	- (42) a. Das Kind trinkt Milch. Er gibt dem Kind Milch zu trinken.
		- b. Ich bedenke, dass es schon spät ist. Er gibt mir zu bedenken, dass es schon spät ist.
		- c. (Es ist bekannt, dass) er dem Kind Milch zu trinken gibt. (Es ist bekannt, dass) er mir zu bedenken gibt, dass es schon spät ist.

# **3.11.7** *Fortsetzungskausativ* **(***halten+am‑Infinitiv***)**

	- (43) a. Der Laden läuft. Er hält den Laden am Laufen.
		- b. Das Feuer brennt. Der Wind hält das Feuer am Brennen.

# **3.11.8** *Aufforderungskausativ* **(***machen/heißen+Infinitiv***)**

The aufforderungskausativ (full discussion in Section 11.6.4) is probably the [3.63] most pure causative of all the various novative diatheses. It uses the light verb *machen* 'to make' and adds a causer (44a). It is not in widespread use and often sounds like an English calque (cf. 'he makes me cry'), though it is probably an old Germanic construction. A highly similar construction uses the light verb *heißen* (44b), though this is old-fashioned (full discussion in Section 11.6.5).

	- b. Er kniete nieder. Der Henker hieß ihn niederknien.

# **3.11.9** *Perzeptiv* **(***sehen/hören/fühlen/spüren+Infinitiv***)**

The perzeptiv (full discussion in Section 11.6.6 and subsequent sections) is a no- [3.64] vative that consists of one of the verbs of sensation *sehen/hören/fühlen/spüren* with an infinitive. The new nominative is an observer/experiencer of the main verb. The erstwhile nominative is turned into an accusative. This diathesis sometimes results in a double accusative construction, viz. when there already was an accusative present (45a,b). This diathesis can be used with all verbs that can be experienced as an observer. Note that these verbs of perception can also be used with an explicit *dass* complement clause (45c), but such constructions are not coherent, and thus there is no diatheses in these constructions.

	- b. Ich sehe den Bäcker einen Kuchen backen.
	- c. Ich sehe, dass der Bäcker einen Kuchen backt.

# **3.11.10** *Opiniativ* **(***wissen/glauben/sehen/finden+Partizip***)**

The opiniativ (full discussion in Section 10.6 and subsequent sections) is con- [3.65] structed with one of the light verbs *wissen/glauben/sehen/finden* with a participle. Applied to an patientive intransitive verb like *einschlafen* 'to fall asleep' it adds an opinionator who believes with more or less certainty (depending on the light verb that is used) whether the *einschlafen* has occurred or not. The original nominative is changed into an accusative.

### 3 Summary of major diatheses

	- b. Sie glaubt den Säugling eingeschlafen. (= Sie glaubt, dass der Säugling eingeschlafen ist.)

# **3.12 Novative-with-demotion diatheses (ø › sbj › adj)**

[3.66] A novative with demotion is a diathesis that introduces a new subject, while demoting the erstwhile subject to a prepositional phrase. For details on the definition see Section 2.7.3.2, specifically starting at paragraph 2.110 on page 53.

# **3.12.1** *Transitiv Opiniativ* **(***wissen/glauben/sehen/finden+Partizip***)**

	- (47) a. Das Archiv hebt den Nachlass gut auf.
		- b. Sie weiß den Nachlass (im Archiv) gut aufgehoben. (= Sie weiß, dass der Nachlass (im Archiv) gut aufgehoben ist.)

# **3.12.2** *Passivkausativ* **(***lassen+Infinitiv***)**

The passivkausativ (full discussion in Section 11.6.1) can be seen as a variant of [3.69] the *Permissivkausativ* (see Section 3.11.5). Both use the *lassen+Infinitiv* construction to add a new causer to the sentence. Additionally, in a *Passivkausativ* (48b) the original nominative is demoted to a prepositional phrase (or it is left out completely). Different from the *Permissivkausativ*, the current *Passivkausativ* is only used to express causation. For a complete discussion of all different *lassen+Infinitiv* diatheses, see Section 11.2.5.

	- b. Der neue Besitzer lässt den Teppich (von der Wäscherei) reinigen.

# **3.13 Applicative diatheses (adj › obj)**

An applicative is a diathesis in which a prepositional phrase is promoted to an [3.70] object. For details on the definition see Section 2.7.4.1. Applicatives in German are typically marked by a preverb or an adverb, though possessor and beneficiary datives are also included under this heading.

# **3.13.1** *Präverb Applikativ*

The präverb applikativ (full discussion in Section 8.8.8 and subsequent sec- [3.71] tions) is a diathesis in which a prepositional phrase of an intransitive verb is turned into an accusative through the addition of a preverb. For example, the alternation from *steigen* to *besteigen* 'to climb' additionally induces a change from a preposition phrase with *auf* to an accusative (49a,b). There is a wide variety in preverbs (both *Verbpräfixe* and *Verbpartikel*) and a wide variety of prepositions that show such a diathesis. This diathesis is also attested with governed prepositions, for example with *an* as used with the verb *arbeiten* 'to work' (49c). The prepositional phrase turns into an accusative with *erarbeiten* 'to work something out' (full discussion in Section 8.8.9).

	- b. Ich besteige den Berg.
	- c. Ich arbeite an einem Plan. Ich arbeite daran, den Plan zu verbessern.
	- d. Ich erarbeite einen Plan.

# **3.13.2** *Resultativ Applikativ*

	- (50) a. Ich fische im Teich.
		- b. Ich fische den Teich leer. (= Ich fische, und dadurch ist der Teich leer.)
		- c. Ich bete für den Kranken. Ich bete dafür, dass der Kranke gesund wird.
		- d. Ich bete den Kranken gesund. (= Ich bete, und dadurch ist der Kranke gesund.)

# **3.13.3** *Präverb Dativ Applikativ*

	- (51) a. Ich stamme aus einem Adelsgeschlecht.
		- b. Ich entstamme einem Adelsgeschlecht.
		- c. \* Ich stamme daraus, dass ich dort geboren bin.

# **3.13.4** *Pertinenzdativ*

[3.74] The pertinenzdativ (full discussion in Section 5.8.3 and subsequent sections) is a dative that is inherently the possessor of another lexical role. The term *Pertinenz* (from lat. *pertinere* 'to belong to') was proposed by Polenz (1969: 160ff.)<sup>1</sup> for

<sup>1</sup> In proposing the term *pertinenz* Polenz was inspired by work by Isačenko using the term in the context of inalienable possession.

this phenomenon and for the closely connected *Ortspertinenzdativ*, as discussed in the next section. I have extended the usage of this term to various other diatheses that involve a possessor of another role, see *Pertinenzpassiv* (Section 3.8.8), *Pertinenzinversiv* (Section 3.10.2) and *Pertinenzakkusativ* (Section 3.21.1). The *Pertinenzdativ* is attested both for the possessor of a nominative subject of intransitives (52a), see Section 5.8.3, and for the possessor of the accusative object of transitives (52b), see Section 5.8.4. As for any *Pertinenz*-relation, it is crucial that the dative is necessarily the possessor of another lexical role. The term "possessor raising" is also often found in the literature to describe this phenomenon.

	- b. Ich schneide seine Haare. Ich schneide ihm die Haare.

# **3.13.5** *Ortspertinenzdativ*

The ortspertinenzdativ (full discussion in Section 6.8.12 and subsequent sec- [3.75] tions) is closely connected to the previous *Pertinenzdativ* (Section 3.13.4). The dative in (53) is likewise obligatorily a possessor of another lexical role, though in this diathesis this other role is an obligatory location. For example, the verb *hängen* 'to hang' (53a) necessarily needs a location where the hanging is taking place. The possessor of this location can be replaced by a dative. The obligatory location can also be introduced by another diathesis first, e.g. by a caused-movement diathesis (see Section 3.17.3). For example, the verb *wehen* 'to blow (of wind)' can be used with a caused movement, forcing the object (*die Blätter* 'the leaves') into an obligatory direction (*in mein Gesicht* 'in my face'). The possessor of this location can subsequently be turned into a dative by an *Ortspertinenzdativ* diathesis (137b).

	- b. Es weht. Der Wind weht die Blätter in mein Gesicht. Der Wind weht mir die Blätter ins Gesicht.

# **3.13.6** *Benefaktivdativ*

The benefaktivdativ (full discussion in Section 6.8.10) is a dative that alternates [3.76] with a *für* prepositional phrase describing the beneficiary of an action. For example with the verb *kochen* 'to cook' the beneficiary of the cooking can be expressed

### 3 Summary of major diatheses

with a *für* prepositional phrase (54a) or with a dative (54b). Not all beneficiary *für* phrases can be turned into a dative. The *Benefaktivdativ* is only attested with transitive verbs. With intransitives like *arbeiten* 'to work' a *für* beneficiary is possible (54c), but a beneficiary dative is not (54d).

	- b. Ich koche dir eine Suppe.
	- c. Ich arbeite für dich.
	- d. \* Ich arbeite dir.

# **3.13.7** *Beurteilerdativ*

	- (55) a. Paul fuhr zu schnell (für den Geschmack von seiner Mutter). Paul fuhr seiner Mutter zu schnell.
		- b. Das Zimmer war warm genug (für seinen Geschmack). Das Zimmer war ihm warm genug.

# **3.14 Antipassive diatheses (obj › adj)**

[3.78] An antipassive is a diathesis in which an object is demoted to a prepositional phrase. For details on the definition see Section 2.7.4.1. Antipassives in German are typically unmarked or marked by a reflexive pronoun.

# **3.14.1** *Antipassiv*

[3.79] The unmarked antipassiv (full discussion in Section 6.7.8 and subsequent sections) is a diathesis in which an accusative argument alternates with a prepositional phrase. This typically occurs without any overt marking other than the antipassive alternation itself. For example, the verb *schießen* 'to shoot' can be used both with an accusative and with an *auf* prepositional phrase (56a). The semantic effect of this diathesis is that the object is less affected when marked as a prepositional phrase. In some instances, like with *glauben an* 'to believe in' (56b) the prepositional phrase is a governed preposition (see Section 6.7.12).

	- b. Ich glaube deine Aussage. Ich glaube an deine Aussage. Ich glaube daran, dass deine Aussage stimmt.

# **3.14.2** *Reflexiv Antipassiv*

The reflexiv antipassiv (full discussion in Section 7.7.4) is an antipassive in [3.80] which additionally a reflexive pronoun is added. For example, the verb *beklagen* 'to lament' (57) has a lamented object-role *Lärm* 'noise' that is expressed either as an accusative (57a) or as a prepositional phrase with *über* (57b). The reflexive pronoun in (57b) is not a self-inflicting reflexive, i.e. the lamenting is not about oneself. These reflexive antipassives always have governed prepositional phrases (57c).

	- b. Ich beklage mich über den Lärm.
	- c. Ich beklage mich darüber, dass es so laut ist

# **3.14.3** *Präverb Reflexiv Antipassiv*

The präverb reflexiv antipassiv (full discussion in Section 8.7.4) is an antipas- [3.81] sive with a reflexive pronoun and a preverb. For example, the verb *kalkulieren* 'to calculate' (58a) allows for an antipassive diathesis in which an accusative argument is turned into an (optional) prepositional phrase when adding a prefix *ver‑* to form *verkalkulieren* 'to miscalculate'. Additionally, an obligatory accusative reflexive pronoun is part of this diathesis.

	- b. Ich verkalkuliere mich bei der Miete.

# **3.14.4** *Dativ Antipassiv*

The unmarked dativ antipassiv (full discussion in Section 6.7.10 and subsequent [3.82] sections) is a diathesis in which a dative argument alternates with a prepositional phrase. In a few instances this is attested with a dative without accusative, like with *entfliehen* 'to escape' (59a). However, this diathesis is more widespread with

verbs like *berichten* 'to report' (59b) that allow for both an accusative and a dative argument.

	- b. Er berichtet dem Vorstand die Ergebnisse der Untersuchung. Er berichtet die Ergebnisse an den Vorstand.

# **3.14.5** *Präverb Dativ Antipassiv*

	- (60) a. Ich schenke dem Kindergarten meine Bücher.
		- b. Ich verschenke meine Bücher (an den Kindergarten).

# **3.14.6** *Reziprokativ*

	- (61) a. Ich treffe dich.
		- b. Ich treffe mich mit dir.

# **3.15 Objective diatheses (ø › obj)**

[3.85] An objective is a diathesis in which a new object is added. For details on the definition see Section 2.7.4.2, specifically starting at paragraph 2.137 on page 61.

# **3.15.1** *Ergebnisakkusativ*

The unmarked ergebnisakkusativ (full discussion in Section 5.8.1) is highly sim- [3.86] ilar to the optionaler akkusativ diathesis (Section 3.16.1), but in reverse. In both diatheses, the same verb can be used with and without an accusative argument (a phenomenon sometimes called "labile" or "ambitransitive"). The special characteristics of the verbs in this section, like *laufen* 'to walk, to run' (62), is that they are (a) basically intransitive and (b) the accusative represents the added result of the intransitive action. The difference between such an unmarked added accusative (*Ergebnisakkusativ*, this section) and an unmarked dropped accusative (*Optionaler Akkusativ*, Section 3.16.1) is arguably small, and it remains to be seen whether this separation can be backed up by further distinguishing grammatical characteristics.

	- b. Er läuft den Marathon.

# **3.15.2** *Resultativ Akkusativ*

The resultativ akkusativ (full discussion in Section 9.8.2) is a diathesis in [3.87] which the addition of a resultativ preverbial leads to an additional accusative argument. For example, the intransitive *bellen* 'to bark' (63a) becomes a transitive *wachbellen* 'to wake by barking' (63b) with the addition of the resultative adjective *wach‑* 'awake'. Crucially, the new accusative object (*Kinder* 'children') is not expressible without a resultative adjective (like *wach-*) or a preverb (like *an-*, see the next Section 3.15.3). Care has to be taken to distinguish this diathesis from the highly similar *Resultativ Applikativ* (Section 3.13.2).

	- b. Der Hund bellt die Kinder wach.

# **3.15.3** *Präverb Akkusativ*

The präverb akkusativ (full discussion in Section 8.8.1 and subsequent sections) [3.88] is a diathesis in which the addition of a preverb leads to an additional accusative argument. For example, the diathesis from *zaubern* 'to perform magic' to *verzaubern* 'to enchant' (64) adds a completely new role in the accusative.

	- b. Sie verzaubert mich.

# **3.15.4** *Präverb Reflexiv Akkusativ*

	- (65) a. Ich habe gestern viel getanzt.
		- b. Ich habe mir gestern einen Muskelkater angetanzt.

# **3.15.5** *Präverb Dativ*

	- (66) a. Ich gehe (nach Hause). Ich entgehe dem Urteil.
		- b. Ich lese ein Buch. Ich lese dir ein Buch vor.

# **3.16 Deobjective diatheses (obj › ø)**

[3.91] A deobjective is a diathesis in which an object is removed. For details on the definition see Section 2.7.4.2.

# **3.16.1** *Optionaler Akkusativ*

[3.92] An unmarked optionaler akkusativ (full discussion in Section 5.7.1) is a diathesis in which an accusative object can be left out without any further change in the construction (often discussed under the heading of "ambitransitive" or "labile" verbs). This is for example attested with the verb *stören* 'to disturb' (67).

Various different kinds of "labile" verbs have to be distinguished and not all [3.93] belong in the current category. First, when the accusative object of a verb allows for an *Antipassiv* diathesis (Section 3.14.1), then this argument can also be dropped. However, such antipassives should not also be included here. Second, in some examples the drop of an accusative is induced by an adverbial, which leads to an action-oriented focus, discussed below as the *Aktionsfokus* diathesis (Section 3.16.3). Verbs with such a diathesis should not also be included here. Finally, there is also a highly similar ergebnisakkusativ diathesis (Section 3.15.1) that should be distinguished. Once all those diatheses are separated, there turn out to be relatively few truly labile verbs with an *Optionaler Akkusativ*, mainly verbs that can be interpreted both as something one can do as well as something one can be.

(67) a. Du störst die Veranstaltung. b. Du störst.

# **3.16.2** *Optionaler Dativ*

The unmarked optionaler dativ, i.e. the dropping of a dative argument without [3.94] any further change in the construction, is both attested with nominative-dative verbs like *entkommen* 'to get away' (68a), full discussion in Section 5.7.4, and with nominative-accusative-dative verbs like *erzählen* 'to tell' (68b), full discussion in Section 5.7.5. Like with *Optionaler Akkusativ* (Section 3.16.1), datives that allow for a dative antipassive (Section 3.14.4) should not also be included here.

	- b. Ich erzähle dir eine Geschichte. Ich erzähle eine Geschichte.

# **3.16.3** *Aktionsfokus*

The aktionsfokus (full discussion in Section 9.7.1) is another diathesis in which [3.95] object arguments can be left out to put the focus on the action of the verb itself, but only when also adding an adverbial to the sentence. For example, a transitive verb like *sehen* 'to see' (69a) cannot be used without an object (69b). The occurrence of a dropped object is only possible here in combination with an adverbial specification (69c). The effect of such a diathesis is that the focus of the utterance is put on the manner in which the action is performed.

	- b. \* Ich sehe.
	- c. Ich sehe gut.

# **3.16.4** *Endoreflexiv*

	- (70) a. Er äußert sein Bedauern über den Fall.
		- b. Er äußert sich über den Fall.

# **3.16.5** *Präverb Endoreflexiv*

	- (71) a. Er wählt die falsche Nummer. Er verwählt sich.
		- b. Ich fühle den Schmerz. Ich fühle mich gut.

# **3.17 Locative diatheses (ø › pbj)**

[3.98] A locative diathesis is a diathesis in which an obligatory location phrase is added to the clause. For details on the definition see Section 2.7.4.3. Note that there is no direct grammatical connection between a locative *diathesis* and a locative *case*. Both terms simply use the same modifier because both are somehow related to the marking of location.

# **3.17.1** *Bewegungsart*

The bewegungsart diathesis (full discussion in Section 6.8.1 and subsequent [3.99] sections) is a diathesis that is specifically attested with verbs of movement like *tanzen* 'to dance' (72). In some contexts, movement verbs take an obligatory location phrase. This obligatory location coincides with the choice of auxiliary in the perfect, i.e. *haben* or *sein*. There is a crucial difference between these two options in that with *sein* in the perfect there is an additional directional phrase necessary (72c,d).

Semantically, this construction expresses primarily a movement, here *durch* [3.100] *den Garten* 'through the garden', in which the main lexical verb *tanzen* 'to dance' designates what kind of movement is performed. In a sense, the main lexical verb functions more like an adverbial designation in such constructions, i.e. *sich tanzend bewegen* 'to move in a dancing manner'. The same construction can also be used with non-movement verbs, but then an additional reflexive pronoun is necessary (see Section 3.17.2).

	- b. Ich habe getanzt.
	- c. Ich bin durch den Garten getanzt. (= Ich habe mich tanzend durch den Garten bewegt.)
	- d. \* Ich bin getanzt.

# **3.17.2** *Reflexiv Bewegungsart*

The reflexiv bewegungsart diathesis (full discussion in Section 7.8.1) is the [3.101] same diathesis as the non-reflexive *Bewegungsart* diathesis in Section 3.17.1 but with an additional reflexive pronoun. This extra reflexive pronoun has to be added for verbs like *zittern* 'to shiver' that do not describe a change-of-location (73a,b). With the reflexive pronoun there needs to be an obligatory movement phrase (73c). Semantically, this construction describes an movement ('making the playoffs') that is achieved (metaphorically) by performing the intransitive verb (i.e. by shivering).

	- b. Die Mannschaft zitterte sich in die Playoffs.
	- c. \* Die Mannschaft zittert sich.

# **3.17.3** *Verursachte Bewegung*

	- (74) a. Ich schwitze. Ich schwitze einen Fleck in mein Hemd. (= Ich schwitze, und dadurch entsteht ein Fleck in meinem Hemd.)
		- b. Ich befehle eine Armee. Ich befehle die Armee an die Front. (= Ich befehle, und dadurch geht die Armee an die Front.)

# **3.17.4** *Ergänzende Wirkung*

	- (75) a. Er macht seine Aufgaben.
		- b. Er macht die Wiese zu einem Garten. (= Er macht etwas, und dadurch wird die Wiese zu einem Garten.)

# **3.18 Delocative diatheses (pbj › adj)**

[3.104] A delocative diathesis is a diathesis in which an obligatory location phrase is made optional and is regularly completely removed from the clause. For details on the definition see Section 2.7.4.3, specifically starting at paragraph 2.143 on page 63.

# **3.18.1** *Präverb Delokativ*

The präverb delokativ (full discussion in Section 8.7.9 and subsequent sections) [3.105] is a diathesis in which an obligatory location loses its obligatoriness by adding a preverb. For example, the diathesis between *steigen aus* and *aussteigen* 'to get out' (76) shows a small but crucial difference in that the prepositional phrase *aus dem Auto* loses its obligatory status.

	- b. \* Der Mann steigt.
	- c. Der Mann steigt aus dem Auto aus.
	- d. Der Mann steigt aus.

# **3.18.2** *Resultativ Delokativ*

The resultativ delokativ (full discussion in Section 9.7.6 and subsequent sec- [3.106] tions) is a parallel diathesis to the previous *Präverb Delokativ* (Section 3.18.1). Instead of adding a preverb, this diathesis adds an obligatory resultative adjective, either *los‑* 'loose', *fest‑* 'tight' or *frei‑* 'free'. For example, the diathesis between *binden* 'to tie' (77a,b) and *festbinden* 'to fixate' (77c,d) removes the obligatory status of the locative prepositional phrase.

	- b. \* Ich binde den Hund.
	- c. Ich binde den Hund an der Leine fest.
	- d. Ich binde den Hund fest.

# **3.19 Promoted object exchanges (ø › obj › pbj)**

A promoted object exchange is a chained diathesis in which a new object is in- [3.107] troduced, while at the same time an existing object is demoted. The combination of these two changes is an overall promotion. For details on the definition see Section 2.7.5.1. The newly introduced object is always a component part (meronym) of the original encompassing object (holonym).

# **3.19.1** *Teil/weg-Objekttausch*

The unmarked teil/weg-objekttausch diathesis (full discussion in Sec- [3.108] tion 6.8.8) is a chained diathesis. A new role is introduced, marked as accusative,

and the erstwhile role marked as accusative is demoted to an obligatory *aus* or *von* prepositional phrase. These two remappings are tightly intertwined and have to occur together. Crucially, the new accusative role is a part of the old accusative role (hence *Teil* in the German name). Additionally, this construction is used to express that something is removed as a result of an action (hence *weg* in the German name). An example is shown in (78) with the verb *waschen* 'to wash'. This verb can be used with an accusative argument describing the role of the washee, here *Hose* 'trousers' (78a). Alternatively, a different role can be introduced as accusative, here *Fleck* 'stain' (78b). This new accusative role is necessarily a component part of the former accusative. In this usage, a directional location *aus meiner Hose* 'from my trousers' is obligatory present in the sentence (78c). This obligatory location represents the former accusative role, i.e. the washee. Semantically, the new object (*Fleck*) is a part that is removed from the encompassing old object (*Hose*).

	- b. Ich wasche den Fleck aus meiner Hose.
	- c. \* Ich wasche den Fleck.

# **3.19.2** *Teil/fest-Objekttausch*

	- b. Ich klebe einen Henkel an die zerbrochene Vase.

# **3.19.3** *Präverb Teil/fest-Objekttausch*

The präverb teil/fest-objekttausch (full discussion in Section 8.9.1) shows [3.111] the same diathesis as the previous unmarked one, but now marked with a preverb *ver-*, *be‑* or *ein-*. Without a preverb, the verb *massieren* 'to massage' (80a) has an accusative object describing the massaged entity (here *Muskel* 'muscle'). Different from the previous diathesis, the new object to be introduced by the diathesis (here *Salbe* 'ointment') can already be expressed here with an optional *mit* prepositional phrase. After the diathesis, the verb *einmassieren* 'to massage in' (80b) has the objects exchanged, optionally retaining the old object as a *in* prepositional phrase (80c). The preposition thus changes from *mit* to *in/an*, and this is exactly the reverse of the *Präverb Ganz/voll-Objekttausch* (see Section 3.20.3). After this diathesis has been applied, the new object *Salbe* is a meronym that has become a part of the old holonymic object *Muskel*.

	- b. Ich massiere die Salbe in den Muskel ein.
	- c. Ich massiere die Salbe ein.

# **3.19.4** *Resultativ Teil/fest-Objekttausch*

The resultativ teil/fest objekttausch (full discussion in Section 9.8.3) is a [3.112] parallel diathesis to the previously discussed diatheses, but marked with the addition of a resultative preverbial *fest-*. For example, the accusative object *Bluse* 'blouse' of the verb *nähen* 'to sew' (81a) is replaced with with another accusative object *Knopf* 'button' with the verb *festnähen* 'to tie by sewing' (81b). The original object can be retained with an optional *an* prepositional phrase (81c). Before the diathesis the accusative object describes a whole (*Bluse* 'blouse'), while after the diathesis the accusatives expresses a component part (*Knopf* 'button') that is attached to the whole.

	- b. Ich nähe den Knopf an der Bluse fest.
	- c. Ich nähe den Knopf fest.

# **3.20 Demoted object exchanges (pbj › obj › ø)**

[3.113] A demoted object exchange is a chained diathesis in which an obligatory location phrase is promoted to object, while at the same time the existing object is demoted or even removed. The combination of these two changes is an overall demotion. For details on the definition see Section 2.7.5.1. The new object is always an encompassing entity (holonym) of which the old object is a component part (meronym).

# **3.20.1** *Präverb Ganz/leer-Objekttausch*

	- (82) a. Ich klopfe den Staub von meinem Mantel.
		- b. \* Ich klopfe den Staub.
		- c. Ich klopfe meinen Mantel aus.

# **3.20.2** *Resultativ Ganz/leer-Objekttausch*

[3.116] The resultativ ganz/leer-objekttausch (full discussion in Section 9.7.4) is basically the same diathesis as the previous one, but marked with a resultative preverbial *leer‑* or *frei‑* instead of with a preverb. For example, the verb *pumpen* 'to

pump' can be turned into *leerpumpen* 'to pump until empty' (83). Just as above, the role marked as accusative (*Wasser* 'water') is completely removed and the obligatory location phrase is promoted to accusative (*Keller* 'cellar'). Also identically to the previous diathesis, the new accusative object *Keller* is semantically a container from which the former accusative object *Wasser* is removed.

	- b. \* Ich pumpe das Wasser.
	- c. Ich pumpe den Keller leer.

# **3.20.3** *Präverb Ganz/voll-Objekttausch*

The *Ganz/voll-Objekttausch* exists in two closely related variants, with a preverb [3.117] (this section) or with a resultative preverbial (next section). Syntactically, in both variants the object is exchanged. Different from the previous diatheses (see Section 3.20.1), the old object can be retained as an optional *mit* prepositional phrase. The prepositional phrase before the diathesis takes the prepositions *in, an* or *auf*. Semantically, the new object is a holonym (hence the word *Ganz* in the German name) that is filled with the meronymic old object (hence the word *voll* in the German name).

The präverb ganz/voll-objekttausch (full discussion in Section 8.7.13) is [3.118] marked by various different preverbs. Almost all preverbs occur, though *be‑* and *ver‑* are particularly frequent. For example, *laden* 'to load' (84a,b) takes an accusative object that is loaded (here *Gepäck* 'luggage') and an obligatory location onto which it is loaded (here *in den Wagen* 'into the car'). The diathesis to *beladen* 'to load onto/into' turns the locational object (*Wagen*) into a new accusative, while the old accusative (*Gepäck*) is turned into an optional *mit* prepositional phrase (84c,d). Note that the prepositional change from *in/an/auf/um* to *mit* is the reverse of the *Präverb Teil/fest-Objekttausch* (see Section 3.19.3). Semantically, the new object (*Wagen*) is the holonym and it is filled with the old object (*Gepäck*).

	- b. \* Ich lade das Gepäck.
	- c. Ich belade den Wagen mit dem Gepäck.
	- d. Ich belade den Wagen.

# **3.20.4** *Resultativ Ganz/voll-Objekttausch*

	- (85) a. Ich pumpe Luft in den Reifen.
		- b. \* Ich pumpe Luft.
		- c. Ich pumpe den Reifen mit Luft voll.
		- d. Ich pumpe den Reifen voll.

# **3.21 Other object exchanges (adj › obj › pbj)**

# **3.21.1** *Pertinenzakkusativ*

	- (86) a. Ich bewundere seine Ehrlichkeit.
		- b. Ich bewundere ihn für seine Ehrlichkeit.
		- c. Ich bewundere ihn dafür, dass er ehrlich ist.

# **4 Summary of major epitheses**

# **4.1 Verbal categories reconsidered**

Browse any grammatical description of verbal categories in German and terms [4.1] like *Plusquamperfekt* (1a) or *Futur II* (1b) will surely pass by. There is nothing wrong with those terms, but they just describe very specific combinations of verbal markers that are mostly transparently interpretable (e.g. *Plusquamperfekt* is just a perfect with a past-tense finite verb). In contrast, there are many verbal constructions that are only sparingly discussed in German grammars, if at all. The *pflegen+zu‑Infinitiv* habitual (1c) or the *sein+Infinitiv* absentive (1d) are probably the most well-known among those, but they are still not widely acknowledged in general grammars of German.

	- b. Dann wird man Ihnen die Adresse gegeben haben.
	- c. Sie pflegt sonntags auszuschlafen.
	- d. Ich bin einkaufen.

As a case in point, the Duden grammar spends 20 pages on details of tense [4.2] marking (2009: 496–516), while only a few other verbal constructions are discussed in just four pages (2009: 848–852) and some incidental references scattered throughout. This chapter can be read as an attempt at a complete survey of all those remaining German verbal categories, besides tense.

This chapter arose as a byproduct of the main goal of this book, namely listing [4.3] all German diatheses. To clearly delimit what counts as a diathesis, I also collected constructions that are structurally similar to diathesis, but that do not involve any role remapping. Such a structure is called an epithesis and the various instances are listed in-full in the respective .4 sections of the following data chapters. These epitheses express various notions in the grammatical domain commonly designated as tame, i.e. the marking of tense-aspect-mood-evidentiality. This chapter summarises and organises the major epitheses that I have been able to find. I will also propose Latinate-German names for all of these constructions.

### 4 Summary of major epitheses

This results in an all-encompassing but rather unconventional perspective on the verbal categories of German.

	- (2) a. Der Großvater erzählt seiner Enkelin einen Witz.
		- b. Der Großvater pflegte seiner Enkelin einen Witz zu erzählen.
		- c. (Es ist bekannt, dass) der Großvater seiner Enkelin einen Witz zu erzählen pflegte.

# **4.2 Classifying epitheses**

[4.6] The epitheses listed in this chapter map out all grammaticalised verbal categories of the German language. However, it is crucial to realise that not every lexical verb can be combined with each of these constructions. Just as with diatheses,

each epithesis has a limited domain of applicability, i.e. each epithesis has a specific set of verbs to which it can be applied (cf. Section 1.3.4). It is a very worthwhile future endeavour to specify these domains in more detail than I have been able to do here. Additionally, this restricted applicability means that one cannot simply take a random lexical verb and paradigmatically list all different epithetical forms for this verb, like traditional grammars like to do with tense forms. Quite to the contrary, it becomes a matter of lexicographic research to determine for each individual verb which epitheses are possible.

Epitheses mostly express a rather clear semantic content, but they are not obli- [4.7] gatorily used to express that content. For example, the *pflegen+Infinitiv* epithesis, as mentioned above, expresses a habitual aspect. However, this construction is far from the only way to express a habitual aspect in German. Habitual aspect will typically be expressed by a verb in the present tense with an adverbial phrase expressing the habitual recurrence, like *regelmäßig* 'regularly' or a concrete timeframe with *jeden*, like *jeden Morgen* 'every morning'. So, the characterisation of *pflegen+Infinitiv* as a habitual verb form is actually only part of the story. What needs to be added in future research is a more detailed description of the kind of contexts in which this construction is actually used, in contrast to other options that are available to the speaker.

This desideratum holds for all epitheses discussed here: it is necessary to spec- [4.8] ify what determines their usage. A famous case in point is the *werden+Infinitiv* construction, which is called *Futur* in the German grammatical tradition (see Section 11.4.9). This construction can indeed express events in the future, so the name *Futur* is not necessarily wrong. However, future events are much more commonly expressed with a verb in the present tense with a future time adverbial. So, a more detailed characterisation of the *werden+Infinitiv* is required to explain under what circumstances it is actually used. A description like "expectation/presumption" is probably less flawed than "future".

The epithetical constructions listed in this chapter are organised along the [4.9] lines of the tame categorisation (tense-aspect-modality-evidentiality). This subdivision is not always clear-cut, it is more of a continuum. This means that the placement of a specific construction in one or the other group is more a matter of practical convenience than of strict definitional categorisation.

tense will almost not be mentioned here, mainly because it does not play an [4.10] important role in German epithesis. The discussion of aspect is separated into two kinds: temporal aspect (Section 4.3) and spatial aspect (Section 4.4). modality includes the well-described modal verbs, but also some other less-widely discussed modal constructions (Section 4.5). evidentiality deals with the marking of the evidence available to the speaker for the statement made in an utterance.

This turns out to be a very useful category for the analysis of various German epithetical constructions (Section 4.6).


# **4.3 Temporal aspect**

[4.12] The grammatical category of aspect is commonly defined as linguistic marking that specifies the "internal temporal constituency of a situation" (Comrie 1976: 3). In this sense, the title of this section, temporal aspect, might appear to be tautological. However, this designation is used here in opposition to a different set of constructions that specify the spatial constituency of a situation, spatial aspect, described in the next Section 4.4. Temporal aspect in German includes a surprisingly large number of continuative constructions, many of which express different facets of the continuation of a state.

# **4.3.1** *Perfekt* **(***haben/sein+Partizip***)**

	- (3) a. Das Kind schläft. Das Kind hat geschlafen.
		- b. Das Kind schläft ein. Das Kind ist eingeschlafen.

# **4.3.2** *Inchoativ* **(***los-***)**

The inchoativ (full discussion in Section 9.4.1) consists of the preverbial ad- [4.15] jective *los-* added as a separable verb particle with intransitive verbs, like *losradeln* 'to start biking' (4). This construction indicates that an activity starts. It is typically used with manner-of-movement verbs and manner-of-speaking verbs. However, it is in general applicable to all agentive intransitives. Originally, the adjective *los* means 'loose' in contemporary German. In that meaning it is used in the *Resultativ Delokativ* diathesis (see Section 3.18.2). In contrast, the preverbial inchoative use of *los‑* is derived from an older usage meaning 'free'.

	- b. Er radelt früh los. Er ist früh losgeradelt.

# **4.3.3** *Kontinuativ* **(***weiter-***)**

The kontinuativ (full discussion in Section 9.4.2) consists of the preverbial ad- [4.16] jective *weiter-*, added as a separable verb particle with intransitive and transitive verbs, like *weiterentwickeln* 'to develop further' (5). This construction indicates that an activity is being continued. The stem *weiter* is originally the comparative form of the adjective *weit* 'far' and it has various adverbial uses in contemporary German, meaning for example 'spatially further' or 'still'. However, these adverbial uses can syntactically be clearly separated from the preverbial continuative aspect marker presented here.

	- b. Die Forscherin entwickelt die Technik weiter. Sie hat die Technik weiterentwickelt.

# **4.3.4** *Habituativ* **(***pflegen+zu‑Infinitiv***)**

The habituativ (full discussion in Section 12.4.1) is an aspectual category that [4.17] expresses an activity that is performed regularly as a habit. Such an aspect is widespread among the world's language and in German it can be expressed by using a light verb *pflegen* with a *zu‑Infinitiv* (6a,b). The verb *pflegen* has a lexical meaning 'to nurse, to maintain', but in this construction this meaning has changed to a grammatical marker of aspect. This grammaticalisation has not only happened semantically, but also structurally. The *pflegen+zu‑Infinitiv* construction is clearly monoclausal, as can be seen by the final position of the finite

verb when used as a subordinate clause (6c). An archaic and nowadays mostly ironical alternative to *pflegen* is to use the light verb *belieben* (full discussion in Section 12.4.2).

	- b. Sie pflegt laut zu lachen.
	- c. (Es ist bekannt, dass) sie laut zu lachen pflegte.

# **4.3.5** *Progressiv* **(***sein+am‑Infinitiv***)**

	- (7) a. Das Kind jammert.
		- b. Das Kind ist am Jammern.

# **4.3.6** *Mutativprogressiv* **(***sein+im‑Infinitiv***)**

	- (8) a. Die eigene Fahrerflotte entsteht. Die eigene Fahrerflotte ist im Entstehen
		- b. Die Schwellung klingt ab. Die Schwellung ist im Abklingen.

# **4.3.7** *Kontinuativprogressiv* **(***bleiben+am‑Infinitiv***)**

[4.20] The kontinuativprogressiv (full discussion in Section 13.4.3) is the first of various continuative constructions that use the light verb *bleiben*. Parallel to the

*Progressiv* with the light verb *sein* (see Section 4.3.5), the *Kontinuativprogressiv* (9) uses the light verb *bleiben* with the *am‑Infinitiv* to express that an activity is ongoing (progressive) and remains ongoing (continuative).

	- b. Er bleibt am Leben.

# **4.3.8** *Zustandskontinuativ* **(***bleiben+Infinitiv***)**

The zustandskontinuativ (full discussion in Section 11.4.4) is constructed with [4.21] *bleiben* and an infinitive. This construction and the next three construction all express different ways in which a state is continued. The current *Zustandskontinuativ* is frequently used with state verbs like *stehen* 'to stand', *liegen* 'to lie' or *sitzen* 'to sit' (10a,b). These combinations are so prominent that their infinitives are usually written as single words in German orthography, i.e. *stehenbleiben, liegenbleiben, sitzenbleiben*. These constructions are often even listed as single verbs in German dictionaries. Yet, there is no grammatical reason to give these combinations a special status compared to other constructions of *bleiben+Infinitiv* that are usually separated by a space, like for example *wohnen bleiben* 'to remain living somewhere'(10c).

	- b. Er bleibt im Bett liegen.
	- c. Er bleibt in München wohnen.

# **4.3.9** *Perfektkontinuativ* **(***bleiben+Partizip***)**

The perfektkontinuativ (full discussion in Section 10.4.10) is constructed with [4.22] *bleiben* and a participle. It expresses simultaneously that a process is finished (perfect) and that the resulting state continues (continuative). Only participles of intransitive verbs can be used in this construction. Additionally, applicable verbs need to have a *sein* perfect (see Section 4.3.1) and should describe a potentially reversible event, like *verschwinden* 'to vanish' (11). When used with transitive verbs this construction results in a passive diathesis, here called the *Fortsetzungspassiv* (see Section 3.8.3).

	- b. Der Schlüssel bleibt verschwunden.

# **4.3.10** *Permissivkontinuativ* **(***lassen+Partizip***)**

	- (12) a. Ich schalte den Fernseher ein.
		- b. Ich lasse den Fernseher eingeschaltet.

# **4.3.11** *Kausativkontinuativ* **(***halten+Partizip***)**

	- (13) a. Ich schließe die Tür.
		- b. Ich halte die Tür geschlossen.

# **4.4 Spatial aspect**

[4.25] The grammatical marking of aspect is commonly defined as linguistic expressions that specify the "internal temporal constituency of a situation" (Comrie 1976: 3). In this sense, the term spatial aspect might seem contradictory. However, spatial aspect simply expresses a change in the spatial constituency of an event. In German, there are few "pure" examples of such spatial aspect, like the *Absentiv*. However, most categories described in this section actually combine spatial and temporal aspects. The light verb *gehen* and *kommen* are used here in a few different, but highly similar constructions.

# **4.4.1** *Absentiv* **(***sein+Infinitiv***)**

[4.26] The absentiv (full discussion in Section 11.4.1) uses *sein* with an infinitive (14b). This construction is a kind of progressiv with the additional twist that the nominative participant is absent because s/he is pursuing the activity as described by the verb. An absentive is commonly classified as a kind of aspect. However, different from most aspectual categories it is not the temporal structure of the event that is crucial here, but the spatial structure.

	- b. Ich bin meinen Freund besuchen.

# **4.4.2** *Abitiv* **(***gehen/fahren+Infinitiv***)**

The abitiv (from Lat. *abire* 'to depart', full discussion in Section 11.4.2) consists of [4.27] the light verbs *gehen* or *fahren* together with an infinitive (15). This construction express that the subject is leaving to pursue the activity as described by the verb. It is closely related to the *Absentiv* (see Section 4.4.1).

	- b. Ich gehe/fahre meinen Freund besuchen.

# **4.4.3** *Aditiv* **(***kommen+Infinitiv***)**

The aditiv (from Lat. *adire* 'to approach', full discussion in Section 11.4.3) con- [4.28] sists of the light verb *kommen* with an infinitive (16). It conveys that the subject is approaching to pursue an activity, i.e. the reversal of the *Abitiv* (see Section 4.4.2).

	- b. Ich komme meinen Freund besuchen.

# **4.4.4** *Absentivfrequentativ* **(***sein+beim‑Infinitiv***)**

The absentivfrequentativ (full discussion in Section 13.4.4) is a variant of the [4.29] *Absentiv* (see Section 4.4.1). It also uses the verb *sein*, but now with a *beim‑Infinitiv* (17). It still expresses that the subject is not present (absentive), but there is a an extra semantic aspect added, namely that the activity if performed regularly or habitually (frequentative).

Parallel to the previous *Absentiv*, *Abitiv* and *Aditiv* there also exist frequen- [4.30] tative variants of all these three constructions using different prepositions in each, namely *sein+beim*, *gehen/fahren+zum* and *kommen+vom* (discussed subsequently).

	- b. Ich bin beim Arbeiten.

# **4.4.5** *Abitivfrequentativ* **(***gehen/fahren+zum‑Infinitiv***)**

	- (18) a. Sie schwimmt.
		- b. Sie geht zum Schwimmen.

# **4.4.6** *Aditivfrequentativ* **(***kommen+vom‑Infinitiv***)**

	- (19) a. Er ist einkaufen.
		- b. Er kommt vom Einkaufen.

# **4.4.7** *Aditivprogressiv* **(***kommen+(an‑)+Partizip***)**

	- (20) a. Die Kinder laufen herbei. Die Kinder kommen herbeigelaufen.
		- b. Die Kinder rennen. Die Kinder kommen angerannt.

# **4.4.8** *Bewegungsende* **(***kommen+zum‑Infinitiv***)**

The bewegungsende (full discussion in Section 13.4.7) again uses the light verb [4.35] *kommen* to express a spatial aspect, this time with a *zum‑Infinitiv* (21). However, in contrast the previous uses of *kommen*, this construction does not express an approaching movement. The *kommen+zum‑Infinitiv* indicates that a movement has come to an end. There does not exists any symmetrically opposing construction with *gehen*.

	- b. Das Auto kommt vor der Ampel zum Stehen.

# **4.5 Modality**

The grammatical marking of modality expresses a personal stance of the [4.36] speaker towards the state-of-affairs. In grammars of European languages it is commonly discussed in the context of modal verbs, like *können*, *müssen* or *dürfen*. However, German has various other monoclausal structures to express modality. This includes some categories from the less-trodden paths of grammatical description like the (almost Caesarian) trinity of *Kogativ* 'to intend', *Konativ* 'to try' and *Effektiv* 'to succeed'.

# **4.5.1** *Modalverben*

The modalverben (full discussion in Section 11.4.7) are *dürfen*, *können*, *mögen*, [4.37] *müssen*, *sollen* and *wollen*. These light verbs are combined with an infinitive (22a). Functionally, the light verbs *brauchen* (22b), see Section 11.4.8, and *werden* (22c), see Section 11.4.9, should probably also be included in this group. Especially the status of *werden+Infinitiv* is widely discussed in the German grammatical literature. It is traditionally analysed as a marker of future tense, but future reference in German is mostly expressed without it. A modal meaning of expectation and/or presumption seems to be a more suitable analysis.

	- b. Du brauchst nicht kommen.
	- c. Ich werde ein Haus bauen.

# **4.5.2** *Obligativ* **(***haben/brauchen+zu‑Infinitiv***)**

	- (23) a. Die Schüler lösen die Aufgaben. Die Schüler haben die Aufgaben zu lösen.
		- b. (Es ist bekannt, dass) die Schüler die Aufgaben zu lösen haben.
	- (24) a. Du brauchst nicht zu schreien.
		- b. Du brauchst nur zu rufen.
		- c. (Es ist bekannt, dass) du nur (zu) rufen brauchst.

# **4.5.3** *Abilitiv* **(***wissen/verstehen+zu‑Infinitiv***)**

	- (25) a. Der Lehrer begeistert die Schüler. Der Lehrer weiß/versteht die Schüler zu begeistern.
		- b. (Es ist bekannt, dass) der Lehrer die Schüler zu begeistern weiß/versteht.

# **4.5.4** *Kogitativ* **(***denken+zu‑Infinitiv***)**

The kogitativ (from Lat. *cogitare* 'to consider, to intend', full discussion in Sec- [4.41] tion 12.4.9) uses the verb *denken* with a *zu‑Infinitiv* (26a). In this old-fashioned or maybe just slightly poetic construction the verb *denken* has lost its lexical meaning 'to think'. Instead, it expresses an intention to perform a certain action (i.e. similar to modal *wollen*). In this light-verb usage it is coherent (26b). In its lexical meaning 'to think' it is not coherent (26c). This construction is used infrequently.

	- b. (Es ist bekannt, dass) ich ihn zu überraschen denke.
	- c. Er denkt mich überraschen zu können. (Es ist bekannt, dass) er denkt, mich überraschen zu können.

# **4.5.5** *Konativ* **(***suchen+zu‑Infinitiv***)**

The konativ (from Lat. *conor* 'to try', full discussion in Section 12.4.8) is a cate- [4.42] gory that expresses an attempt at an activity. In German it can be expressed with *suchen+zu‑Infinitiv* (27a). In this construction, the meaning of *suchen* is similar to *versuchen* 'to try' and not to the lexical meaning of *suchen* 'to search'. In the meaning of 'to try' the construction is coherent (27b), while the semantically similar *versuchen* does not result in a coherent construction (27c). This construction is used infrequently.

	- b. (Es ist bekannt, dass) er ihr zu helfen suchte.
	- c. (Es ist bekannt, dass) er versuchte, ihr zu helfen.

# **4.5.6** *Effektiv* **(***bekommen/kriegen+Partizip***)**

The aspired outcome when intending something (*Kogativ*, see Section 4.5.4) or [4.43] when trying something (*Konativ*, see Section 4.5.5) is to achieve something. This achievement can be expressed with the effektiv (from Lat. *effectus* 'accomplishment', full discussion in Section 10.4.13), consisting of the light verbs *bekommen* or *kriegen* with a participle (28a). The same construction is also used for the *Rezipientenpassiv* (see Section 3.8.7). It is even possible to construct ambiguous

4 Summary of major epitheses

sentences that can both have an *Effektiv* and a *Rezipientenpassiv* interpretation (28b).

	- b. Der Zahnarzt kriegt den Zahn gezogen. (*Effektiv* = Der Zahnarzt schafft es, den Zahn zu ziehen.) (*Rezipientenpassiv* = Dem Zahnarzt wird der Zahn gezogen.)

# **4.5.7** *Fortunativ* **(***haben+gut/leicht+Infinitiv***)**

	- (29) a. Er lacht. Er hat gut lachen.
		- b. Er redet. Er hat leicht reden.

# **4.6 Evidentiality**

[4.45] The grammatical marking of evidentiality is a linguistic structure by which the speaker indicates the evidence for the stated utterance. It has been observed in languages all over the world. In German, grammaticalised evidentials exist in various variants. As for the German names for these categories, I propose to distinguish between *Inferenz* for inferential evidentials and *Evidenz* for direct evidentials.

# **4.6.1** *Imperfektinferenz* **(***scheinen+zu‑Infinitiv***)**

[4.46] The marking of imperfektinferenz (full discussion in Section 12.4.10) is expressed by the verb *scheinen* with a *zu‑Infinitiv* (30a). This construction conveys an inferential evidential, in which the speaker expresses some confidence in the stated event based on a deduction from available information. There is also a

closely related *Perfektinferenz* as discussed in the next Section 4.6.2. The main difference between the two is the perfectivity of the verb. By using the *zu‑Infinitiv* the construction is marked as imperfect. The verb *scheinen* has various further uses, among them a lexical meaning expressing 'to shine'. Crucially, in its evidential usage with a *zu‑Infinitiv* this construction is coherently monoclausal (30b).

	- b. (Es ist bekannt, dass) der Plan zu scheitern scheint.

# **4.6.2** *Perfektinferenz* **(***scheinen/erscheinen+Partizip***)**

The marking of perfektinferenz (full discussion in Section 10.4.14) consists of [4.47] the verbs *scheinen* or *erscheinen* with a participle of an intransitive verb (31a). Typical agentive intransitive verbs like *schlafen* 'to sleep' do not allow for this construction (31b). Similar to the previous *Imperfektinferenz* (see Section 4.6.1) it expresses an inferential evidential, in which the speaker indicates confidence in the state-of-affairs based on a deduction from available information. By using the participle the event is marked as perfective. When used with a transitive verb the *(er)scheinen+Partizip* construction leads to an anticausative diathesis called *Inferenzantikausativ* (see Section 3.7.5).

	- b. \* Das Kind scheint geschlafen.

# **4.6.3** *Sinnesevidenz* **(***aussehen/wirken+Partizip***)**

sinnesevidenz (full discussion in Section 10.4.15) is marked by the verbs *aussehen* [4.48] or *wirken* with a participle of an intransitive verb (32). Typical agentive intransitive verbs like *schlafen* 'to sleep' do not allow for this construction (32b). This structure expresses that the speaker has first-hand knowledge based on sensory evidence that the state-of-affairs holds. When used with a transitive verb this construction results in an anticausative diathesis called *Sinnesantikausativ* (see Section 3.7.6).

	- b. \* Er wirkt geschlafen.

# **4.6.4** *Negative Bewertungsevidenz* **(***drohen+zu‑Infinitiv***)**

	- (33) a. Das Wetter droht schlecht zu werden.
		- b. (Es ist bekannt, dass) das Wetter schlecht zu werden droht.
		- c. (Es ist bekannt, dass) er droht, das Licht auszuschalten.

# **4.6.5** *Positive Bewertungsevidenz* **(***versprechen+zu‑Infinitiv***)**

	- (34) a. Das Wetter verspricht gut zu werden.
		- b. (Es ist bekannt, dass) das Wetter gut zu werden verspricht.
		- c. (Es ist bekannt, dass) er verspricht, das Licht auszuschalten.

# **4.7 Diathetical epithesis**

[4.51] By definition (see Section 1.2), diathesis has to include changes to the grammatical marking of the participants. The alternations described in this section do not show any change in the marking of the participants, so, again by definition, they are classified as examples of epithesis. However, functionally these constructions are close to diatheses in that the relation between the participants and the verb is changed in some way. For lack of a better term I call such a construction a diathetical epithesis.

# **4.7.1** *Zustandskausativ* **(***kommen+zu‑Infinitiv***)**

Covert causatives exists in two variants. The first kind, the (verborgener) zu- [4.52] standskausativ (full discussion in Section 12.4.12), uses the light verb *kommen* with a *zu‑Infinitiv* (35a,b). This construction conveys that there is some unexpressed force or agent that has caused a state to be reached. It can only used with intransitive state verbs like *stehen* and is obligatorily coherent (35c). This construction is no diathesis because the roles are not remapped.

	- b. Sie kam neben mir zu stehen.
	- c. (Es ist bekannt, dass) sie neben mir zu stehen kam.

# **4.7.2** *Rezipientenkausativ* **(***bekommen/kriegen+zu‑Infinitiv***)**

The (verborgener) rezipientenkausativ (full discussion in Section 12.4.13) [4.53] consists of the light verbs *bekommen* or *kriegen* with a *zu‑Infinitiv* (36a,b). Like with *kommen* (see Section 4.7.1), there is an unnamed force or agent that causes the situation to come about. The light verb *bekommen/kriegen* is typically combined with a transitive verb of sensation, like *sehen* 'to see', or consumption, like *essen* 'to eat'. By using this covert causative construction, the nominative subject is semantically depicted as an experiencer of the verb. The centrality of the experiencer role is reminiscent of the *Rezipientenpassiv* (see Section 3.8.7). However, in this construction there is no role-remapping, so it is not a diathesis.

	- b. Die Schüler bekommen/kriegen einen Film zu sehen.
	- c. (Es ist bekannt, dass) die Schüler einen Film zu sehen bekommen/kriegen.

# **4.7.3** *Selbstbezogenes Reflexiv*

The selbstbezogener reflexiv (full discussion in Section 7.4.5 and subsequent [4.54] sections) is marked with a reflexive pronoun and can optionally be reinforced by adding *selbst*. This construction is traditionally simply called *Reflexiv* in German grammar (and beyond). However, reflexive pronouns have a bewildering number of different functions, including many diatheses, so a more precise naming is necessary (see Chapter 7 for an extensive discussion). Crucially, the marking of roles do not change in a *Selbstbezogener Reflexiv*, so there is no diathesis.

The *Selbstbezogener Reflexiv* can be identified by the following characteristics: [4.55]

### 4 Summary of major epitheses

	- b. Der Vater wäscht sich (selbst).

# **4.7.4** *Reziprok*

	- (i) There is a reflexive pronoun or *einander* in the sentence.
	- (ii) When there is a reflexive pronoun, then *gegenseitig* can be added optionally. In contrast, *selbst* is not possible.
	- (iii) The roles of the verb do not change, i.e. (38b) still contains the roles of "crosser" and "crossee".
	- (iv) The subject is obligatorily plural, as it references the participants of both roles simultaneously.
	- (v) The reflexive pronoun/*einander* marks that both participants take both roles simultaneously.
	- (38) a. Die Straßen kreuzen den Fluss.
		- b. Die Straßen kreuzen sich (gegenseitig).

# **4.7.5** *Freies Reflexiv*

The freier reflexiv (full discussion in Section 7.4.1 and subsequent sections) is [4.57] a somewhat mysterious alternation in German in which a reflexive pronoun can be added without any obvious change in meaning. For example, the verb *ansehen* 'to look at' can be used both with reflexive pronoun (39a) and without reflexive pronoun (39b). The difference between these expressions needs more investigation, but intuitively there appears to be a slight difference in the affectedness of the subject-participant.

	- b. Ich habe das Haus angesehen.

# **4.7.6** *Reflexiv Resultativ*

The reflexiv resultativ (full discussion in Section 9.4.3) is an alternation that [4.58] can be used with a subset of all intransitive verbs, for example with *schlafen* 'to sleep' (40a). By adding a reflexive pronoun and a resultative preverbial, like *gesund‑* 'healthy' (40b), the sentence conveys that the subject participant achieves a state (expressed by the preverbial) by performing an action (expressed by the verb). In other words, (40b) means approximately 'by sleeping I will become healthy'. The combination of *gesund‑* with the verb *schlafen* arguably is a new separable verb *gesundschlafen* (40c), syntactically similar to a *Partikelverb* like *einschlafen*.

	- b. Ich schlafe mich gesund. (= Durch zu schlafen werde ich gesund.)
	- c. Ich werde mich gesundschlafen.

# **4.7.7** *Transitiv Resultativ*

The transitiv resultativ (full discussion in Section 9.4.5) is the transitive coun- [4.59] terpart to the previous *Reflexiv Resultativ* (see Section 4.7.6). The only difference is that no reflexive pronoun is necessary with transitive verbs. For example, the verb *pflegen* 'to nurse' (41a) can be combined with a resultative *gesund‑* 'healthy' (41b) to form a new separable verb *gesundpflegen* 'to heal by nursing' (41c). The preverbial *gesund‑* has a resultative meaning, expressing the effect of the action (*pflegen* 'to nurse') on the accusative object (*Mutter* 'mother'), i.e. 'by nursing my mother will be healed'.

	- b. Ich pflege meine Mutter gesund. (= Durch meine Pflege wird meine Mutter gesund.)
	- c. Ich werde meine Mutter gesundpflegen.

# **4.8 Summary of recurrent light verbs**

[4.60] The light verbs listed in Table 4.1 occur in more than one derived clause construction. Shown in the table is whether these constructions induce epithesis (E) or diathesis (D). The ordering of the rows and columns in the table reflects an approximate top-left to bottom-right cline of the frequency of diathesis. More research is needed to establish whether there is any deeper insights to be gained from this distribution.

Table 4.1: Summary of light verbs that occur in more than one derived clause construction (D = diathesis, E = epithesis)


# **5 Case-marking alternations**

# **5.1 Introduction**

Diathesis typically involves variation in the marking of case as governed by the [5.1] verb, including alternations between case marked arguments and adpositional phrases. The notion of "flagging" was (re)introduced in Haspelmath (2005: 2) as a cover term to capture the intuition that case marking and adpositional marking express very similar functions in linguistic marking. The first two data chapters in this book discuss exactly those kind of marking, viz. case and adpositional marking as governed by a verb. This chapter discusses diatheses involving case-marked constituents, and the next chapter focusses on prepositional constituents.

All diatheses in this chapter are covert diatheses. Covert case-marking diathe- [5.2] ses are characterised by (a) one and the same verb that can be used with different case-marked roles and, crucially, (b) the fact that there is no additional overt morphosyntactic marking of the alternating constructions. Such alternations include, for example, possessor raising like (1a) or anticausative alternations like (1b).

	- b. Die Sonne verbrennt den Rasen. Der Rasen verbrennt.

The crucial (and somewhat problematic) aspect of such alternations is that [5.3] there is no formal indication of the presence of a diathesis, except for the marking of the arguments themselves. Prototypical examples of diathesis (as defined in Section 1.2) include some overt linguistic marking that indicates that a diathesis has taken place (i.e. some affix, particle, light verb, or other morphosyntactic means). And indeed, all diatheses that will be discussed in Chapters 7–13 will be of that kind. In contrast, the diatheses discussed in this chapter and the next Chapter 6 are "covert" alternations, or "zero marked" alternations, in that there is no other indication of a diathesis, except for the marking of the arguments themselves (Zúñiga & Kittilä 2019 introduce the term "covert" diathesis for this).

### 5 Case-marking alternations

The problem with such covert diatheses is that there is no overt directionality in the alternation – there is no way to distinguish between a base form and a derived form. Both alternants have an equal status as far as the morphosyntax is concerned. Still, I have attempted to infer a direction based on parallels to other diatheses.

[5.4] The unmarked nature of covert diatheses implies that there is some slight redundancy and fuzziness in presentation. This redundancy arises because, for example, when a verb occurs in four different constructions, then there are logically six different alternations. I have nonetheless decided to approach the descriptive organisation in this chapter from the perspective of such pairwise alternations, because (i) it highlights the possible connections attested between constructions, and (ii) very many verbs only occur in just one or two alternations anyway (with only a smaller subset of verbs appearing across many different constructions).

[5.5] There are seven diatheses that seem prominent enough to be given a German name. I propose the following names for these:


# **5.2 Delimiting case-marked arguments**

# **5.2.1 Identifying case marking**

[5.6] The German case marking system is rather straightforward. Noun phrases in German occur in one of four case forms. There are various syncretisms in the case paradigm, which conceal the identity of the case in many sentences. For this reason, I will attempt to use first/second person singular pronouns or masculine singular nouns in constructed examples. These forms can easily be unambiguously identified, as shown in Table 5.1.


Table 5.1: German marking of case

Basically, almost all case-marked constituents are governed arguments. Yet, [5.7] there are a few situations (to be discussed in detail below) in which overtly casemarked constituents are not arguments (or, alternatively, a very special type of arguments): quantified objects (2a), named objects (2b), cognate objects (2c), lexicalised noun-verb combinations (2d) and adnominal constituents (2e).

	- b. Er nennt mich [einen Egoisten].
	- c. Er hat [einen gesunden Schlaf] geschlafen.
	- d. Er stirbt [einen qualvollen Tod].
	- e. Ich beschuldige den Verdächtigten [des Diebstahls] von weiteren Gegenständen.

# **5.2.2 Quantified object**

A special kind of constituent is a quantified object (cf. "Mensuralergänzung", [5.8] Eroms 2000: 203–204), exemplified in (3a–e). Quantified objects are overtly marked accusative objects that often contain numerals, like in (3d) or (3e), in which *einen* is not an article, but the numeral *one*. Except for numerals, the quantification can also be instantiated by adjectives, e.g. *ganzen* 'complete' in (3a), indefinites, e.g. *jeden* 'each' in (3b), or measure phrases, e.g. *zu laut* 'too noisy' in (3c).

	- b. Er fällt jeden Tag. (*wann?* 'when')
	- c. Er hustet einen Tick zu laut. (*wie?* 'how')
	- d. Er ist drei mal gefallen. (*wie oft?* 'how often')
	- e. Er steigt einen Stock höher. (*wo?* 'where')

### 5 Case-marking alternations

[5.9] These quantified constituents are not governed arguments. First, they can easily be left out (all verbs in the examples are typical intransitive verbs). Second, and more importantly, they cannot be replaced by a pronoun nor be questioned by a question pronoun (viz. *wen/was*). Instead, they are questioned by adverbial interrogative words as listed at the examples above, indicating that the quantified constituents are adverbial phrases, not arguments. Still, there are a few verbs that obligatorily require such a quantified object, like *kosten* 'to cost' or *dauern* 'to last'. With those verbs, quantified constituents can be considered to be arguments. These verbs will be discussed in Section 5.3.4.

# **5.2.3 Named objects**

	- (4) a. Ich nenne dich [Lukas].
		- b. Ich nenne dich [einen Egoisten].
		- c. Was nennst du [dein Eigen]?

# **5.2.4 Cognate objects**

	- (5) a. Er hat einen gesunden Schlaf geschlafen.
		- b. Er hat viele Träume geträumt.

Examples like (5a,b) seem to suggest that intransitive verbs like *schlafen* 'to [5.13] sleep' and *träumen* 'to dream' allow for accusative arguments. However, besides these cognate objects there are no other accusative arguments allowed with these verbs. Further, such cognate objects seem to be theoretically possible for all verbs, though often quite some imagination is needed to find a suitable context to use verb and nominalised verb together. Because of their special status, such cognate object nominalisations are not counted as regular arguments here.

# **5.2.5 Lexicalised noun-verb combinations**

There is a common pattern in German in which nouns are combined with a [5.14] verb, like *eislaufen* 'ice skating'. Such constructions are highly reminiscent of the typologically widespread process of noun incorporation. However, in German such noun incorporation only occurs with individual lexeme combinations, so they are probably better interpreted as grammaticalised noun-verb collocations (Eisenberg 2006a: 339ff.; Gallmann 1999). For a survey of different kinds of noun incorporation see Berik & Gehrke (2015). Using their terminology, the German constructions might be analysed as "pseudo" incorporation.

Most such combinations are written as separate words in German orthogra- [5.15] phy, e.g. *Wache stehen* 'stand guard', so they might look like nominal arguments. However, they normally do not allow for any determiners or modifiers (6a). Only very few fixed combinations allow for an adjective (6b) and/or a determiner (6c).

	- b. Er hat bittere Tränen geweint.
	- c. Er stirbt einen qualvollen Tod.

The typical examples like *Blut* 'blood' in (6a) do not show much indication of [5.16] case-marking. It is clearly not a genitive (because then it should be *Blutes*), but nominative, dative or accusative are all possible. The few examples with determiners and/or adjectives seem to indicate that these constituents are accusatives. However, even in undoubtedle accusative examples like (6c) the accusative is not an argument, because it is strange (if not completely ungrammatical) to pronominalise (7a) or question (7b) this accusative. Also, the accusative seems unusable as an answer to a manner question (7c). Just like cognate objects, such nouns in lexicalised noun-verb combinations are not counted as arguments here.

	- b. \* Was ist er gestorben?
	- c. Wie ist er gestorben? ? Einen qualvollen Tod.

# **5.2.6 Adnominal case-marked constituents**

	- (8) a. Ich beschuldige den Verdächtigten des Diebstahls.
		- b. Ich beschuldige [den Verdächtigten] vor Gericht [des Diebstahls].
		- c. Ich beschuldige [den Verdächtigten des Diebstahls] auch des Mordes.

# **5.3 Deponent verbs**

[5.18] Before delving into the actual alternations, I will first present an inventory of verbs that do not show alternation as far as flagging is concerned. These verbs can, and many will, occur in other diatheses as discussed in subsequent chapters, but for the alternations discussed in this chapter (on case-marked arguments) and the next chapter (on prepositional arguments) these verbs are invariable. The most interesting insight from building this collection is that it is not easy at all to find verbs that do not allow for at least some kind of flagging variation.

# **5.3.1 [ – ] No arguments**

	- (9) a. Heute schneit es.
		- b. Die Granaten regneten auf uns.
		- c. Gestern hat es riesengroße Körner gehagelt.

# **5.3.2 [ N ] Nominative**

Some verbs only allow a nominative argument, which necessarily also shows [5.20] agreement with the finite verb. Such verbs are traditionally called "intransitive". The verbs discussed in this section are strictly intransitive, in that they do not allow for any other case marked arguments or governed prepositions (see Section 6.2). Intransitive verbs, of course, allow for additional non-governed prepositional phrases, e.g. locational (10a) or temporal (10b), instrumental/comitative with *mit* (10c,d), or beneficiary/goal with *für* (10e,f).

	- b. Er reist immer am Wochenende.
	- c. Er reist immer mit dem Bus.
	- d. Er reist immer mit seinem Freund.
	- e. Er reist immer für seinen Chef.
	- f. Er reist immer für seine Arbeit.

An attempt has been made below to classify the strictly intransitive verbs into [5.21] broad semantic categories. However, these categories are in no way intended to define the kind of verbs allowed in this class. Yet, the semantic classes give a good indication of the kind of verbs that tend to be strictly intransitive. Note that this list is in no way intended to be exhaustive, but only illustrative.


### **Notes**

	- (11) a. Ich ziehe meine Hose aus.
		- b. Ich ziehe eine Wand ein.
		- c. Ich ziehe die Mauer auf.
		- d. Ich ziehe die Karre weg.

# **5.3.3 [ NA ] Nominative+accusative**

[5.23] The verbs in this class are strict transitives: they need a nominative subject argument and an additional accusative argument. Further arguments are not allowed, and no governed prepositions are allowed either. It turns out that this group is not very large, because very many verbs allow for dative arguments (traditionally called "free" datives) or alternations with governed prepositions. For example, an apparently typical transitive verb like *bauen* 'to build' allows for a dative to mark the beneficiary of the building, as in *Ich baue dir ein Haus* 'I will build a house for you' (see Section 6.8.10). Conversely, there are also many apparently typical transitive verbs that can just as well be used without accusative object, including well-known ambitransitive verbs like *essen* 'to eat' (see Section 5.7.1). All such verbs are discussed in their respective sections. Still, even with all those verbs removed, the current set of "pure" transitive verbs can easily be extended and the list given below is not at all intended to be complete.

[5.24] The number of monomorphemic "strictly" transitive verbs seems to be very limited. Preverbs (see Chapter 8) regularly induce an applicative alternation and

	- (12) a. Ich schreite über den Teppich.
		- b. Ich schreite den Teppich ab.


# **Further examples**


# **5.3.4 [ NA ] Nominative+quantified object**

A special kind of arguments are quantified objects (cf. "Mensuralergänzung", [5.25] Eroms 2000: 203–204), exemplified in (13a–e). Quantified objects are overtly marked accusative objects that often contain numerals (like in (13d) or (13e), in which *einen* is not an article, but the numeral one). Except for numerals, the quantification can also be instantiated by adjectives (like *ganzen* in (13a)), indefinites (like *jeden* in (13b)) or measure phrases (like *zu laut* in (13c)).

	- b. Er fällt jeden Tag. (*wann?* 'when')
	- c. Er hustet einen Tick zu laut. (*wie?* 'how')
	- d. Er ist drei mal gefallen. (*wie oft?* 'how often')
	- e. Er steigt einen Stock höher. (*wo?* 'where')

These quantified constituents are mostly not arguments. First, they can easily [5.26] be left out (all verbs in the examples above are typical intransitive verbs). Second, and more importantly, they cannot be replaced by a pronoun, nor be questioned by a question pronoun (viz. *wen/was*). Instead, they are questioned by adverbial interrogative words as listed at the examples above, indicating that the quantified constituents are adverbial phrases, not governed arguments.

Yet, there is a special class of verbs that appear to obligatorily need such [5.27] a quantified object, like *kosten* 'to cost' (14a), called measure stative dimensional verbs in Gamerschlag (2014: 318). These objects are interrogated by *wie viel?* 'how much' (though interrogation with *was* 'what' seems also possible with some of them). Though debatable, I tend to classify these accusative constituents

### 5 Case-marking alternations

as arguments. Whatever the interpretation, whether they are arguments or not, there is something special with these verbs.

	- (14) a. Die Aussage kostet sie den Wahlsieg.
		- b. Ich bin der Herausforderung gewachsen.
	- (15) a. Er verdient 50 Euro. Er verdient den Nobelpreis.
		- b. Er zahlt (mir) 50 Euro. Er zahlt (mir) die Miete.
		- c. Praktisch der gesamte Umsatz wird mit Werbung verdient.
		- d. Die Miete wird monatlich gezahlt.

# **Attested verbs**



<sup>1</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 15.01.2000.

# **5.3.5 [ ND ] Nominative+dative**

The verbs in this class need both a nominative subject and a dative argument, [5.30] like *trauen* 'to trust' (16a). Both arguments are obligatory and cannot be dropped (except in extremely marked meta-linguistic contexts) and no other case-marked arguments or governed prepositions are possible. A noteworthy subset of such nominative+dative verbs are verbs like *unterlaufen* 'to occur' (16b), for which human participants can only occur in the dative. Yet, there does not appear to be any structural difference between verbs with (typically) human participants in the nominative, like *trauen*, and verbs with (typically) human participants in the dative, like *unterlaufen*.

	- b. Mir unterläuft ein Fehler.

There are more nominative+dative verbs in which the dative is not obligatory. [5.31] Those verbs will be discussed in subsequent sections. Some of these verbs allow for the dative to be completely dropped (see Section 5.7.4) and a few allow for the dative to be replaced by a prepositional phrase (see Section 6.7.10) or by a possessor (see Section 5.8.3).

# **Attested verbs**



### 5 Case-marking alternations


# **Notes**

	- (17) a. Mir bleibt nur harte Arbeit. Ich bleibe noch eben.
		- b. Mir gehört die Schreibmaschine. Die Schreibmaschine gehört auf den Tisch.
		- c. Mir liegt diese Sportart. Ich liege am Boden.
		- d. Mir steht der Mantel. Ich stehe um die Ecke.
		- e. Der Journalist verfiel dem Alkohol. Das Haus verfiel.

# **5.3.6 [ NG ] Nominative+genitive**

[5.33] There are a few verbs in German that have a genitive argument. These verbs are slowly disappearing from the German language, and many of the verbs that are still around are considered old-fashioned. They are listed for comprehensiveness only, as they do not play an important role in the current German language anymore. The verbs listed here need a genitive argument and there seems to be no possibility for alternations with other case or adpositional marking.

# **Attested verbs**

• *entraten, entübrigen, ermangeln, gedenken, harren, walten*

# **Further examples**

• Ich muss leider seiner Mitarbeit entraten. ('verzichten')


# **5.3.7 [ NAD ] Nominative+accusative+dative**

This class consists of the classical ditransitive verbs with an obligatory nomina- [5.34] tive, accusative and dative arguments. It turns out to be extremely hard to find good examples of verbs that always, or at least in the large majority of their uses, overtly show all three arguments. Most apparently ditransitive verbs, like *geben* 'to give', easily allow for the dative to be dropped or replaced by a prepositional phrase (for the verb *geben*, see De Vaere et al. 2018 for an in-depth study). The few remaining obligatorily ditransitive verbs seem to be semantically more specialised verbs, in which a very specific meaning is forcing the overt marking of all three roles, in contrast to the more broader semantic range of a verb like *geben*.

# **Attested verbs**

• *abgewöhnen, benehmen, bescheren, schulden, überlassen, verdanken, vorsagen, widmen, zutrauen, schenken*

# **Further examples**


# **5.3.8 [ NAG ] Nominative+accusative+genitive**

There are also verbs that allow nominative, accusative and genitive, but those [5.35] verbs often have a possible alternation dropping the genitive (see Section 5.7.8). In a few cases, the genitive argument seems to be in a process of replacement by

### 5 Case-marking alternations

an accusative (see Sections 5.9.5, 5.9.6). I have only found a single verb that obligatorily requires case-marked nominative, accusative and genitive arguments, viz. *bezichtigen* 'to accuse' (18).

	- b. \* Ich bezichtige dich.
	- c. \* Ich bezichtige des Diebstahls.

# **Attested verbs**

• *bezichtigen*

# **5.3.9 [ NAA ] Nominative+accusative+accusative**

	- (19) a. Er lehrt mich den Trick.
		- b. Er fragt mich den Stoff ab.
	- (20) a. Das Buch kostet mich keinen Pfennig.
		- b. Ich nenne dich einen Egoisten.
		- c. Das Buch kostet viel.
		- d. Er nennt den Namen des Kindes.

# **5.3.10 [ NAA ] Nominative+accusative+named object**

A special group of verbs can be used to performatively name persons or things. [5.39] As proper names, such arguments are arguably without case in standard German (21a), but with regular nouns these phrases are clearly accusatives (21b). The effect are constructions with two accusative arguments. These arguments are normally questioned by the manner interrogative *wie* 'how', though in some situations *was* 'what' seems possible (21c).

	- b. Ich nenne dich [einen Egoisten].
	- c. Was nennst du [dein Eigen]?

The name in such naming constructions cannot be passivised (22a,b), which [5.40] also indicates that these accusative arguments have a special status in the grammar of the German language.

	- b. \* Ein Egoist wird dich genannt.

### **Attested verbs**

• *heißen, nennen, schelten, schimpfen, schmähen, taufen*

### **Further examples**


# **5.4 Alternations without diathesis**

Thissection is empty. It is only added here for the numbering to be parallel across [5.41] chapters. By definition, alternations without diathesis do not exist for covert alternations as discussed in this chapter.

<sup>2</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 24.05.2007, Nr. 22.

<sup>3</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 31.10.2017, online.

<sup>4</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 06.10.2005, Nr. 41.

<sup>5</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 30.04.2009, Nr. 19.

# **5.5 Diatheses with subject demotion**

# **5.5.1 sbj › ø : [ N | – ] Nominative drop**

	- (23) a. Der Müll stinkt.
		- b. Hier stinkt es aber.
	- (24) a. Es weht.
		- b. Der Wind weht.

# **Attested verbs**

• Dispersion verbs: *abkühlen, blühen, dampfen, duften, klingeln, knistern, krachen, riechen, spriessen, stinken*


# **5.5.2 sbj › ø : [ NA | –A ] Nominative drop+accusative**

A few additinoal apparently dropped nominatives are discussed here for com- [5.44] pleteness' sake. They appear to be highly idiosyncratic. Both examples allow for the nominative to be dropped, but an accusative argument is obligatorily present and cannot be dropped. The first example is the drop of the nominative with the verb *geben* when used in the meaning of 'to produce' (25). Note that there is close connection to another diathesis with a light verb *geben* 'to give' (see Section 12.5.4). The second example of a nominative drop with a retained object is with the verb *brauchen* 'to need' (26).

	- b. Dieses Jahr gibt es einen guten Wein.
	- b. Es braucht euch alle im Kampf gegen die Diktatur.

# **Attested verbs**

• *brauchen, geben*

# **Further examples**

• Der Verkäufer gibt den Lutscher gratis dazu. Den Lutscher gibt es gratis dazu.

# **5.5.3 sbj › ø : [ ND | –D ] Nominative drop+dative**

In a few exceptional examples a verb with a nominative and a dative allows for [5.45] the nominative to be dropped and replaced by a valency-simulating pronoun *es*, like with *gefallen* 'to appeal' (27a,b).

	- b. Hier gefällt es mir gar nicht.

In contrast, in most sentences with a pronoun *es* and a dative the pronoun *es* [5.46] is either phoric (29a) or position-simulating (29b), both of which do not count as the drop of an argument (cf. Section 2.2.3).

	- b. Es ist mir ein Unfall widerfahren.

5 Case-marking alternations

# **Attested verbs**

• *gefallen, langen*

# **Further examples**

• Mein Gehalt langt mir nicht. Jetzt langt es mir aber!

# **5.5.4 sbj › ø : [ NG | –G ] Nominative drop+genitive**

	- (29) a. Der Kranke bedarf der Ruhe.
		- b. Hier bedarf es körperlicher Kraft.
	- (30) a. Der Vorwurf entbehrt jeglichen Beweises.
		- b. Insofern entbehrt es jeglichen Beweises.

# **Attested verbs**

• *bedürfen, entbehren*

# **5.5.5 obj › sbj › ø : [ NA | –N ]** *haben* **anticausative**


Semantically, the intransitive *haben*-construction in (31d) seems to be the reg- [5.50] ular perfect of the intransitive (31b). The intransitive *sein*-construction in (31c) is probably best analysed as the *Zustandspassiv* (see Section 10.5.16) of the transitive (31a). The temporal structure of the two intransitive participle constructions agrees with this proposal. As argued in Section 10.2.6, the *Zustandspassiv* is result-oriented and as such not compatible with gradual time specification, like *schrittweise* 'gradually' (31c,d). Note that the adverbial *schrittweise* would be possible in the *ist begonnen worden* construction. However, though superficially similar, that is clearly a different construction (see Section 10.5.16 for a detailed discussion).

	- b. Der Krieg beginnt.
	- c. Der Krieg ist (\*schrittweise) begonnen.
	- d. Der Krieg hat (schrittweise) begonnen.

### **Attested verbs**

• *abnehmen, abreißen, abstoßen, anfangen, anhalten, aufmachen, backen, baden, beginnen, bewegen, braten, bremsen, duschen, fliegen, kochen, landen, läuten, öffnen, rauchen, schließen, spielen (Tonträger), starten, stoppen, umdrehen, umgeben, wiegen, zählen, zünden*


### 5 Case-marking alternations


# **Notes**

	- (32) a. Ich dusche.
		- b. Ich dusche den Elefanten.
		- c. Ich habe geduscht.
		- d. Der Elefant ist geduscht.
	- (33) a. Ich habe (dir) den Ausweis abgenommen. Der Ausweis ist (dir) abgenommen.
		- b. Der Regen hat abgenommen.

<sup>6</sup>dwds: https://www.dwds.de/wb/abstoßen, accessed on 25 March 2022.

*haben-Perfekt* (34a). However, the *sein-Zustandspassiv* is not possible (34b). The lexeme *anhalten* has another meaning, viz. 'to admonish' which does allow for a *sein-Zustandspassiv* (34c), but not for an intransitive *haben-Perfekt*.

	- b. \* Der Bus ist angehalten.
	- c. Ich habe meinen Sohn angehalten, pünktlich zu sein. Mein Sohn ist angehalten, pünktlich zu sein.

The verbs *öffnen* 'to open' and *schließen* 'to close' appear here in a special [5.54] usage, for example when related to the opening and closing of a *Laden* 'shop' (35a). In that context an unmarked anticausative can be used (35b). In contrast, with other objects like *Tür* 'door' (35c) the anticausative needs an obligatory reflexive pronoun (35d), see Section 7.5.2. The exact conditions governing this difference need more research.

	- b. Der Laden öffnet. Der Laden hat geöffnet.
	- c. Er öffnet die Tür. Die Tür ist geöffnet.
	- d. Die Tür öffnet sich. Die Tür hat sich geöffnet

# **5.5.6 obj › sbj › ø : [ NAD | –ND ]** *haben* **anticausative+dative**

The verb *anhängen* literally (but not commonly) means 'to attach to' (36a). How- [5.55] ever, more widespread is the metaphorical extension with a meaning of 'to put a burden on somebody' with the 'somebody' encoded in the dative case (36b). In this meaning it can be used intransitively (36c) and the dative cannot be dropped (36d). Note that there is variation in the form of the participle (*angehängt* vs. *angehangen*), which is a vestige of causative morphology (see paragraph 6.52 on page 201). Also note that the auxiliary *sein* does not seem to be possible in the intransitive (36e), so this verb does not align with other vestiges of causative morphology in German (see Section 5.6.3).

### 5 Case-marking alternations

	- b. Ich habe meinem Widersacher einen Prozess angehängt.
	- c. Er hat einer Illusion angehangen.
	- d. \* Ich habe angehangen.
	- e. \* Er ist einer Illusion angehangen.

# **Attested verbs**

• *anhängen*

# **5.6 Diatheses with promotion to subject**

# **5.6.1 ø › sbj : [ – | N ] Weather agents**

	- (37) a. Es weht.
		- b. Der Wind weht.
	- (38) a. Die Blätter wehen durch die Luft.
		- b. \* Die Blätter wehen.

<sup>7</sup>dwds: Blättner, Fritz: Geschichte der Pädagogik, Heidelberg: Quelle & Meyer 1961 [1951], S. 202.

# **Attested verbs**

• *dunkeln, regnen, stürmen, tauen, wehen*

# **Further examples**


# **5.6.2 ø › sbj › obj : [ –N | NA ]** *sein* **causative**

A typical causative verb like *zerbrechen* 'to break' allows for both an intransitive [5.58] (39a) and a transitive construction (39d), in which the participant in the intransitive nominative (here *Krug* 'jar') is the same as the participant in the transitive accusative.

	- b. Der Krug ist zerbrochen.
	- c. \* Der Krug hat zerbrochen.
	- d. Der Junge zerbricht den Krug.

The crucial characteristic of the causative verbs discussed in this section is that [5.59] they only allow for a perfect with *sein* in the intransitive (39b,c). This differentiates these verbs from verbs like *kochen* 'to cook' that allow for both *haben* and *sein* in the intransitive perfect (40). I propose to analyse verbs like *zerbrechen* with only *sein* in the intransitive as causatives (this section), while verbs like *kochen* with both *haben* and *sein* in the intransitive are classified as anticausatives (see Section 5.5.5).

	- b. Der Kaffee ist gekocht.
	- c. Der Kaffee hat gekocht.
	- d. Der Junge kocht den Kaffee.

Note that the intransitive perfekt with *sein* is strongly reminiscent of an anti- [5.60] causative construction known in German linguistics as the *Zustandspassiv* (see Section 10.5.16). However, that construction is available for a much larger group of predicates like *bauen* 'to build' (41). Crucially different from *zerbrechen*, a verb

### 5 Case-marking alternations

like *bauen* does not allow for the anticausative to occur in the present tense (41a). The resulting three classes of verbs can be distinguished by comparing the grammaticality judgements of the four constructions listed here for the verbs *zerbrechen* (39), *kochen* (15) and *bauen* (41).

	- b. Das Haus ist gebaut.
	- c. \* Das Haus hat gebaut.
	- d. Der Junge baut ein Haus.
	- (42) a. Der Stock bricht.
		- b. Ich breche den Stock.
		- c. Der Stock ist gebrochen.
		- d. \* Der Stock hat gebrochen.

# **Attested verbs**

• Verbs with likewise causative preverb variants: *biegen (einbiegen), bleichen (erbleichen, verbleichen), bräunen (anbräunen), brechen (abbrechen, zerbrechen), brennen (abbrennen, niederbrennen, verbrennen), fahren (ǘberfahren), fliegen (einfliegen), frieren (einfrieren), klappen (aufklappen, zuklappen), knicken (abknicken, einknicken), reißen (abreißen, einreißen, zerreißen), rollen (ausrollen), staunen (erstaunen), stürzen (umstürzen), tauen (auftauen), treten (antreten, wegtreten), trocknen (austrocknen), wirbeln (aufwirbeln)*


# **Further examples**


Die Soldaten brennen das Dorf nieder.

	- Der Handel schrumpft. Daewoo schrumpfte den Hubraum des alten 1,6-Liter-Kadett-Motors und erhielt ihm seine 75 PS.<sup>8</sup>

# **Notes**

	- (43) a. Der Garten ist zugeschneit. Der Garten schneit zu. Der Schnee hat den Garten zugeschneit.
		- b. Die Frucht reift. Die Frucht ist gereift. Die Sonne hat die Frucht gereift.
	- (44) a. Er floh vor dem Feind. Er floh ihren Blick.
		- b. Ich bin (von der Tür) weggetreten. Ich habe den Ball weggetreten.

# **5.6.3 ø › sbj › obj : [ –N | NA ]** *Umlaut* **causative**

	- (45) a. Der Baum ist gefallen.
		- b. Ich habe den Baum gefällt.

# **Attested verbs**

• *biegen/beugen, fallen/fällen, saugen/säugen, sinken/senken, springen/sprengen*

<sup>8</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 18.03.1995.

# **Further examples**


# **5.6.4 ø › sbj › obj : [ –N | NA ]** *Umlaut* **adjectival causative**

The process to form a causative with the suffix *‑jan* also applied to adjectival [5.66] predicates. There are still a few remnants of such pairs found in contemporary German, in which the old suffix is retained as an umlaut (46). More cases are available with additional preverbs, see Section 8.6.3.

	- b. Ich schwärze den Text.

# **Attested verbs**

• *voll/füllen, glatt/glätten, hart/härten, kurz/kürzen, schwarz/schwärzen, warm/wärmen*

# **5.6.5 obj › sbj : [ A | N ] Accusative-to-nominative promotion**

Some verbs with experiencer subjects needed an accusative subject in older [5.67] stages of German (cf. Nübling et al. 2006: 103–104), but these verbs either were completely lost, like *dürsten* 'to be thirsty' (47a), or the accusative tends to be replaced by a nominative, like with *frieren* 'to be cold' (47b,c). The verb *frieren* with a human experiencer is currently in the middle of this transition, allowing for both constructions.

	- b. Mich friert.
	- c. Ich friere.

# **Attested verbs**

• *frieren*

# **5.7 Diatheses with object demotion**

[5.68] This section concerns alternations in which a non-nominative case-marked argument can be removed. When considered in this direction (e.g. "an accusative is removed"), then such alternations are known as antipassives. Conversely, when this same alternation is analysed reversely (e.g. "an accusative is added") then such alternations are known as applicatives. Because this chapter deals with unmarked "covert" alternations, there is no structural difference between these two situations. Rather, they are two different ways to look at at the same phenomenon. Still, I have tried to classify diathesis into either of these two options based on (debatable) semantic arguments and parallels to other diatheses with overt derivations. This section lists the diathesis in which a case-marked argument is removed. Examples of the reverse diathesis are discussed in Section 5.8.

# **5.7.1 obj › ø : [ NA | N– ] Accusative drop**

	- (48) a. Du störst die Veranstaltung.
		- b. Du störst.
	- (49) a. Ich esse einen Apfel.
		- b. Ich esse.
		- c. Ich esse von dem Apfel.
	- b. Ich backe einen Kuchen.
	- c. Ich backe.

Similarly, dropping of an accusative argument is very widespread when fo- [5.72] cus is placed on the action itself. In such contexts the addition of an adverbial construction is necessary (51). Such verbs do not belong to the present group of accusative drop verbs (see Section 9.7.1).

	- b. ? Ich sehe.
	- c. Ich sehe gut.

What is left is an apparently small group of transitive verbs that allow for [5.73] the accusative to be dropped – and that neither allow for a (free) dative, nor for a prepositional antipassive. These verbs are formally similar to verbs that allow for an accusative to be added (see Section 5.8.1). The only difference between adding or removing an accusative is an (admittedly rather vague) semantic intuition about whether the intransitive or the transitive meaning is more "basic".

# **Attested verbs**

• *angreifen, feiern, nerven, regieren, stören, studieren, wählen*

# **Further examples**


# **5.7.2 obj › ø : [ NAA | NA– ] Accusative drop+accusative**

Most verbs that allow for two accusative arguments allow for one of these argu- [5.74] ments to be dropped (52a,b). In some situations even both can be dropped (52c).

### 5 Case-marking alternations

	- b. Er lehrt den Koran.
	- c. Er lehrt an einer Hochschule.
	- (53) a. Das Buch kostet mich keinen Pfennig.
		- b. Ich nenne dich einen Egoisten.
		- c. Das Buch kostet viel.
		- d. Er nennt den Namen des Kindes.

# **Attested verbs**

• *abfragen, lehren*

# **Further examples**

• Die alte Dame fragt den Schüler Englischvokabeln ab.<sup>9</sup>

# **Notes**

	- (54) a. Ich unterrichte dich.
		- b. Ich unterrichte den Koran.
		- c. Ich unterrichte dich im Koran.
		- d. Du wirst (von mir) unterrichtet.
		- e. Der Koran wird (von mir) unterrichtet.

<sup>9</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 19.11.2009, Nr. 48.

# **5.7.3 obj › ø : [ NAD | N–D ] Accusative drop+dative**

This is the pattern as attested with the verb *danken* 'to thank' as exemplified in [5.77] (55a–c). The accusative can be left out, but only when the dative is retained. The dative cannot be dropped. This pattern seems to be extremely rare. There seems to be a generalisation that the accusative can normally not be dropped before also a governed dative is dropped (see also Section 6.7). From informal discussion, it appears that the sentence in (55a) is rejected by many German speakers, but it is clearly attested.

	- b. Ich danke dem Arzt.
	- c. \* Ich danke mein Leben.

This pattern of *danken* might have arisen out of a confusion of *danken* with [5.78] *verdanken*. The verb *danken* allows for a governed preposition *für* instead of the accusative (56a). In contrast, *verdanken* needs an accusative and a dative (56b–d).

	- b. Ich verdanke dir mein Leben.
	- c. \* Ich verdanke dir.
	- d. \* Ich verdanke mein Leben.

# **Attested verbs**

• *danken*

# **5.7.4 obj › ø : [ ND | N– ] Dative drop**

Verbs that take a dative, but do not allow for an accusative, are well attested, [5.79] though not very frequent in German. Some of these verbs do not allow the dative to be dropped (see Section 5.3.5) and a few allow for the dative to be replaced by a prepositional phrase (see Section 6.7.10) or by a possessor (see Section 5.8.3).

In this section only verbs are listed for which the only alternative for the dative [5.80] is a complete drop, like *entkommen* 'to escape' (57a). Some of the verbs in this class only allow for inanimate subjects, like *gelingen* 'to succeed' (57b).

	- b. Die Torte gelingt (mir).

<sup>10</sup>Adapted from dwds dictionary at https://www.dwds.de/wb/danken, accessed 5 April 2022.

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**


# **5.7.5 obj › ø : [ NAD | NA– ] Dative drop+accusative**

	- (58) a. Ich verbiete dir das Rauchen.
		- b. \* Ich verbiete dir.
		- c. Ich verbiete das Rauchen.


# **Further examples**


# **Notes**

The verb *nahelegen* is used without dative in combination with an inanimate [5.82] subject (59a), but with dative in case of an animate subject (59b).

	- b. Der Trainer hat ihm das Doping nahegelegt.

# **5.7.6 obj › ø : [ NAD | N– – ] Dative drop+accusative drop**

Although it is not impossible, it seems to be rather unusual for "real" ditransitive [5.83] verbs like *vorlesen* 'to read aloud' (60a) to allow for either the accusative (60b) or the dative (10c) to be dropped.

	- b. Ich lese dir vor.
	- c. Ich lese ein Buch vor.

# **Attested verbs**

• *vorlesen*

# **5.7.7 obj › ø : [ NG | N– ] Genitive drop**

[5.84] This theoretically possible diathesis is listed here only for the sake of completeness, as there do not seem to be any genuine examples attested in contemporary German. Genitive arguments without accusative are extremely unusual. They appear to be vanishing from the German language (see Section 5.3.6). Also genitive antipassives are practically unattested (see Section 6.7.14). Genitive arguments with an additional accusative argument seem to be slightly more common (see Section 5.7.8 and 6.7.15).

# **5.7.8 obj › ø : [ NAG | NA– ] Genitive drop+accusative**

	- (61) a. Er würdigte den Vorschlag einer eingehenden Prüfung.
		- b. Er würdigt den Vorschlag.

# **Attested verbs**

• *anklagen, belehren, berauben, besinnen, überführen, würdigen*


# **5.8 Diatheses with promotion to object**

In this chapter, I have tried to distinguish between the demotion of an object [5.86] (antipassive or drop, see Section 5.7) and the promotion of an accusative (applicative or addition, this section). However, for "covert" diatheses I cannot find any substantial difference between these phenomena, except for a faint semantic impression that covert applicatives do not imply an accusative object (but allow it), while bare antipassives imply an accusative object (but allow it to be dropped). It remains a clear desideratum to put this intuitive differentiation on stricter grammatical footing. This section discusses those diathesis that I deem to be promotions, while demotions are discussed in Section 5.7.

# **5.8.1 ø › obj : [ N– | NA ] Added result**

There are various kinds of objects that can be added to (apparent) intransitives as [5.87] the result of the activity. For example: a competitive entity in sports (62a), the result of an action (62b), the name of the result of an action (62c) and possibly many others (62d,e). In German I propose to call this diathesis ergebnisakkusativ.

	- b. Er ist/hat den Salto gesprungen.
	- c. Er hat den Tango getanzt.
	- d. Er hat den Staub geatmet.
	- e. Er hat den Tatort geschaut.

A similar phenomenon is attested with manner-of-speaking verbs like *stottern* [5.88] 'to stutter' (63a). Such verbs can take an accusative object with a meaning like 'to utter something in a stuttering manner' (63b). Note that by adding a possessed prepositional phrase (63c), see Section 6.8.3, it is even possible to use a possessordative alternation (63d), see Section 6.8.13, leading to an apparently "intransitive" verb with a dative, accusative and an obligatory location argument.

	- b. Er stotterte eine Entschuldigung.
	- c. Ich flüsterte die Lösung in sein Ohr.
	- d. Ich flüsterte ihm die Lösung ins Ohr.

These verbs are formally similar to verbs that allow for an accusative to be [5.89] dropped (see Section 5.7.1). The only difference between these two classes is a

### 5 Case-marking alternations

(rather vague) semantic intuition about whether the intransitive or the transitive meaning is more "basic". As a rule-of-thumb the verbs in this section have an object that is the result of the action as described by the verb (hence the German name ergebnisakkusativ). Whether this is a useful separation has to be determined by future research.

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**


# **5.8.2 ø › obj : [ – | A ] Weather result**

	- (64) a. Gestern hat es riesengroße Körner gehagelt.
		- b. Im Jahre 1932 hagelte es einen Schauer neuer Gesetze. Es schneit Absagen.

# **Attested verbs**

• Weather verbs: *schneien, hageln, regnen*

# **Further examples**


# **5.8.3 adj › obj : [ Ng | ND ] Possessor-of-nominative dative**

For some verbs, an experiencer dative (65a) is an alternative expression for the [5.91] possessor of the nominative (65b). Crucially, the participant is the same person in these two expressions, as can be seen by the possibility of (65c) but the impossibility of (65d).

This experiencer dative with intranstive verbs is closely related to a similar da- [5.92] tive with transitive verbs as discussed in the next Section 5.8.4. In German I propose to call both these diatheses pertinenzdativ. The German term *pertinenz* is used throughout this book when the remapped role is necessarily a possessor of another rolel.

	- b. Meine Füße brennen.
	- c. Meine Füße brennen mir.
	- d. \* Meine Füße brennen dir.

# **Attested verbs**



### 5 Case-marking alternations


### **Notes**

	- (66) a. Mir stinken meine Socken.
		- b. Ihm stinken seine Socken.
		- c. \* Sich stinken seine Socken.
	- (67) a. Das Haus brennt mir ab.
		- b. Mein Haus brennt ab.
		- c. Mein Haus brennt dir ab.

# **5.8.4 adj › obj : [ NAg | NAD ] Possessor-of-accusative dative**

[5.95] A widespread dative alternation is the so-called possessor-to-dative raising. Specifically, with some ditransitive datives the experiencer dative can be reformulated as the possessor of the accusative (68a,b).

	- b. Ich schneide seine Haare.

This alternation occurs with all verbs with the *von* and *für* dative antipassive [5.96] (see Section 6.7.11). Additionally, there are many verbs in the realm of destruction and repair that allow for this diathesis.

For some verbs there is a possible ambiguity of the datives, like in (64a) and [5.97] (70a). There is a difference between the interpretation as a *für* beneficiary alternant 'on your behalf' (69b), (70b), see Section 6.8.10, and the interpretation as a possessive alternant (69c), (70c), as discussed in this section.

	- b. Ich koche die Suppe für dich. (Das ist mein Plan, vielleicht kriegst du die Suppe aber nie.)
	- c. Ich koche deine Suppe. (d.h. die Suppe, die du bestellt hast)
	- b. Ich beantworte die Frage für dich. (weil du willst, dass ich das mache)
	- c. Ich beantworte deine Frage. (d.h. die Frage, die du gestellt hast)

### **Attested verbs**


	- Ich habe mir das Bein gebrochen. Ich habe mein Bein gebrochen.
	- Ich ruiniere dir die Feier. Ich ruiniere deine Feier.
	- Ich beende/kündige dir den Vertrag. Ich beende/kündige deinen Vertrag.

# **5.9 Symmetrical diatheses**

# **5.9.1 obj › sbj › obj : [ NA | AN ] Accusative/accusative inversive**

	- (71) a. Er erwartet einen Test.
		- b. Der Test erwartet ihn.
	- (72) a. Ich warte auf den Test.
		- b. Ich erwarte den Test.
		- c. Zuhause wartet ein Geschenk auf dich.
		- d. Ein Geschenk erwartet dich.

# **Attested verbs**

• *erwarten*

# **5.9.2 obj › sbj › obj : [ NA | DN ] Accusative/dative inversive**

[5.100] The verb *nutzen* either means 'to use' (73a) or 'to benefit' (73b) with almost reversed argument marking.

	- b. Der Hebel nutzt dem Arbeiter wenig.

I know of only a few verbs with this very special passive-like diathesis. There [5.101] are a few more cases of this alternation with reflexive marking (cf. Section 7.9.1). Note that the alternant with the dative (73b) needs a very special adverbial, typically *nichts*, *was*, or *wenig* (i.e. negative polarity).

# **Attested verbs**

• *nutzen, schmecken*

# **Further examples**

• Ich schmecke den Knoblauch nicht. Knoblauch schmeckt mir nicht.

Some verbs allow for the same role expressed with different case marking. [5.102] These seem to be all incidental cases, mostly verbs in the midst of a diachronic change.

# **5.9.3 obj › obj : [ A | D ] Accusative-to-dative**

A few experiencer verbs with an original accusative argument are currently con- [5.103] sidered rather old-fashioned in German (74a). Instead of the original accusative they sometimes are attested with a dative (74b). Note that some of these verbs also have a governed preposition (74c) and a reflexive alternation (74d), see also Section 7.6.1.

	- b. Mir graut.
	- c. Mich ekelt vor dem Spinat.
	- d. Ich ekle mich vor dem Essen.

# **Attested verbs**

• *ekeln, grauen, gruseln, schauern, schwindeln*

# **5.9.4 obj › obj : [ NAA | NAD ] Accusative-to-dative+accusative**

	- (75) a. Er lehrt mich den Trick.
		- b. Er lehrt mir den Trick.

# **Attested verbs**

• *kosten, lehren, nennen*

# **Further examples**


# **Notes**

[5.105] The verb *nennen* seems to have a rather clear semantic difference between 'to name' (with two accusative arguments) and 'to mention' (with an accusative and a dative argument).

# **5.9.5 obj › obj : [ NG | NA ] Genitive-to-accusative**

	- (76) a. Man achtete unser nicht.<sup>11</sup>
		- b. Man achtete uns nicht.

# **Attested verbs**

• *achten*

<sup>11</sup>dwds: https://www.dwds.de/wb/achten, accessed 14 April 2022.

# **Further examples**


# **5.9.6 obj › obj › obj : [ NGA | NAD ] Genitive-to-accusative-to-dative**

The verb *versichern* 'to assure' appears to be a combination of the previous two [5.107] alternations. The apparently older usage with accusative and genitive (77a) exists with an alternative construction with dative and accusative (77b). This "double swap" was possible because most sentences with *versichern* have a subordinate clause instead of a clear genitive/accusative (77c,d). The theoretical intermediate stages (with genitive/dative or double accusative) are unattested (77e,f).

	- b. Ich versichere dir mein Vertrauen.
	- c. Ich versichere dich, dass ich dir vertraue.
	- d. Ich versichere dir, dass ich dir vertraue.
	- e. \* Ich versichere dich mein Vertrauen.
	- f. \* Ich versichere dir meines Vertrauens.

# **Attested verbs**

• *versichern*

<sup>12</sup>dwds: Perutz, Leo: Die dritte Kugel, Reinbek bei Hamburg: Rowohlt 1988 [1915], S. 36. <sup>13</sup>dwds: May, Karl: Winnetou IV, Berlin: Neues Leben 1993 [1910], S. 435.

# **6 Prepositional alternations**

# **6.1 Introduction**

Prepositional phrases play a crucial role in many diatheses throughout this book. [6.1] This chapter catalogues only the covert ("unmarked") alternations that involve a change in pure flagging, i.e. between case-marked constituents and prepositional phrases. Many more such diatheses will be discussed in subsequent chapters, but those alternations display additional overt marking, like reflexive pronouns, verb prefixes, or light verbs.

As surveyed in this chapter, there are many different covert alternations that [6.2] involve prepositions, like antipassives (1a), see Section 6.7.8, anticausatives (1b), see Section 6.5.4, applicatives (1c), see Section 6.9.2, and many more.

	- b. Er quietscht mit den Reifen. Die Reifen quietschen.
	- c. Er füllt Schnaps in die Flasche. Er füllt die Flasche mit Schnaps.

There are also various diatheses that introduce obligatory local prepositional [6.3] phrases, like causatives (2a), see Section 6.5.10, caused-motion objectives (2b), see Section 6.8.3, and raised possessors (2c) see Section 6.8.12.

	- b. Der Wind weht. Der Wind weht die Blätter durch die Luft.
	- c. Er schaut über meine Schulter. Er schaut mir über die Schulter.

Prepositional phrases in German are partly governed arguments and partly [6.4] non-governed adverbial phrases. This distinction is not overtly marked and leads

### 6 Prepositional alternations

to recurrent ambiguity, e.g. between *warten auf* 'to wait for something' and *warten auf* 'to wait while being on top of something' (69). It is of central importance to clearly delimit governed from non-governed prepositions, as discussed extensively in Section 6.2.

	- (adj › sbj › ø) instrumentsubjektiv (see Section 6.5.4 ff.)
	- (pbj › sbj › ø) kreationsubjektiv (see Section 6.5.7 ff.)
	- (obj › sbj › ø) ortsantikausativ (see Section 6.5.10)
	- (ø › sbj › obj) ortskausativ (see Section 6.6.1 ff.)
	- (ø › pbj) bewegungsart (see Section 6.8.1 ff.)
	- (ø › pbj) verursachte bewegung (see Section 6.8.3 ff.)
	- (ø › pbj) ergänzende wirkung (see Section 6.8.5)
	- (ø › obj › pbj) teil/weg-objekttausch (see Section 6.8.8)
	- (ø › obj › pbj) teil/fest-objekttausch (see Section 6.8.9)
	- (adj › obj) benefaktivdativ (see Section 6.8.10)
	- (adj › obj) beurteilerdativ (see Section 6.8.11)
	- (adj › obj) ortspertinenzdativ (see Section 6.8.12 ff.)
	- (adj › obj › pbj) pertinenzakkusativ (see Section 6.8.14)
	- (obj › adj) antipassiv (see Section 6.7.8 ff.)
	- (obj › adj) dativ antipassiv (see Section 6.7.10 ff.)

# **6.2 Delimiting governed prepositional phrases**

# **6.2.1 Identifying governed prepositions**

As a general rule (with only few exceptions, see below) I propose to define prepo- [6.6] sitional phrases as lexically governed arguments when they allow for a paraphrase of the form *da(r)-preposition, dass* clause (cf. Engelen 1986: 110–112). For example, the verb *warten* 'to await' has a possible governed preposition *auf* designating the object that is waited for (4a). In this reading, (4a) can be paraphrased by (38b) with a *darauf, dass* subordinate clause. This combination *warten auf* can best be considered a fixed collocation, to be translated into English as 'waiting for'. However, the preposition *auf* can also have its adverbial local meaning 'on top of' (4c). This leads to another interpretation in which the prepositional phrase is not a governed preposition but an adverbial phrase with a local meaning, paraphrased in (4d). These two readings can even be combined (4e), with an interesting difference in case marking between the two prepositional phrases.

	- b. Der König wartet darauf, dass sein neuer Thron kommt.
	- c. Der König wartet auf seinem alten Thron.
	- d. Der König wartet, während er auf seinem alten Thron sitzt.
	- e. Der König wartet auf seinem alten Thron auf seinen neuen Thron.

The possibility of a *da(r)+Präposition, dass* paraphrase for governed preposi- [6.7] tional phrases has a parallel in question-constructions with*wo(r)+Preposition* (5a). In contrast, the local interpretation of a prepositional phrase is questioned with a bare question word *wo* (5b).

	- b. Wo wartet der König?

Some prepositional phrases without the option of a *da(r)+Präposition, dass* [6.8] paraphrase still have a special status as an argument-like role of a verb, namely when they can be substituted by a case-marked constituent. This is typical for antipassive alternations like (6a), in which the accusative role *den Bären* can alternatively be expressed by a prepositional phrase *auf den Bären* with a difference in affectedness of the object, see Section 6.7.8. In this situation the prepositional phrase cannot be replaced by a *darauf, dass* phrase, so it is not a governed preposition. However, because of the alternation with a case marked constituent, this

participant (viz. *Bär*) is still an argument. Not all prepositional phrases allow such an alternation, notably most local expressions do not (6b). However, there are also some distinctly local expressions that still allow for an antipassive alternation (6c). In general, the semantic content is not a suitable definition of argument status.

	- b. Ich sitze auf dem Stuhl.

\* Ich sitze den Stuhl.

c. Ich reite auf dem Pferd. Ich reite das Pferd.

# **6.2.2 Identifying non-governed prepositions**

	- (7) a. Ich arbeite in dem Arbeitszimmer.
		- b. Ich arbeite vor dem Frühstück.
		- c. Ich arbeite aus Leidenschaft.
		- d. Ich arbeite wegen des Regens.
	- a. Local prepositional phrases: are questioned by *wo/wohin/woher?* 'where', are replaceable by proforms *hier/da/dort* 'here/there', are replaceable by local adverbs like *zuhause* 'at home' or *draußen* 'outside'.
	- b. Temporal prepositional phrases: are questioned by *wann?* 'when', are replaceable by proforms *dann/damals* 'then', are replaceable by temporal adverbs like *gestern* 'yesterday' or *morgen* 'tomorrow'.
	- c. Manner prepositional phrases: are questioned by *wie?* 'how', are replaceable by proforms *so* 'thus', are replaceable by manner adverbs like *schnell* 'quickly' or *viel* 'a lot'.
	- d. Purpose/cause prepositional phrases: are questioned by *warum?* 'why', are replaceable by proforms *deshalb/darum* 'therefore'.

# **6.2.3 Location prepositional phrases**

As a general rule, location prepositional phrases are not governed by a verb. How- [6.11] ever, there are a few verbs that obligatory need a local preposition (9), see Section 6.3.4 and 7.3.4.

	- b. \* Er steckt den Zettel.
	- c. Ich befinde mich in dem Haus.
	- d. \* Ich befinde mich.

Less common are verbs that obligatory need a local preposition (10a,b) that [6.12] alternatively can be exchanged for a temporal one (10c).

	- b. \* Der Unfall ereignete sich.
	- c. Der Unfall ereignete sich vor Sonnenuntergang.

### 6 Prepositional alternations

	- (11) a. Der Ball fällt (auf den Boden).
		- b. Der Ball fällt dem Spieler vor die Füße.
		- c. \* Der Ball fällt dem Spieler.
	- (12) a. Ich habe (in dem Garten) getanzt.
		- b. Ich bin durch den Garten getanzt.
		- c. \* Ich bin getanzt.

# **6.2.4 Comitative/instrumental** *mit* **and** *ohne*

	- (13) a. Ich arbeite mit meinem Freund.
		- b. Mit wem arbeitest du?
		- c. Ich arbeite zusammen mit meinem Freund.
	- (14) a. Ich arbeite mit einem Hammer.
		- b. Womit arbeitest du?
		- c. \* Ich arbeite zusammen mit einem Hammer.
	- (15) a. \* Ich arbeite damit, dass er hilft.
		- b. \* Ich arbeite damit, dass es funktioniert.
	- (16) a. Ich arbeite ohne meinen Freund.
		- b. Ich arbeite ohne einen Hammer.

The non-governed comitative and instrumental interpretation of *mit* can be [6.16] added to practically every verb, given a sensible context. In those contexts, the comitative and instrumental roles are not lexical roles, in the sense that they describe a role that is not specific for the main verb of the sentence. However, many verbs have a *mit* prepositional phrase that expresses a lexeme-specific role. With those verbs the *mit* phrase is an argument. This occurs in the following situations (with some verbs allowing for multiple options):

	- b. Du überrascht mich mit dem Geschenk. Das Geschenk überrascht mich.
	- c. Er füllt die Flasche mit Schnaps. Er füllt den Schnaps in die Flasche.
	- d. Ich einige mich mit dir. Wir einigen uns miteinander.

# **6.2.5 Purposive/beneficiary** *für*

The preposition *für* has a beneficiary reading with human participants and [6.17] a more general purposive interpretation with non-human participants. Beneficiary *für* often appears in alternation with a dative (18a,b), see Section 6.7.11.

### 6 Prepositional alternations

However, a beneficiary *für* is possible with many more verbs as an adverbial phrase (18c), with such a dative alternation being impossible (18d).

	- b. Ich kaufe dir ein Buch.
	- c. Ich arbeite für dich.
	- d. \* Ich arbeite dir
	- (19) a. Ich arbeite für ein besseres Leben.
		- b. Ich arbeite um ein besseres Leben zu bekommen.
		- c. Ich arbeite dafür, dass ich ein besseres Leben bekomme.

# **6.2.6 Causal** *durch* **and** *von*

	- (20) a. Ich laufe durch den Regen.
		- b. Ich verspäte mich durch den Regen.
		- c. Ich verspäte mich dadurch, dass es regnet.
	- (21) a. Sie kommt von dem Arzt.
		- b. Sie erwachte von dem Regen.
		- c. Sie erwachte davon, dass es regnete.

as an instance of a regular causal usage (22) and might thus not be an integral part of the passive construction (see Section 10.5.15 on the *werden* passive).

	- b. Das Haus wurde zerstört durch den Sturm.
	- c. Das Haus wurde dadurch zerstört, dass es vernachlässigt wurde.

# **6.2.7 Adnominal prepositional phrases**

Prepositional phrases can of course also be used adnominally, i.e. they modify [6.22] another noun phrase. In such situations they are not governed by the verb. In some rare examples there is potential ambiguity between a governed and an adnominal prepositional phrase (23a,b).

	- b. In seinem Korb knabbert [der Hund an der Leine].

# **6.3 Deponent verbs**

There are a few verbs that necessarily need a governed preposition. The number [6.23] of such obligatory verb-preposition combinations is surprisingly small in German. Most governed prepositional phrases can easily be dropped or show other alternations (as discussed in the remainder of this chapter). Most verbs that obligatorily occur together with a preposition have developed a special meaning for the verb+preposition combination, like *kommen auf* 'to conceive' vs. *kommen* 'to come' (64a,b) and *brechen mit* 'to cease relations' vs. *brechen* 'to break' (24c,d).

	- b. Ich komme gleich nach Hause.
	- c. Er bricht mit seiner Vergangenheit.
	- d. Er bricht das Brot.

Only very few verbs seem to have an obligatory preposition and no other [6.24] meaning without the preposition, like *appellieren* 'to appeal' (25a,b) and *gewöhnen* 'to accustom' (25c,d).

	- b. \* Er appelliert.
	- c. Er gewöhnt seinen Sohn an den Geschmack.
	- d. \* Er gewöhnt seinen Sohn.

# **6.3.1 [ NP ] Governed preposition**

	- (26) a. Ich baue ein Haus.
		- b. Ich baue auf deine Unterstützung.
		- c. Ich baue darauf, dass du mich unterstützt.
	- (27) a. Die Firma stand vor der Übergabe an einen Manager. Der Planet Krypton steht kurz davor, zu explodieren.
		- b. Ich stehe zu meiner Zusage. Ich stehe dazu, daß wir nicht statistikorientiert arbeiten.<sup>1</sup>
		- c. Das Problem steht zur Diskussion. \* Das Problem steht dazu, daß …


<sup>1</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 05.11.1996.

# **Further examples**


# **Notes**

The combination *handeln über* is attested (28a), but infrequent. Instead *handeln* [6.27] *von* seems to be preferred (28b). Seperately, the combination *kommen zu* 'to achieve' has negative polarity (28c).

	- b. Das Buch handelt von der Vergangenheit.
	- c. Wir kommen nicht zu einem Ergebnis.

# **6.3.2 [ NAP ] Governed preposition+accusative**

Some verbs, like *erinnern* 'to remind' (29), combine a governed preposition with [6.28] an accusative argument.

	- b. Ich erinnere dich daran, dass du einen Termin hast.


<sup>2</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 21.12.2005, Nr. 51.

### 6 Prepositional alternations

# **Further examples**


# **6.3.3 [NL] Obligatory local preposition**

	- (30) a. Sie wohnt in Berlin.
		- b. \* Sie wohnt.

# **Attested verbs**

• *entspringen, münden, sein (sich befinden), spielen (zutragen), wohnen, übernachten, zeigen*

# **Further examples**


# **6.3.4 [NAL] Obligatory local preposition+accusative**

	- (31) a. Der Hund liegt im Korb.
		- b. Er legt den Hund in den Korb.

<sup>3</sup>Attested at https://www.dwds.de/wb/wenden, accessed 18 April 2022.

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**


# **6.3.5 [ NP ] Accusative** *es***+governed preposition**

The verb *belassen bei* 'to rest a matter with' (32) appears to have an obligatorily [6.31] empty accusative pronoun *es*. Such non-phoric pronouns *es* mostly appears as a fall-back mechanism for missing subjects (see Section 2.2.3). However, with this verb it is used for a missing object. It does not seem to be possible to use any phoric object with this verb.

	- b. Die Polizistin belässt es dabei, mich zu verwarnen.

# **Attested verbs**



# **6.3.6 [ Np ] Bare reciprocal** *mit*

	- (33) a. Karl kooperiert mit Anna.
		- b. \* Karl kooperiert.
		- c. Karl und Anna kooperieren miteinander.
		- d. \* Karl und Anna kooperieren sich.
		- e. Karl kooperiert mit Anna [zusammen mit seinem Freund].

# **Attested verbs**

• *anstoßen (zuprosten), debattieren, diskutieren, fechten, kämpfen, kommunizieren, konkurrieren, kooperieren, korrespondieren, ringen, rivalisieren, spielen, streiten, unterhandeln, verhandeln, wetteifern*

# **Further examples**


# **6.4 Alternations without diathesis**

[6.33] Thissection is empty. It is only added here for the numbering to be parallel across chapters. By definition, alternations without diathesis do not exist for covert alternations as discussed in this chapter. In other chapters this section will be well represented by many examples.

# **6.5 Diatheses with subject demotion**

# **6.5.1 sbj › ø : [ NP | –P ] Nominative drop+governed preposition**

With verbs like *abhängen von* 'depend on' the nominative can be dropped, and [6.34] a valency-simulating pronoun *es* is inserted (34a,b). This pronoun *es* is not referential with verbs like this. For an apparently similar verb like *zeugen von* 'to be evidence of' this is different (34c,d): with this verb the pronoun *es* can only be interpreted referentially ("phoric"), so it does not belong in this class.

	- b. Jetzt hängt es ganz von dir ab.
	- c. Das Resultat zeugt von deinem Einsatz.
	- d. Es zeugt von deinem Einsatz.

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**


# **Notes**

Some dictionaries list *hapern an* 'to be lacking' as having obligatory *es* (35a). How- [6.35] ever, in corpora there are various examples with a nominative subject (35b,c).

	- b. Denn der Vergleich hapert immer.<sup>5</sup>
	- c. Eine mögliche Wiedergeburt der Grünen […] hapert an drei Stellen.<sup>6</sup>
	- d. Nur bei den Bässen hapert der Nachschub.<sup>7</sup>

<sup>4</sup>Attested at https://www.dwds.de/wb/hapern, accessed 23 April 2022.

<sup>5</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 29.12.2010, Nr. 52.

<sup>6</sup>dwds: Der Tagesspiegel, 26.03.2001.

<sup>7</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 19.03.1993, Nr. 12.

# **6.5.2 sbj › adj : [ ND | pD ] Nominative demotion+dative**

	- (36) a. Das Geld fehlt ihm.
		- b. Ihm fehlt es an Geld.

# **Attested verbs**

• an: *fehlen, mangeln*

# **Further examples**

• Leider mangelt ihm jeglicher Stolz. Ihm mangelt es an Stolz.

# **6.5.3 sbj › adj : [ N– | pD ] Nominative demotion+dative addition**

	- (37) a. Der Sommer ist kalt.
		- b. Mir ist kalt (im Sommer).
		- c. Es ist kalt (im Sommer).

# **Attested verbs**

• *kalt sein, langweilig sein, zum Heulen sein*


# **6.5.4 adj › sbj › ø : [ Np | –N ] Intransitive conciliative**

A conciliative (from Lat. *conciliator*, 'intermediary/mediator') is a diathesis in [6.38] which an instrument-like artefact is promoted to nominative subject. This instrument is an intermediate that is used by an agent to reach a certain goal, hence the latinate name. In German I propose to use the term instrumentsubjektiv. This diathesis is attested both with intransitive verbs (this section) and transitive verbs (see Section 6.5.5). For intransitive verbs a (non-governed) prepositional constituent alternates with a nominative subject (38a,b).

	- b. Die Tür klappert.

With some verbs the old nominative can be retained as genitive possessor of [6.39] the new nominative (39b). Because of this possessor, the alternation is referred to by Levin (1993: 77) as "Possessor Subject". However, the old nominative and genitive possessor need not be the same participant (39c), so this should not be seen as a definitional characteristic. The possessor (if present) in turn can show an alternation with a dative for some verbs (39d), see Section 5.8.3.

	- b. Mein Anzug passt.
	- c. Ich passe in deinen Anzug.
	- d. Mir passt der Anzug.

# **Attested verbs**



# **6.5.5 adj › sbj › ø : [ NpA | –NA ] Transitive conciliative**

	- (40) a. Der Doktor heilt die Wunde mit einer Salbe.
		- b. Die Salbe des Doktors heilt die Wunde.

# **Attested verbs**



# **Notes**

Not all instruments allow for this diathesis (41). This difference suggests that [6.42] there are at least two different kinds of instruments (cf. Hooste 2018).

	- b. Der Kran belädt den Laster.
	- c. Ich belade den Laster mit meinen Händen.
	- d. \* Meine Hände beladen den Laster.

# **6.5.6 adj › sbj › ø : [ NpA | –Np ] Ingredient conciliative**

This alternation takes a (non-governed) prepositional phrase and turns it into [6.43] a nominative. However, different from the previous anticausatives, the original nominative agent cannot be retained, and the original accusative is transformed into a prepositional phrase with *nach*.

	- b. Die Suppe schmeckt nach Pfefferminze.

# **Attested verbs**

• *riechen, schmecken*

# **Further examples**

• Ich rieche Blume im Parfüm. Der Parfüm riecht nach Blume.

# **6.5.7 pbj › sbj › ø : [ NPA | –NA ] Transitive fabricative**

	- (43) a. Der Lehrer überraschst mich mit seiner Aufgabe.
		- b. Die Aufgabe (des Lehrers) überrascht mich.
		- c. Der Lehrer überrascht mich damit, dass er die Aufgabe schon korrigiert hat.
	- b. Deine Witze ärgern mich.
	- c. Ich ärgere mich über deine Witze.

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**


# **Notes**

For a detailed discussion of the verb *erschrecken* and possible morphophonolog- [6.47] ical differences between the two alternants, see Plank & Lahiri (Plank & Lahiri 2015: 29–31).

# **6.5.8 pbj › sbj › ø : [ NP | –N ] Intransitive fabricative**

The verb *drängen* 'to urge' (45) shows a special diathesis which is a variant of the [6.48] previous fabricative. In this case, the role expressed with the governed preposi-

tion *auf* (45a,b) is turned into a nominative with a meaning of 'to be urgent' (45c).

	- b. Ich dränge darauf, dass die Regelung geändert wird.
	- c. Die Änderung drängt.

# **Attested verbs**

• *drängen*

# **6.5.9 pbj › sbj › ø : [ NPD | –ND ] Fabricative+dative**

	- (46) a. Er droht mir mit Entlassung.
		- b. Er droht mir damit, dass ich entlassen werde.
		- c. Die Entlassung droht mir.

# **Attested verbs**

• *drohen*

# **6.5.10 obj › sbj › ø : [ NAL | –NL ]** *haben* **Anticausative+location**

	- (47) a. Ich hänge den Pullover in den Schrank.
		- b. Der Pullover hängt im Schrank.
	- b. Der Teller hat (allmählich) am Tisch geklebt.
	- c. Der Teller ist (\*allmählich) am Tisch geklebt.

# **Attested verbs**

• *hängen, klappen, kleben, lehnen, stecken*

# **Further examples**


# **Notes**

The verb *hängen* still shows the difference between transitive causative and in- [6.52] transitive stative usage through different forms of the past *hing* vs. *hängte* (49a,b) and the participle *gehangen* vs. *gehängt* (49c,d). Many speakers of German do not appear to have clear intuitions about any difference between these two inflectional alternatives anymore (see also Plank & Lahiri 2015: 32–33).

	- b. ? Ich hängte den Pullover in den Schrank.
	- c. Der Pullover hat im Schrank gehangen.
	- d. Ich habe den Pullover in den Schrank gehängt.

# **6.5.11 obj › sbj › ø : [ NA– | –NP ]** *haben* **Anticausative+preposition**

The verb *deuten* (50) shows a special diathesis in which the accusative is turned [6.53] into a nominative, but only with an additional obligatory *auf* prepositional phrase (50a,b). The preposition *auf* is a governed preposition (50b,c). Although

### 6 Prepositional alternations

clearly related, these two uses of *deuten* are semantically already quite far apart, meaning approximately 'to interpret' (50a) vs. 'to forebode' (50b).

	- b. Der Traum deutet auf nichts Gutes.
	- c. Der Traum deutet darauf, dass morgen alles wieder gut sein wird.

# **Attested verbs**

• *deuten*

# **6.6 Diatheses with promotion to subject**

# **6.6.1 ø › sbj › obj : [ –NL | NAL ]** *sein* **Causative+location**

	- (51) a. Der Elefant ist ins Wasser gestürzt.
		- b. \* Der Elefant hat ins Wasser gestürzt.
		- c. Ich habe den Elefanten ins Wasser gestürzt.
	- (52) a. Ich habe den Elefanten ins Wasser gestürzt.
		- b. Ich stürze den Elefanten ins Wasser.
		- c. Der Elefant ist ins Wasser gestürzt.
		- d. Der Elefant stürzt ins Wasser.
	- (53) a. Ich habe den Tisch geputzt.
		- b. Ich putze den Tisch.
		- c. Der Tisch ist geputzt.
		- d. \* Der Tisch putzt.

# **Attested verbs**

• *fahren, hetzen, rücken, stürzen, treiben, ziehen*

# **Further examples**


# **Notes**

The alternation with the verb *rücken* 'to move over' and *ziehen* 'to pull' are rather [6.56] idiosyncratic. Possibly, these alternations constructions are better seen as different verbs.

# **6.6.2 ø › sbj › obj : [ –NL | NAL ]** *Umlaut* **Causative+location**

Vestiges of the old Germanic causative suffix *‑jan* can still be found in some verb [6.57] pairs in contemporary German, as illustrated with the pair *liegen/legen* 'to lie/to lay' (54). The verbs in this section obligatorily need a location. Similar causative verb pairs without obligatory location are discussion in Section 5.6.3.

	- b. Ich lege den Hund in den Korb.

# **Attested verbs**

• *liegen/legen, schwimmen/schwemmen, sitzen/setzen, stehen/stellen*

<sup>8</sup>Attested on https://www.dwds.de/wb/rücken, accessed 23 April 2022.

# **Further examples**

• Das Pferd schwimmt im Fluss. Er schwemmte die Pferde im Fluss.<sup>9</sup>

# **6.7 Diatheses with object demotion**

	- (55) a. Ich träume von dir.
		- b. Ich träume davon, dass ich dich treffe.
		- c. Ich träume.
	- (56) a. Ich schieße den Bären.
		- b. Ich schieße auf den Bären.
		- c. \* Ich schieße darauf, dass der Bär kommt.
	- (57) Deobjective hierarchy: dative › preposition › accusative

<sup>9</sup>Attested on https://www.dwds.de/wb/schwemmen, accessed 23 April 2022. This usage appears to be old-fashioned.

there are no genitive or dative arguments. Note that the drop hierarchy and the antipassive hierarchy are not contradictory, but there is currently insufficient evidence to claim that they are the same hierarchy.

(58) Antipassive hierarchy: dative/genitive › accusative

Some verbs allow for both a dative and an accusative antipassive. There ap- [6.62] pears to be recurrent restrictions on the co-occurrence of accusative and dative prepositional alternations, with attested patterns as shown for *schießen* 'to shoot' in (59a–f) and *schreiben* 'to write' (59a–f). The generalisation seems to be (i) that the accusative cannot be demoted into a preposition when there is still a dative around and (ii) dative and accusative can only be both demoted to a preposition if one of the prepositions is *für* (this is a further indication that the *für*-to-dative diatheses are better analysed as promotions, see Section 6.8.10).

	- b. Ich schieße für dich. [ n-p ]
	- c. Ich schieße auf den Bären. [ np- ]
	- d. Ich schieße den Bären für dich. [ nap ]
	- e. \* Ich schieße dir auf den Bären. [ npd ]
	- f. Ich schieße für dich auf den Bären. [ npp ]
	- b. Ich schreibe an dich. [ n-p ]
	- c. Ich schreibe an dem Brief. [ np- ]
	- d. Ich schreibe den Brief an dich. [ nap ]
	- e. \* Ich schreibe dir an dem Brief. [ npd ]
	- f. \* Ich schreibe an dich an dem Brief. [ npp ]

# **6.7.1 pbj › ø : [ NP | N– ] Governed preposition drop**

Governed prepositions that can be dropped are frequent. There are even vari- [6.63] ous verbs that allow for different governed prepositions, like *sprechen über* and *sprechen von* in (61a,b).

	- b. Der Reporter spricht von einem historischen Ereignis. Der Reporter spricht davon, dass es ein historisches Ereignis ist.

### 6 Prepositional alternations

# **Attested verbs**



# **6.7.2 pbj › ø : [ NAP | NA– ] Governed preposition drop +accusative**

Some verbs allow for the governed preposition to be dropped, but not the ac- [6.64] cusative argument (62a–c).

	- b. Ich bereite dich vor.
	- c. \* Ich bereite auf die Klausur vor.

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**


# **6.7.3 pbj › ø : [ NL | N– ] Location preposition drop**

A special variant of a dropped preposition of is the removal of an obligatory loca- [6.65] tion phrase. For example, the verb *steigen* 'to mount' has an obligatory location phrase when used with an agentive subject (63a,b). The analysis that the subject is agentive is reinforced by the impossibility for the participle to be used attributively without the location phrase (63c,d), cf. Section 10.2.4.

### 6 Prepositional alternations

	- b. \* Der Mann steigt.
	- c. Der aus dem Auto gestiegene Mann […].
	- d. \* Der gestiegene Mann […].
	- (64) a. Die Temperatur steigt.
		- b. Die gestiegene Temperatur […].
	- *eilen*: 'to hurry' vs. 'to be urgent'
	- *laufen*: 'to walk' vs. 'to be in progress'
	- *steigen*: 'to mount' vs. 'to rise'
	- *stehen*: 'to stand' vs. 'to be stopped'
	- *ziehen*: 'to pull' vs 'to brew'

# **Attested verbs**

• *eilen, laufen, steigen, stehen, ziehen*


<sup>10</sup>I thank Jens Fleischhauer for this observation.

# **6.7.4 pbj › ø : [ NAL | NA– ] Location preposition drop +accusative**

The verb *durchziehen* needs a location phrase when used in the meaning 'to pull [6.68] through' (65a), but not when it is used in the meaning 'to see through' (65b).

	- b. ? Ich habe den Faden durchgezogen.
	- c. Ich habe die Reform durchgezogen.

# **Attested verbs**

• *durchziehen*

# **6.7.5 obj › ø : [ NAP | N–P ] Accusative drop+preposition**

Different from the previous alternation, these verbs allow for both the preposi- [6.69] tion and the accusative to be dropped (66a–c).

	- b. Ich warne dich.
	- c. Ich warne vor den Gefahren.

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**


# **6.7.6 obj › ø : [ NDP | N–P ] Dative drop+preposition**

With a dative argument, some verbs allow for the dative to be dropped, but the [6.70] preposition to be retained (67a–c). This is the opposite structure as attested with accusative drop, as discussed above.

### 6 Prepositional alternations

	- b. \* Ich rate dir.
	- c. Ich rate zum Verkauf.

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**


# **6.7.7 obj › ø : [ NDP | N– – ] Dative drop+preposition drop**

	- (68) a. Ich gratuliere dir zu deinem Geburtstag.
		- b. Ich gratuliere dir.
		- c. Ich gratuliere zu deinem Geburtstag.
		- d. ? Ich gratuliere.

# **Attested verbs**



# **6.7.8 obj › adj : [ NA | Np ] Accusative antipassive**

A commonly occurring diathesis in German is an antipassive, in which an ac- [6.72] cusative object can be reformulated as a prepositional phrase. In such alternations, the construction with the prepositional phrase typically indicates a less transitive situation, e.g. one in which the object is less affected (69a) or the action only partially completed (69b). Note that this alternation does not work in the other direction, i.e. when a verb occurs with a prepositional phrase, then it is mostly not the case that it can be used with the same referent as an accusative (69c).

	- b. Ich baue ein Haus. Ich baue an einem Haus.
	- c. Ich sitze auf dem Stuhl. \* Ich sitze den Stuhl.

There appear to be only a small selection of prepositions that can be used in such [6.73] alternations, which will be discussed in turn in subsequent subsections.


### 6 Prepositional alternations

	- (70) a. Er spielt die Geige. Er spielt auf der Geige.
		- b. Er spielt den letzen Akt. Er spielt in dem letzen Akt.
		- c. Er spielt Billard.
		- d. Er spielt einen Walzer.
		- e. Er spielt den Narren.
	- (71) a. Ich beklage den Lärm.
		- b. Ich beklage mich über den Lärm.
	- (72) a. Der Hund biss den Jungen.
		- ? Der Hund biss in den Jungen.
		- b. Der Hund biss in den Knochen.
			- \* Der Hund biss den Knochen.

# **6.7.8.1** *an* **Antipassive**

Accusative objects that alternate with an *an* prepositional phrase indicate par- [6.77] tially completed actions, like with *bauen an* 'to be busy building' (73a) and is also typically used when there is bodily contact to the object, like with *schlecken an* 'to lick' (73b).

	- b. Ich schlecke mein Eis. Ich schlecke an meinem Eis.

# **Attested verbs**



# **Notes**

	- (74) a. Er kratzte den Kopf.<sup>11</sup>
		- b. Ich kratze mir den Kopf.
		- c. Die Katze kratzt mich.
		- d. Die Katze kratzt an der Tür.
	- (75) a. Er verdient den Nobelpreis.
		- b. Er verdient an dem Geschäft
	- (76) a. Ich gewinne Sicherheit. Ich gewinne an Sicherheit.
		- b. Wir verlieren Höhe. Wir verlieren an Höhe.

# **6.7.8.2** *auf* **Antipassive**

	- (77) a. Er reitet das Pferd. Er reitet auf dem Pferd.

<sup>11</sup>dwds: Hauptmann, Gerhart: Der Narr in Christo Emanuel Quint, Berlin: Aufbau-Verl. 1962(1910), S. 318.


# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**


# **Notes**

The following verbs show considerable semantic shift in this alternation: *hören* [6.82] 'to hear' vs. 'to obey' (78a), *achten* 'to respect' vs. 'to look after' (78b) and *sprechen* 'be able to speak a foreign language' vs. 'to speak in a foreign language' (78c).

	- b. Ich achte dich. Ich achte auf dich. c Ich spreche Englisch. Ich spreche auf Englisch.

# **6.7.8.3** *aus* **Antipassive**

This alternation seems to be typical for objects of reading, like *vorlesen* 'to read [6.83] aloud' (79).

	- b. Ich lese aus dem Buch vor.

# **Attested verbs**

• *lesen, vorlesen, zitieren*

# **6.7.8.4** *in* **Antipassive**

	- (80) a. Ich lese das Buch.
		- b. Ich lese in dem Buch.

# **Attested verbs**

• *bestehen (Erfolg haben), entscheiden, lesen, gewinnen, korrigieren, schneiden, spielen, stürmen (Angriff), treffen (Ziel)*


# **Notes**

With the verb *stürmen* in the meaning 'to attack' there is a good argument to be [6.85] made for an applicative diathesis instead of an antipassive. First, the verb *stürmen* arguably is a weather verb 'to storm' (81a) which can be used in a mannerof-movement diathesis (81b), see Section 6.8.2. From this usage it is only a small step to the meaning 'to attack' with an accusative (81c). Second, this is probably the only verb among all the antipassives listed here that changed the light verb in the perfect between *haben* and *sein* (81b,c). This verb is still listed here among the antipassives because I do not have any other verbs that show the same applicative-like diathesis to put it into a completely new subsection.

	- b. Die Soldaten sind in den Saal gestürmt.
	- c. Die Soldaten haben das Kastell gestürmt.

# **6.7.8.5** *mit* **Instrumental antipassive**

Accusative objects that alternate with a *mit* prepositional phrase indicate par- [6.86] tially affected objects, typically those that can be construed as an instrument, like with *schießen* 'to shoot' (82a), or an instrument of transport, like with *fliegen* 'to fly' (82b).

	- b. Ich fliege das Flugzeug. Ich fliege mit dem Flugzeug.

# **Attested verbs**



### 6 Prepositional alternations


# **6.7.8.6** *mit* **Reciprocal antipassive**

	- (83) a. Ich spreche den Abteilungsleiter.
		- b. Ich spreche mit dem Abteilungsleiter.
		- c. Der Abteilungsleiter und ich sprechen miteinander.

# **Attested verbs**

• *sprechen*

# **6.7.8.7** *nach* **Antipassive**

	- (84) a. Ich suche den Ring.
		- b. Ich suche nach dem Ring.


# **Further examples**


# **6.7.8.8** *von* **Antipassive**

Accusative objects that alternate with a *von* prepositional phrase occur typically [6.89] with consumption verbs, indicating that the consumption is only partially completed, like with *essen* 'to eat' (85a). Also actions that designate a transaction of an (part of an) object, like with *stehlen* 'to steal' (85b). In some contexts the verbs *wissen* 'to know' (85c) and *hören* 'to hear' (85d) also show this alternation.

	- b. Ich stehle die Blumen. Ich stehle von den Blumen.
	- c. Ich weiß deine Telefonnummer. Ich weiß von dem Schmuck, der gestohlen wurde.
	- d. Ich höre den Kampf in der Ferne. Ich höre von dem Kampf in den Nachrichten.


### 6 Prepositional alternations

# **Further examples**


# **6.7.8.9** *über* **Antipassive**

	- (86) a. Ich bestimme die Reihenfolge.
		- b. Ich bestimme über die Reihenfolge.

# **Attested verbs**



<sup>12</sup>Attested at https://www.dwds.de/wb/entscheiden, accessed 27 April 2022.

# **Notes**

The verb *verfügen* has two rather different meanings in the antipassive diathe- [6.91] sis, viz. 'to mandate' with an accusative (87a) and 'to have control over' with a prepositional phrase (87b).

	- b. Ich verfüge über viel Geld.

# **6.7.8.10** *zu* **Antipassive**

The antipassive variant with *zu* is somewhat troublesome as all examples known [6.92] to me are quite idiosyncratic, like *finden* 'to find' (88). Maybe it is better to consider these diatheses as separate lexicalised constructions. However, I think the examples listed here are interesting enough to consider this as a possible diathesis.

(88) a. Sie findet ihn.

b. Sie konnte blind und taub sein, aber sie fand zu ihm.<sup>13</sup>

# **Attested verbs**

• *halten, werden, finden*

# **Further examples**


# **6.7.9 obj › adj : [ NLA | NLp ] Accusative antipassive+location**

With some verbs, like *drücken* 'to press' (89a), a locative prepositional phrase is [6.93] obligatorily present. The accusative instrument *Finger* 'finger' can be changed to an optional *mit* prepositional phrase (89b), but the location cannot be removed (89c). A similar situation occurs with *stoßen* 'to jab' (90), though the *mit* instrument cannot (easily) be removed in this case either.

<sup>13</sup>dwds: Kopetzky, Steffen: Grand Tour, Frankfurt am Main: Eichborn 2002, S. 239.

### 6 Prepositional alternations

	- b. Er drückt auf den Knopf (mit seinem Finger).
	- c. \* Er drückt den Finger.
	- b. Er stößt in die Wunde mit dem Messer.
	- c. \* Er stößt das Messer.

# **Attested verbs**

• *drücken, stoßen*

# **6.7.10 obj › adj : [ ND | Np ] Dative antipassive**

	- (91) a. Ich entfliehe dem Gefängnis.
		- b. Ich entfliehe aus dem Gefängnis.

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**

• Die Demonstranten wichen der Polizei. Und er wich vor keiner Drohung, keiner Gewalt.<sup>14</sup>

<sup>14</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 15.05.1981, Nr. 21.


# **6.7.11 obj › adj : [ NAD | NAp ] Dative antipassive+accusative**

With an additional accusative argument it is widespread for dative arguments to [6.95] have an alternative expression in the form of a prepositional phrase. However, it is rather difficult to characterise the semantic difference between two such alternating expressions (cf. De Vaere et al. 2018) for an investigation for the verb *geben* and the large literature on the English dative alternation). There are only a few monosyllabic prepositions that can be used for this alternation:


# **6.7.11.1** *an* **Ditransitive dative alternation**

The replacement of a dative with an *an* prepositional phrase is a common alter- [6.96] nation (cf. Adler 2011). For a detailed analysis of this alternation with the verb

<sup>15</sup>dwds: Die Landfrau, 12.09.1925.

### 6 Prepositional alternations

*geben*, see De Vaere et al. (2018). In all cases there is some kind of giving of the accusative object to the dative object implied. Various verbs in this class also allow for a *zu* dative alternation (Section 6.7.11.4).

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**


# **6.7.11.2** *von* **Ditransitive dative alternation**

	- (92) a. Ich klaue dir die Blumen.
		- b. Ich klaue die Blumen von dir.

# **Attested verbs**

• Removing object from dative: *abknöpfen, abnehmen, ausspannen, borgen, enteignen, entfernen, entlehnen, entleihen, entnehmen, entwenden, klauen, nehmen, rauben, stehlen, wegnehmen*

# **6.7.11.3** *vor* **Ditransitive dative alternation**

The *vor* dative antipassive is typically used with verbs expressing an action that [6.98] hides the accusative object from the dative object, like with *verschweigen* 'to conceal' (93). All examples known to me have the prefix *ver-*.

	- b. Ich verschweige das Geheimnis vor dir.

# **Attested verbs**

• Hiding object from dative: *verbergen, verheimlichen, verschweigen*

# **6.7.11.4** *zu* **Ditransitive dative alternation**

The *zu* dative antipassive is typically used with verbs expressing the movement [6.99] of the accusative object to the dative object, like with *bringen* 'to bring' (94).

	- b. Ich bringe die Waren zu dir.

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**


# **6.7.12 obj › pbj : [ NA | NP ] Accusative governed antipassive**

The verb *beginnen* 'to begin' illustrates an accusative antipassive (95a,b). Differ- [6.100] ent from the previously discussed accusative antipassives (see Section 6.7.8), in this example the *mit* prepositional phrase is a governed preposition (95c). All

### 6 Prepositional alternations

verbs in this section have antipassives with governed prepositions. Note that the verb *beginnen* also shows a different, completely independent, anticausative diathesis (see Section 5.5.5) in which the accusative is promoted to nominative (95d).

	- b. Ich beginne mit der Arbeit.
	- c. Ich beginne damit, dass ich die Stifte ordne.
	- d. Die Arbeit beginnt.

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**


# **Notes**

	- (96) a. Ich leide große Schmerzen.
		- b. Ich leide an einer Krankheit.

# **6.7.13 obj › pbj : [ ND | NP ] Dative governed antipassive**

The verb *vertrauen* 'to trust' (97) is currently the only known example of a verb [6.102] showing a dative antipassive with a governed preposition.

	- b. Ich vertraue auf dich.
	- c. Ich vertraue darauf, dass du die Arbeit machst.

### **Attested verbs**

• auf: *vertrauen*

# **6.7.14 obj › pbj : [ NG | NP ] Genitive governed antipassive**

Some old-fashioned genitive arguments can be replaced by a governed preposi- [6.103] tion. Yet, this seems to be highly unusual for genitives without accusatives. The only known case is *denken* 'to remember' (98a,b). Note that the prepositional phrase is governed (98c).

	- b. Ich denke an die vergangenen Jahre.
	- c. Ich denke daran, dass ich Milch kaufen muss.

### **Attested verbs**

• an: *denken*

# **6.7.15 obj › pbj : [ NAG | NAP ] Genitive governed antipassive+accusative**

The genitive ditransitives in this group allow for an alternative formulation of the [6.104] genitive argument as a prepositional phrase with *von*. Given a suitable context, such prepositional phrases can in most cases be left out.

As genitive arguments are generally disappearing in German, many verbs in [6.105] this section are also losing the possibility to occur with a genitive, leaving the antipassive alternant as the only option. For example, the verb *erinnern* 'to remind' could be used with a genitive until ±1850 (99a). Today, the prepositional *an* antipassive seems to be only possibility (99b). Note that the prepositions with the verbs in this section are governed prepositions (99c).

### 6 Prepositional alternations

	- b. Ich erinnere dich an das Versprechen.
	- c. Ich erinnere dich daran, dass du Milch kaufen sollst.

# **Attested verbs**

• Separate from: *befreien, entbinden, entheben, verweisen*

# **Further examples**


# **Notes**

	- (100) Das allgemeine Völkerrecht befreit die Person des feindlichen Regenten.<sup>16</sup>

# **6.8 Diatheses with promotion to object**

# **6.8.1 ø › pbj : [ N– | NL ] Manner of movement**

[6.107] Many movement verbs, like *tanzen* 'to dance' (101), allow for the following two kinds of constructions. First, a regular intransitive construction expressing the movement with an optional location (101a) and, second, a construction with an obligatory local prepositional phrase in which the movement verb expresses the

<sup>16</sup>dwds: Klüber, Johann Ludwig: Europäisches Völkerrecht. Bd. 2. Stuttgart, 1821.

manner of movement (101b). Syntactically, there is a crucial difference between these two constructions in that the perfect auxiliary changes between *haben* (101a) and *sein* (101b), see also Section 10.4.3. The local prepositional phrase cannot be left out in the construction with *sein* (101c). In German I propose to use the term bewegungsart for this diathesis.

	- b. Ich bin durch den Garten getanzt. (= Ich habe mich tanzend durch den Garten bewegt.)
	- c. \* Ich bin getanzt.

This alternation is typically used to explain the difference between using a [6.108] dative or an accusative with the so-called *Wechselpräpositionen* like *in* or *auf*. For example, the verb *klettern* 'to climb' can be used with *auf* +dative (102a) and with *auf* +accusative (102b). With the dative the action takes place at the location ('climbing while being on top of the mountain'). In contrast, with the accusative there is a movement that changes location ('climbing with the goal to reach the mountain').

	- b. Ich klettere auf den Berg. Ich bin gestern \*(auf den Berg) geklettert.

However, syntactically and semantically there is much more going on than [6.109] simply a difference in case marking with some prepositions. As proposed here, there is a diathesis between using a movement verb like *schwanken* 'to swing, to waver' in two different ways:

(i) either it is used to describe:


### 6 Prepositional alternations

	- the manner of movement that leads to a change of position (104a)
	- with a perfect auxiliary *sein* (104b)
	- with an obligatory location phrase that describes the new position after the movement (104c)
	- which can be used attributively (103d)
	- which allows for gradual time specification (103e).
	- (103) a. Das Boot schwankt im Wind.
		- b. Das Boot hat im Wind geschwankt.
		- c. Das Boot hat geschwankt.
		- d. \* Das im Wind geschwankte Boot ist gesunken.
		- e. Das Boot hat allmählich im Wind geschwankt.
	- (104) a. Der Betrunkene schwankt in die Kneipe.
		- b. Der Betrunkene ist in die Kneipe geschwankt.
		- c. \* Der Betrunkene ist geschwankt.
		- d. Der in die Kneipe geschwankte Betrunkene ist gestürzt.
		- e. Der Betrunkene ist allmählich in die Kneipe geschwankt.
	- (105) a. Sein Mantel hat getrieft (vor Nässe).
		- b. Das Wasser ist vom Dach getrieft.

(106) a. Die Köche schwitzen.

b. Die herumwieselnden Köche schwitzen sich durch verschiedene Runden.<sup>17</sup>

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**


# **6.8.2 ø › pbj : [ – – | NL ] Weather-like manner of movement**

Many weather verbs like *wehen* 'to blow' (107) allow for a nominative subject that [6.113] is moving in a weather-like manner, often induced by a weather phenomenon. In such constructions the location phrase seems obligatory.

	- b. Die Blätter wehen durch die Luft.

There appears to be a slight semantic difference between examples in which [6.114] the nominative subject is a patient-like argument of the weather phenomenon, like in (107), and examples in which an action is performed in a way reminiscent of the weather phenomenon, like in (108).

	- b. Sie stürmten in den Saal.

<sup>17</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 20.04.2016 (online).

# **Attested verbs**

• *blitzen, donnern, hageln, regnen, stürmen, wehen*

# **Further examples**


# **6.8.3 ø › pbj : [ N– – | NAL ] Intransitive caused motion**

	- b. Er klopft an der Tür.
	- c. Er klopft den Takt.
	- d. Er klopft den Schnee von seinen Schuhen.
	- e. \* Er klopft den Schnee.
	- f. \* Er klopft von seinen Schuhen.
	- g. Durch klopfen sorgte er dafür, dass der Schnee von seinen Schuhen ging.
	- h. Er klopft mir den Schnee von den (meinen) Schuhen.
	- i. Er klopft sich den Schnee von den Schuhen.

This construction is closely related constructions with resultative preverbial [6.120] like *leer‑* 'empty' in (110), see also Section 9.8.2.

(110) Er klopft den Aschenbecher leer.

# **Attested verbs**



# **Notes**

	- (111) a. Er trinkt seine Freunde unter den Tisch.
		- b. Er spielt den Gegner an die Wand.
		- c. Der Student im vierten Stock schläft mal wieder ein Loch in den Tag.<sup>25</sup>

# **6.8.4 ø › pbj : [ NA– | NAL ] Transitive caused motion**

[6.122] Similarto intransitive caused movement (see Section 6.8.3), some transitive verbs like *befehlen* 'to order' (112a) alternate with a caused motion construction (112b). Note that there also exists a slightly different construction (without diathesis) with a dative after the preposition *an* (112c). In this example the prepositional phrase simply expresses the location in which the action is taking place, or, alternatively it is an adnominal phrase. In both these interpretations there is no valency alternation.

<sup>18</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 30.07.2010 (online).

<sup>19</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 08.03.1996 (online).

<sup>20</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 04.05.1990 (online).

<sup>21</sup>dwds: Oheim, Gertrud: Einmaleins des guten Tons, Gütersloh: Bertelsmann 1957, S. 296.

<sup>22</sup>dwds: Lehner, Angela: Vater Unser, Berlin: Hanser 2019.

<sup>23</sup>dwds: Fresenius, Hanna: Sauna, Reinbek bei Hamburg: Rowohlt 1987, S. 15.

<sup>24</sup>dwds: Weismantel, Leo: Die höllische Trinität, Berlin: Union-Verlag 1966, S. 54.

<sup>25</sup>Attested online at https://universal\_lexikon.de-academic.com/232141/Ein\_Loch\_in\_den\_Tag\_ schlafen, accessed 25 Juli 2022.

	- b. Ich befehle die Armee an die Front. (= Ich befehle, und das Resultat ist: die Armee ist an der Front.)
	- c. Ich befehle die Armee an der Front. (= Ich befehle die Armee, während ich an der Front bin.) (= Ich befehle die Armee, die an der Front ist.)

# **Attested verbs**

• *befehlen, dirigieren, graben, hetzen, jagen, peitschen, schneiden, ziehen*

# **Further examples**


# **6.8.5 ø › pbj : [ NA– | NAP ] Performative result**

A slightly different variant of a diathesis describing a result is attested with vari- [6.123] ous performative verbs that take a regular accusative, like *machen* 'to make/create' (113a). As an alternative structure, these verbs also allow for a construction with an accusative and a prepositional phrase (113b). Note that the prepositional phrase cannot be left out in these constructions. The meaning of such constructions is parallel to the previous diathesis in that the performative verb causes the result. Such constructions were named quite aptly "Ergänzende Wirkung" all the way back in the influential educational grammatical work of Karl Ferdinand Becker (1833: 81) almost 200 years ago.

### 6 Prepositional alternations

	- b. Er macht die Wiese zu einem Garten. (= Er macht etwas, und das Ergebnis ist: Die Wiese ist ein Garten.)

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**


# **Notes**

	- (114) a. Ich halte das Schwert. Ich halte dich für einen Scharlatan.
		- b. Sie erklärte die Lösung. Sie erklärte den Kandidaten zum Geschäftsführer.

<sup>26</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 26.05.2003.

<sup>27</sup>dwds: Der Tagesspiegel, 19.01.2002.

The verb *wünschen* 'to wish' can be used in a construction with *als* (115a) and [6.125] it was possible with *zu* (115b). However, both options seem to be much more common with an additional reflexive pronoun (115c,d).

	- b. Ihre Majestät wünscht den Freiherrn von Stein zum Rathgeber des Königs?<sup>29</sup>
	- c. Nur 36 Prozent wünschen sich den SPD-Parteichef als Kanzler.<sup>30</sup>
	- d. Dr. Malan wünschte sich den vierundsiebzigjährigen Meneer Havenga zum Nachfolger.<sup>31</sup>

# **6.8.6 ø › obj : [ Np– | NAA ] Naming result**

This alternation appears as a parallel to the double accusative of *nennen* 'to name' [6.126] (see Section 5.3.10) for other naming verbs.

(116) a. Sie schimpft auf mich.

b. Sie schimpft mich einen Narren

# **Attested verbs**

• *schimpfen, fluchen*

# **Further examples**

• Er sitzt immer am selben Platz bei Bier und Schnaps, flucht mich einen Tagedieb, einen Affen, Bananenfresser, einen, der schon längstens in eine Arbeitserziehungsanstalt gehöre.<sup>32</sup>

<sup>28</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 25.11.2004.

<sup>29</sup>dwds: Alexis, Willibald: Ruhe ist die erste Bürgerpflicht oder Vor fünfzig Jahren. Bd. 5. Berlin, 1852.

<sup>30</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 09.03.2016 (online).

<sup>31</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 16.12.1954, Nr. 50.

<sup>32</sup>Attested online at http://www.gruppe-4-w.de/forum/viewtopic.php?f=21&t=2047#p19030, accessed 29 July 2019.

# **6.8.7 ø › obj : [ –P | DP ] Dative addition+governed preposition**

	- (117) a. Es liegt am Geld.
		- b. Es liegt mir viel am Geld.
		- c. Es liegt mir viel daran, dass du es erfährst.
		- d. Mir liegt viel an deiner Anwesenheit.

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**


# **6.8.8 ø › obj › pbj : [ NA– | NLA ] Partitive separated object**

[6.128] This alternation (German teil/weg objekttausch) occurs with some transitive verbs like *waschen* 'to wash' (118a,b), cf. the "wipe" alternation in English from Levin (1993: 53). Crucially, the accusatives at both sides of the alternation do not refer to the same roles: there is a new object introduced with this diathesis. The original accusative *Hose* 'trousers' (118a) is recast as a location (118b), which is obligatory (118c). A new accusative *Fleck* 'stain' is introduced as the result of the action. Typically the result is actually the removal of something, like *Fleck* 'stain' in (118), hence the term *weg* in the German name.

	- b. Ich wasche den Fleck aus meiner Hose. (= Durch das Waschen meiner Hose sorge ich dafür, dass der Fleck heraus kommt.)
	- c. \* Ich wasche den Fleck.

The result of this diathesis (118b) is a caused-motion construction, similar to [6.129] the diatheses as described in Sections 6.8.3, 6.8.4. However, this is a completely different diathesis because the object is changed. The new accusative object always is a part of the original object (called a "partitive" interpretation in Levin 1993: 53), hence the term *Teil* in the German name. The exact reverse diathesis is attested with preverbs (see Section 8.7.12).

These verbs, like *kämmen* 'to comb' (119a,b) also allow for subsequent alterna- [6.130] tion, namely (119c) to raise a possessor from the prepositional phrase to a dative (see Section 6.8.13), and then even make this dative self-inflicting reflexive (119d).

	- b. Er kämmt die Läuse aus deinen Haaren.
	- c. Er kämmt dir die Läuse aus den Haaren.
	- d. Er kämmt sich die Läuse aus den Haaren.

Some verbs of dissection, like *schneiden* 'to cut' (120a) allow for an unmarked [6.131] exchange of the object to be dissected, *Blatt* 'sheet', with the parts that are the result of the dissection, *Streifen* 'bands' (120b). These verbs can occur both with and without the prefix *zer-*, see Section 8.7.11. Note that these verbs allow for another highly similar diathesis that introduces another kind of new object that is a part of the whole object, *Loch* 'hole' (120c), see Section 6.8.8.

	- b. Ich schneide Streifen aus dem Blatt.
	- c. Ich schneide ein Loch in dem Blatt.


### 6 Prepositional alternations

# **Further examples**


# **6.8.9 ø › obj › pbj : [ NA– | NLA ] Partitive joined object**

	- (121) a. Er näht eine Hose.
		- b. Er näht einen Knopf an seine Hose.

<sup>33</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 21.07.1999.

<sup>34</sup>dwds: Zeit Magazin, 04.12.2008, Nr. 50.

	- b. Ich kitte den Henkel fest.

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**


# **6.8.10 adj › obj : [ NAp | NAD ] Beneficiary dative**

The alternation of a dative with a *für* prepositional phrase is very widespread [6.134] (123a,b). It can be used with verbs that can be performed on behalf of somebody else (i.e. a beneficiary, sometimes called dativus commodi). In German grammar it is sometimes referred to as a "free dative" because it can be easily dropped completely. However, a more precise term in German would be benefaktivdativ. As Eisenberg (2006b: 298) remarks, such datives are widespread, but cannot be used with all verbs and are thus a phenomenon that can be used for the sub-classification of verbs. Also note that this diathesis should be strongly differentiated from other "free datives", specifically possessor datives (see especially Section 5.8.4, but also 6.8.12).

	- b. Ich koche eine Suppe für dich.

<sup>35</sup>dwds: Ganghofer, Ludwig: Der Dorfapostel, Stuttgart: Adolf Bonz 1917 (1900), S. 42.

### 6 Prepositional alternations

	- (124) a. Ich arbeite für den Chef.
		- b. \* Ich arbeite dem Chef.
		- c. Ich gewinne das Geld für dich.
		- d. ? Ich gewinne dir das Geld.
		- e. Gib mir eine Waffe und ich gewinne dir jeden Krieg.<sup>36</sup>

# **Attested verbs**



<sup>36</sup>Attested online at http://www.kriegssinfonie.ch/2018/08/paradox/, accessed 10 January 2019.

<sup>37</sup>The verb *stimmen* here means 'to tune an instrument', a different meaning from *stimmen* 'to vote' that does not allow for this diathesis.


# **6.8.11 adj › obj : [ Np | ND ] Judgement dative**

A dative can be introduced together with an obligatory *zu/genug* phrase in the [6.136] interpretation of an evaluator *für den Geschmack von* (also known as *dativus iudicantis*, e.g. Hole 2014: 6–7, 172–176). I propose to use the term beurteilerdativ in German. This diathesis is typically used with intransitive verbs (125a), though transitive construction seem possible (125b). More research is needed to establish any restrictions for the kind of verbs with which this dative can be used.

	- b. Der Student beantwortete die Frage nicht schnell genug für den Geschmack der Professorin. Der Student beantwortete der Professorin die Frage nicht schnell genug.

# **Further examples**


# **6.8.12 adj › obj : [ NLg | NLD ] Possessor-of-location dative**

Some datives can be expressed alternatively as a possessor inside a prepositional [6.137] phrase. This happens with some verbs that can be used either intransitively (126a) or with a dative (126b). However, this dative cannot be used without an additional prepositional phrase (126c). In these cases, the dative can be alternatively expressed as the possessor of the prepositional object (126d). In German I propose to call this diathesis ortspertinenzdativ.

	- b. Der Affe saß ihm auf der Schulter.
	- c. \* Der Affe saß ihm ruhig.
	- d. Der Affe saß auf seiner Schulter.

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**


# **Notes**

	- (127) a. Der Hund hat ihn gebissen. Der Hund hat *ihn* ins Bein gebissen.
		- b. Der Hund hat in sein Bein gebissen. Der Hund hat *ihm* ins Bein gebissen.

# **6.8.13 adj › obj : [ NALg | NALD ] Possessor-of-location dative +accusative**

Similar to the previous alternation, the verbs in this group also alternate the [6.139] possessor of the prepositional phrase with a dative. However, differently from the previous group, these verbs also have an accusative argument. These verbs are either causative alternants of the verbs from the previous group or verbs that already have had a caused-motion diathesis (see Section 6.8.3).

(128) a. Ich lege den Brief auf deinen Schreibtisch.

b. Ich lege dir den Brief auf den Schreibtisch.

# **Attested verbs**



### 6 Prepositional alternations


# **Notes**

	- (129) a. Er fragt mir ein Loch in den Bauch.
		- b. Ich jage dir den Anwalt auf den Hals.

# **6.8.14 adj › obj › pbj : [ NAg | NPA ] Possessor-of-accusative applicative**

	- (130) a. Ich bewundere seine Ehrlichkeit.
		- b. Ich bewundere ihn für/wegen seine/r Ehrlichkeit.
		- c. Ich bewundere ihn dafür, dass er ehrlich ist.

# **Attested verbs**

• Emotional stance: *achten (Respekt), bewundern, feiern, lieben, loben, hassen, unterstützen, verurteilen*

<sup>38</sup>dwds: Böll, Wort 133.

# **Further examples**


# **6.9 Symmetrical diatheses**

# **6.9.1 adj › sbj › adj : [ Np | pN ] Commutative**

The verb *wimmeln* 'to swarm/teem' (131) has two different constructional possi- [6.142] bilities that seem structurally completely reversed without any overt marking.

	- b. Der Platz wimmelt von Kindern.

# **Attested verbs**

• *wimmeln*

# **6.9.2 adj › obj › adj : [ NAp | NpA ] Applicative +***mit* **antipassive**

Typically, this alternation is attested with a verbal prefix (see Section 8.7.13), but [6.143] a few examples without any marking are also attested. With some verbs of filling, like with *füllen* 'to fill' (132a) this unmarked diathesis is completely parallel to the *befüllen*, but without any overt marking. An accusative object, here *Schnaps* 'liquor' (132a) is replaced with an optional *mit* prepositional phrase (132c), cf. the English "spray/load" alternation from Levin (1993: 50–51). This alternation is closely related to the *mit* antipassive (see Section 6.7.8.5). In addition to this *mit* antipassive, there is an applicative diathesis that turns an obligatory location into an accusative, here *Flasche* 'bottle'.

	- b. \* Er füllt den Schnaps.
	- c. Er füllt die Flasche mit Schnaps.
	- d. Er füllt die Flasche.

### 6 Prepositional alternations

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**


# **Notes**

	- (133) a. Ich schieße eine Kugel auf den Bären.
		- b. Ich schieße den Bären mit einer Kugel.
		- c. Ich schieße mit einer Kugel auf den Bären
	- (134) a. Er vergleicht mich mit einem Affen.
		- b. Er vergleicht einen Affen mit mir.

# **6.9.3 adj › adj : [ NAg | NAp ] Possessor-of-accusative to preposition**

	- (135) a. Ich bewundere seine Ehrlichkeit.
		- b. Ich bewundere die Ehrlichkeit bei ihm.

# **Attested verbs**

• *bekämpfen, bemerken, bewundern, erwarten*

### 6.9 Symmetrical diatheses


# **7 Reflexive pronoun alternations**

# **7.1 Introduction**

In German, reflexive pronouns are easily identified in the third person as *sich*. [7.1] One of the functions of reflexive pronouns is to indicate reflexive reference, i.e. to mark the identity of two different roles of the verb. But reflexive pronouns have many other functions in German. When using the grammatical term "reflexive" a distinction has to be made between self-inflicting reflexive reference and other uses of reflexive pronouns.

Reflexive reference is typically illustrated with a verb like *waschen* 'to wash' [7.2] (1a). This verb has two roles, the "washer" and the "washee". Crucially, with selfinflicting reflexive reference using *sich* (1b) these two different roles are still expressed in the sentence. The reflexive pronoun *sich* in (1b) only indicates that the two roles are performed by the same participant, opposing it *ihn* to (1a) in which the two roles are performed by different participants. With the reflexive pronoun in (1b), both roles are still overtly present, so there is no reduction of the valency and there is no grammatical remapping of roles, and thus there is no diathesis in German.

	- b. Er wäscht sich.

From a typological perspective, there is arguably a difference in this respect be- [7.3] tween languages with a reflexive pronoun strategy, like German, and languages that use a verbal derivation technique for marking self-inflicting reflexive reference (cf. Dixon 2014: 172ff.). For such languages with a derivational strategy, the verb is being marked as "self-inflicting" and one role is completely dropped. In such languages, it is probably better to analyse self-inflicting reflexive reference as a kind of diathesis.

In German, the reflexive pronoun is also used in many other constructions, [7.4] and most of those show some kind of diathesis, for example an anticausative *sich* in (2a), see Section 7.5.2 or an antipassive *sich* in (2b), see Section 7.7.4. In these examples, the reflexive pronoun *sich* is not filling any role, but it is marking

the valency alternation itself. There is a long tradition to call such constructions middle/medium or *Medialkonstruktion* in German. However, there turns out to be very many different kinds of "middle" alternations, so I prefer to be more precise in separating and naming them here in this chapter (see also Kunze 1997). To prevent confusion, I will simply not use the term "middle" at all.

	- b. Ich beklage den Lärm. Ich beklage mich über den Lärm.
	- (3) a. Die S-Bahn hat sich wieder einmal verspätet.
		- b. Ich habe mir eine neue Sprache angeeignet.
	- (4) a. Der Hund ist nach Hause gelaufen. Der Hund hat sich im Wald verlaufen.
		- b. Ich verkaufe das Buch. Das Buch verkauft sich gut.
		- c. Ich schließe den Schrank. Der Schrank schließt sich leicht.
		- d. Er schlug seine Mitbewerber. Seine Mitbewerber geben sich geschlagen.

[7.7]

Amidst the large variety of diatheses with reflexive pronouns, there are a few generalisations that stand out:


There are six diatheses in this chapter that seem prominent enough to be given [7.8] a German name. I propose the following names for these:


As noted above, there are many more prominent diatheses that involve a reflex- [7.9] ive pronoun, but these are fixed stacks together with other marking (preverbs, adverbials or light verbs). They will be discussed in later chapters. For convenience, the main reflexive fixed stacks are listed here with reference to their full discussion:


# **7.2 Characteristics of reflexive pronouns**

# **7.2.1 Identifying reflexive pronouns**

[7.10] In most situations, the German reflexive pronouns are identical to the regular pronouns as shown in Table 7.1. Only in the 3rd person there exists a special reflexive pronoun *sich*, both for the singular and the plural. For this reason, I will illustrate reflexive constructions mostly using 3rd person masculine nouns or pronouns with the overtly reflexive pronoun *sich*. As a shorthand, I will often use the word *sich* as a technical term in the meaning "reflexive pronoun".


Table 7.1: German reflexive pronouns

[7.11] In contrast, the difference between a dative and an accusative reflexive pronoun is only visible in the 1st and 2nd person singular, so to show the case marking I will use examples with such subjects. In general, the accusative *sich* is much more common than the dative *sich*. There seems to be a very strong tendency (though not without exceptions) for the dative reflexive pronoun only to be possible when there is a further accusative argument present in the sentence. Further, the dative reflexive pronoun does not occur in any of the diatheses discussed in this chapter. All non-self-inflicting uses of *sich* are in the accusative.

# **7.2.2 Coreference always with nominative**

The pronoun *sich* always refers to the nominative subject (5a), except in some [7.12] situations embedded inside another diathesis (5b,c).

	- b. Er lässt mich mich waschen.
	- c. Laß mich mich an dir ergetzen.<sup>1</sup>

With light-verb constructions, intended coreference with the nominative sub- [7.13] ject cannot be marked with *sich* anymore. For example, (6a) is ambiguous in that the pronoun *ihn* could both be coreferential with the nominative *er* or not. The intended meaning of the reflexive *sich* in (6b) is an attempt to force a coreferential reading, which seems impossible to me.

	- b. \* Er lässt mich sich waschen.

There are a few verbs that seem to allow for coreference with a non-nomi- [7.14] native argument (cf. Duden-Grammatik 2009: 273–274). These are very unusual, with (7b) being strange, though not impossible. Example (8) clearly shows the problematic status of such reflexive pronouns. The word order in (8a) only leaves the possibility of *sich* referring to the nominative subject. In contrast, the unusual word order in (8b) makes it difficult to interpret the sentence, with both referential options of *sich* being possible: *sich* can refer here both to the nominative *sie* and to the dative *ihrem Freund*.

	- b. ? Ich habe ihn über sich (selbst) aufgeklärt.
	- b. ? Sie zeigt ihrem Freund sich (selbst).

# **7.2.3 Coreference without reflexive pronoun**

The reflexive pronoun *sich* undoubtedly plays a role in disambiguating reference [7.15] in the third person. However, ambiguity remains with genitives (9a), which do

<sup>1</sup>dwds: Tucholsky, Kurt: Zwischen den Schlachten. In: Kurt Tucholsky, Werke - Briefe - Materialien, Berlin: Directmedia Publ. 2000 [1919].

### 7 Reflexive pronoun alternations

not have a lexicalised reflexive pronoun in German. As a result, (9a) can both be interpreted as disjoined reference (9b) and as coreference (9c).

	- b. Er wäscht ihm die Haare.
	- c. Er wäscht sich die Haare.
	- (10) Ich erinnre mich meiner, wie ich, Dich liebend.<sup>2</sup>

# **7.2.4 Double coreference**

	- (11) a. Morgen putze ich mir meine Schuhe.
		- b. Ich schreibe Gedichte, weil ich mich mir (selbst) erklären will.
		- c. Sie will sich sich selbst erklären.

# **7.3 Deponent verbs**

	- (12) a. Ich bemühe mich.
		- b. ? Ich bemühe dich.
		- c. Leider kann ich es nicht ganz auswendig, sonst brauchte ich dich nicht zu bemühen.<sup>3</sup>

<sup>2</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 09.06.1961, Nr. 24.

<sup>3</sup>dwds: E. Strauß Spiegel 45.

	- b. Er bezieht die Verdächtigung auf sein ungewöhnliches Benehmen.

Among the verbs with obligatory *sich*, the following valency patterns are com- [7.19] monly attested:


In contrast, verbs with the following valency patterns are unattested, or only [7.20] attested rarely in special collocations:


Comparing these two groups, the generalisation can be formulated that oblig- [7.21] atory dative *sich* is only possible when there is an accusative argument present and an obligatory accusative *sich* is not possible with a dative argument present.

# **7.3.1 [ N ] Accusative reflexive**

Various verbs describing behaviour, like *verirren* 'to get lost' (14a), need an oblig- [7.22] atory reflexive pronoun. Depending on the analysis, a large group of intransitive verbs with a resultative preverbial, like *totlachen* 'to laugh extremely' (14b), can also be included here (cf. Section 9.4.3).

	- b. Sie haben sich totgelacht.

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**


# **7.3.2 [ NP ] Accusative reflexive+governed preposition**

	- (15) a. Ich entschließe mich zu einer Reise.
		- b. Ich entschließe mich dazu, eine Reise zu machen.

<sup>4</sup>dwds dictionary, attested online at https://www.dwds.de/wb/bauchen, accessed 25 December 2022.

<sup>5</sup>dwds dictionary, attested online at https://www.dwds.de/wb/behaaren, accessed 27 July 2022.

# **Attested verbs**



<sup>6</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 17.11.2010, Nr. 46.

# **Notes**

	- (16) a. Ich verlasse mich auf dich.
		- b. Ich verlasse dich.
	- (17) a. Ich spreche die Worte aus.
		- b. Ich spreche mich für Erneuerungen aus.
		- c. Ich spreche mich mit dir aus.
	- (18) a. Ich habe den Brief abgegeben.
		- b. Ich habe mich mit ihm abgegeben.
		- c. Sorgen drücken mich.
		- d. Ich drücke mich vor der Gefahr.

# **7.3.3 [ Np ] Accusative reflexive+***mit* **(***reciproca tantum***)**


comitative phrases, reciprocal *mit* phrases do not allow for the addition of *zusammen* (19c), nor can *with* be replaced by *ohne* (19d). The addition of *zusammen* and the replacement with *ohne* is possible with comitative *mit* (20c,d).

	- b. \* Ich habe mich damit geeinigt, dass der Nachbar geht.
	- c. \* Ich habe mich zusammen mit meinem Nachbarn geeinigt.
	- d. \* Ich habe mich ohne meinen Nachbarn geeignet.
	- b. \* Ich habe mich damit betrunken, dass der Nachbarn geht.
	- c. Ich habe mich zusammen mit meinem Nachbarn betrunken.
	- d. Ich habe mich ohne meinen Nachbar betrunken.

Verbs with reciprocal *mit* are sometimes called "real" reciprocals (or recip- [7.30] roca tantum, Wiemer & Nedjalkov 2007: 467–468) because they can be considered to be inherently reciprocal, although they still can have a singular subject (see Section 7.4.14 for the reciprocal constructions with plural subjects).

There are many verbs with the prefix *ver‑* in this class. Interestingly, many are [7.31] derived from nominal stems, e.g. *sich verbrüdern* 'to fraternise' is derived from the noun *Bruder* 'brother', see Section 8.6.4.

# **Attested verbs**



<sup>7</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 14.08.1958, Nr. 33.

# **Notes**

[7.32] Various reciprocal *mit* verbs also exist without reflexive pronoun, but only in a different lexical meaning, e.g. *vertragen* means 'to tolerate something inanimate' without a reflexive pronoun, but 'to get along with a human' with a reflexive pronoun.

# **7.3.4 [NL] Accusative reflexive+local preposition**

	- (21) a. Das Rathaus befindet sich am Marktplatz.
		- b. \* Das Rathaus befindet sich.

# **Attested verbs**

• *aalen, ansiedeln, anstellen, aufhalten (befinden), befinden, begeben, einfressen, einschleichen, ergießen, fläzen, fressen, niederlassen, scheren, suhlen, umsehen, verkriechen, verschanzen, zubewegen, zurechtfinden*

# **Further examples**


# **Notes**

[7.34] The obligatory reflexive verb *sich aufhalten* 'to be located' is possibly distantly related in meaning to the non-reflexive verb *aufhalten* 'to stop something' discussed in Section 7.5.6.

# **7.3.5 [ ND ] Accusative reflexive+dative**

[7.35] This pattern with an obligatory accusative reflexive with a dative is exceedingly rare. The attested example appear somewhat old-fashioned, like *sich hingeben*

'to indulge oneself' (22). There are a few more verbs in which the dative is optional (see Section 7.3.10). Semantically, these verbs are closely related to the verbs showing a dative passive diathesis (see Section 7.9.1).

(22) Ich hab mich der Aufgabe hingegeben.

# **Attested verbs**

• *anschließen, beugen (fügen), fügen, hingeben (eifrig widmen), unterwerfen, widersetzen, zugesellen*

# **Further examples**


# **7.3.6 [ NG ] Accusative reflexive+genitive**

Accusative *sich* combined with an obligatory genitive argument is clearly at- [7.36] tested, although all these uses are rather old-fashioned, like with *sich entledigen* 'to ditch' (23).

(23) Ich entledige mich meines Gegners.

# **Attested verbs**

• *bedienen, befleißigen, bemächtigen, bemüßigen, berauben, entäußern, enthalten, entledigen, entsinnen, erfreuen, erwehren*


<sup>8</sup>dwds: Natzmer, Gert von: Tierstaaten und Tiergesellschaften, Berlin: Safari-Verl. 1967, S. 209.

# **7.3.7 [ N ] Dative reflexive**

	- (24) a. Ich gebe mir Mühe.
		- b. Ich behelfe mich (mir).

# **Attested verbs**

• *behelfen, Mühe geben*

# **7.3.8 [ NA ] Dative reflexive+accusative**

	- (25) a. Ich stelle mir das Ergebnis vor.
		- b. Ich erspiele mir einen Gewinn.

# **Attested verbs**



<sup>9</sup>dwds attested at https://www.dwds.de/wb/langen, accessed 28 July 2022.

# **Notes**

The verb *denken* only occurs in this structure in the rather old-fashioned usage [7.39] with the meaning 'to imagine' (26).

(26) Ich denke mir den Vorgang in folgender Weise.<sup>10</sup>

The verb *merken* only occurs in this structure in the meaning 'to remember' [7.40] (27a), and not in the usage of *bemerken* (27b) or *anmerken* (27c).

	- b. Ich (be)merke seine Absicht.
	- c. Du darfst dir das nicht (an)merken lassen.

The verb *vorstellen* also has two rather different meanings. In this construction [7.41] with an obligatory dative *sich* it means 'to imagine' (28a). The other meaning 'to introduce' (28b,c) has a possible accusative reflexive (see Section 7.4.5).

	- b. Ich stelle mich dem Konsul vor.
	- c. Ich stelle dich dem Konsul vor.

The verb *abquälen* has two rather different meanings. Only the meaning 'to [7.42] work hard for something' (29a) shows this construction with an obligatory dative *sich*.

	- b. Ich habe mich mit der Arbeit abgequält. ('plagen')

# **7.3.9 [ NP | –P ] Accusative reflexive+nominative drop**

The collocation *sich drehen um* 'to concern' can be used both with a regular nomi- [7.43] native subject (30a) and without (30b). This usage of this verb is clearly metaphorically derived from the local meaning 'to revolve around' (30c), but in that usage the dropping of the nominative is not possible. This diathesis is the same as the drop described in Section 6.5.1.

	- b. In diesem Streit dreht es sich um das 1998 erworbene Firmengelände.
	- c. Der Mond dreht sich um die Erde.
	- d. \* Bei dem Mond dreht es sich um die Erde.

<sup>10</sup>dwds: Weismann, August: Das Keimplasma. Eine Theorie der Vererbung. Jena, 1892.

# **Attested verbs**

• *drehen*

# **7.3.10 [ ND | N– ] Accusative reflexive+dative drop**

	- (31) a. Die Rebellen ergeben sich.
		- b. Die Rebellen ergeben sich der Polizei.

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**


# **Notes**

	- (32) Ich ergebe ihn der süssen Gnade unsers Herrn Jesu Christi.<sup>11</sup>

<sup>11</sup>dwds: Scriver, Christian: Das Verlohrne und wiedergefundene Schäfflein. Magdeburg, 1672.

# **7.3.11 [ ND | NP ] Accusative reflexive+dative antipassive**

In some of the verbs with an accusative *sich* and dative argument (33a), the dative [7.47] can be replaced by a (governed) prepositional phrase (33b,c). This diathesis is the same as described in Section 6.7.10 for verbs without reflexive marking.

	- b. Ich füge mich in mein Schicksal.
	- c. Die machistische Gesellschaft hat sich nicht geändert und die meisten Frauen fügen sich darin.<sup>12</sup>

# **Attested verbs**

• Submission: *anbiedern, anschmeicheln, beugen, fügen*

# **Further examples**


# **7.3.12 [ NG | NP ] Accusative reflexive+genitive antipassive**

Some obligatorily *sich* verbs with a genitive argument allow for the genitive ar- [7.48] gument to be replaced by a (governed) prepositional phrase, like with *erinnern* 'to remember' (34a,b), just like the antipassives in Section 6.7.15. Most of these constructions with a genitive are old-fashioned or even completely out of use.

	- b. Ich erinnere dich an das Versprechen.

<sup>12</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 07.11.2013, Nr. 44.

<sup>13</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 04.07.2010, Nr. 27.

### 7 Reflexive pronoun alternations

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**


# **7.4 Alternations without diathesis**


<sup>14</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 23.09.1977, Nr. 39.

This alternation is almost completely ignored in the German grammatical liter- [7.51] ature. An early discussion of the phenomenon is found in Stötzel (1970: 174–177) and a short note is presented in Wiemer & Nedjalkov (2007: 498). It is also possible that the occurrence of a "free" reflexive is a dialectal phenomenon, see e.g. the apparent extension of reflexive usage in Austrian German as observed in Ziegler (2010).

# **7.4.1 free: [ N | N ] Accusative free reflexive**

The semantic difference between these two alternants of the verbs in this group [7.52] deserves further investigation. The verb *knien* 'to knee' in (35) suggests that there might be a difference in dynamics: the construction without reflexive pronoun is more typical for a state, while the construction with reflexive pronoun is used typically to describe a change of state. However, this difference does not seem to hold for all examples. The reflexive pronoun clearly is not part of a reflexive construction as the verb is intransitive (35c).

	- b. Er kniet sich auf das Kissen.
	- c. \* Er kniet ihn auf das Kissen.

Covert anticausatives, like with *duschen* 'to shower' (see Section 5.5.5), might [7.53] seem to have a "free" reflexive (36a,b). However, the construction with *sich* in (36b) is just a self-inflicting reflexive of the transitive (36c).

	- b. Ich habe mich geduscht.
	- c. Ich habe den Elefanten geduscht.

Similarly, reflexive anticausatives, like *abkühlen* 'to cool' (see Section 7.5.2), [7.54] might seem to have a "free" reflexive (37a). However, the two possibilities are clearly distinguished by a different perfect auxiliary (37b). Also a transitive variant is possible (37c). This all indicates that a verb like *abkühlen* is a reflexive anticausative, and the intransitive construction without *sich* is an anticausative of the transitive (see Section 10.5.16).

	- b. Die Luft ist abgekühlt. Die Luft hat sich abgekühlt.
	- c. Der Regen hat die Luft abgekühlt.

# **Attested verbs**

• *ausruhen, ausschlafen, drehen, erbrechen, halten (Zustand), hinknien, irren, knien, lohnen*

# **Further examples**


# **Notes**

	- (38) a. ? Sie ruht aus.
		- b. Sie blieb stehen um auszuruhen.
		- c. Sie musste ausruhen.
		- d. Ich sehe, dass sie ausruht.

<sup>15</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 06.05.1995.

<sup>16</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 26.11.1994.

(39) Es irrt der Mensch so lang er strebt.<sup>17</sup>

The verb *drehen* 'to turn' is an interesting case that needs more research. It can [7.57] be used transitively (40a) and with a reflexive anticausative diathesis (40b), see Section 7.5.2. However, there are also various contexts in which the anticausative can be used without a reflexive (40c). In my experience, many German speakers consider such examples without reflexive to be wrong, but they are clearly attested. Something similar happens with *hinknien* 'to kneel down' (40d).

	- b. Die Räder drehen sich wieder.<sup>18</sup>
	- c. Die beiden Räder drehen dann gleichmäßig.<sup>19</sup>
	- d. Jedes Mal, wenn man etwas Böses gemacht hatte, musste man für eine gewisse Zeit auf eine Bank hinknien.<sup>20</sup>

# **7.4.2 free: [ NP | NP ] Accusative free reflexive+preposition**

Although there is definitively a different "feel" between *streiten* 'to quarrel' with [7.58] and without *sich* (41), the difference is difficult to pin down. The sentence without *sich* seems to be more static, describing a fixed situation (41a), while the variant with *sich* is more dynamic (41b). However, whether this is not an accurate description of the (fine) difference between these alternants for all verbs listed below.

	- b. Ich streite mich mit dir um die Wurst.

Covert causatives (see Section 6.5.10 and 6.6.1) might seem to have a "free" *sich*, [7.59] like with *stürzen* 'to tumble' (42a,b). However, this is not the case, because the construction with *sich* (42b) is just the self-inflicting reflexive construction of the transitive (42c).

	- b. Ich stürze mich ins Wasser.
	- c. Ich stürze den Elefanten ins Wasser.

<sup>17</sup>dwds: Goethe, Faust: Prolog 317.

<sup>18</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 09.02.2011 (online).

<sup>19</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 07.01.2016, Nr. 02.

<sup>20</sup>dwds: Der Tagesspiegel, 01.06.2001.

### 7 Reflexive pronoun alternations

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**


# **Notes**

	- (43) a. Er sorgt für seine Mutter.
		- b. Er sorgt sich um seine Mutter.
		- c. Er sorgt dafür, dass es seiner Mutter gut geht.
		- d. Er sorgt sich darum, dass es seiner Mutter gut geht.

# **7.4.3 free: [ ND | ND ] Accusative free reflexive+dative**

[7.61] The verb *zuneigen* 'to tend towards' (44) is the only known example of a free reflexive with an additional dative argument.

<sup>21</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 23.11.2017 (online).

<sup>22</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 18.10.1985, Nr. 43.

<sup>23</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 11.09.2012, Nr. 37.

<sup>24</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 24.10.1997, Nr. 44.

<sup>25</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 08.12.2013, Nr. 50.

<sup>26</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 03.12.2013 (online).

	- b. Später hat er sich dem Sozialismus zugeneigt.<sup>27</sup>

# **Attested verbs**

• *zuneigen*

# **7.4.4 free: [ NA | NA ] Dative free reflexive+accusative**

So-called beneficiary datives (45a,b) are widespread in German (see Sec- [7.62] tion 6.8.10). Such a dative can in most cases also be used reflexively (45c). Comparing (45a) with (45c) seems to suggest a free reflexive *sich* in the dative. However, this example is just a combination of a beneficiary dative and the regular self-inflicting reflexive usage.

	- b. Ich habe ihm (= für ihn) ein Haus gebaut.
	- c. Ich habe mir ein Haus gebaut.

In contrast, the verb *ansehen* 'observe' also allows for a construction with and [7.63] without reflexive pronoun (46a,c), but it is not possible to use a non-coreferential dative (46b). Such verbs are much less common and will be listed here. All these verbs currently known to me have preverbs, with *er‑* being particularly frequent (see Chapter 8).

	- b. \* Ich habe ihm das Haus angesehen.
	- c. Ich habe mir das Haus angesehen.

# **Attested verbs**

• *anhören, ansehen, ausdenken, erbetteln, erdenken, erhandeln, erkämpfen, erschwimmen, ersehnen, ersparen (Geld), erspielen, erwandern, überlegen, verdienen, wünschen*

<sup>27</sup>Attested online at https://www.dwds.de/wb/zuneigen, accessed 2 August 2022.

### 7 Reflexive pronoun alternations

# **Further examples**


# **Notes**

[7.64] The verb *ausdenken* 'to contrive' without reflexive pronoun appears to be oldfashioned (47).

<sup>35</sup>dwds: Zeit Magazin, 20.09.2012, Nr. 39.

<sup>28</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 08.09.2015 (online).

<sup>29</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 07.09.2017, Nr. 37.

<sup>30</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 27.08.1971, Nr. 35.

<sup>31</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 07.04.2017, Nr. 10.

<sup>32</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 19.03.1999.

<sup>33</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 17.05.2016 (online).

<sup>34</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 16.03.2000.

<sup>36</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 24.05.2007, Nr. 22.

(47) Da dachte er eine List aus.<sup>37</sup>

The verb *ersparen* 'to save money' has a free reflexive (48a,b). The same verb [7.65] can also mean 'to spare somebody something'. In that meaning it takes dative and accusative arguments (48c).

	- b. Ich habe mir etwas erspart.<sup>39</sup>
	- c. Er hat mir jede Menge Arbeit erspart.

# **7.4.5 self: [ NA | Na ] Accusative self reflexive**

To test for the presence of the self-inflicting reflexive construction, there are var- [7.66] ious syntactic characteristics to look out for. First, it is always possible to add the intensifier *selbst* to the reflexive pronoun (49a). Further, the pronoun *sich* can be negated (49b) and stressed (49c). These characteristics do not hold for any of the diatheses marked by *sich* as discussed later in this chapter.

	- b. Er sieht nicht sich selbst.
	- c. Er sieht nur sich selbst.

The nominative-accusative construction is often seen as the prototypical self- [7.67] inflicting reflexive: a transitive verb with a nominative and an accusative argument allows for the accusative to be replaced by a reflexive pronoun, indicating that the action is performed on the nominative subject itself (50a,b). This alternation is possible for very many verbs that can have both an animate nominative and accusative argument.

	- b. Ich wasche mich (selbst).

The list of verbs presented here can easily be extended with more examples. [7.68] However, care has to be taken not to include verbs with highly similar antipassive alternations (see Section 7.7.4) like with *fürchten* 'to fear' (51a,b) or anticausative alternations (see Section 7.5.2) like with *freuen* 'to be happy' (51c,d).

<sup>37</sup>dwds: Grimm *Simeliberg*.

<sup>38</sup>Attested online at https://www.dwds.de/wb/ersparen, accessed 29 July 2022.

<sup>39</sup>Attested online at https://www.dwds.de/wb/ersparen, accessed 29 July 2022.

### 7 Reflexive pronoun alternations

	- b. Er fürchtet sich vor dem Ausgang des Verfahrens.
	- c. Dein Erfolg freut ihn.
	- d. Er freut sich über deinen Erfolg

# **Attested verbs**



# **Notes**

The verb *stoßen* 'to push' has an interesting change in preferred prepositional ad- [7.70] junct between non-reflexive (52a) and reflexive usage (52b), in accordance to the change in verb semantics. Pushing something else will normally result in a movement, e.g. into or out of somewhere. Conversely, pushing oneself will typically be against something. The *Zustandspassiv* (see Section 10.5.16) again changes the direction of movement and accordingly the preposition (52c). However, these conventional implicatures can be overridden by a suitable context (52d,e).

	- b. Ich stoße mich am Tisch.
	- c. Ich bin auf ihn gestoßen.
	- d. Er stößt mich an die Wand.
	- e. Ich stosse mich in die Tiefe meiner Finsternis, um meine Finsternis zu erkennen<sup>40</sup>

# **7.4.6 self: [ ND | Nd ] Dative self reflexive**

Verbs with a dative argument can be used reflexively, although such usage often [7.71] has a rather poetic or humorous touch to it (53a–c). The verbs listed here can surely be extended when (even) more poetic freedom is allowed. However, this construction does not appear to be very frequent.

	- b. Ich antworte mir dann mal selber.
	- c. Ich gleiche mir nicht einen Augenblick.<sup>41</sup>

# **Attested verbs**

• *antworten, begegnen, gefallen, gleichen, helfen, missfallen, schaden*, etc.

<sup>40</sup>Attested online at http://bluemountain.princeton.edu/bluemtn/?a=d&d=bmtnabg19231201-01. 2.2&, accessed 10 January 2019.

<sup>41</sup>dwds: Goethe: Schertz, List und Rache. Note that the accusative *einen Augenblick* is not a governed argument, but a temporal quantified object, see Section 5.3.4.

7 Reflexive pronoun alternations

# **Further examples**


# **7.4.7 self: [ NP | Np ] Prepositional self reflexive**

	- (54) a. Karl kämpft mit dem Hund.
		- b. Karl kämpft mit sich.
	- (55) a. Ich spreche von dir.
		- b. Ich spreche von mir.
		- c. Er spricht von sich.

# **Attested verbs**

• *kämpfen, sprechen*, etc.

# **7.4.8 self: [ NAD | NAd ] Dative self reflexive+accusative**

	- (56) a. Ich schenke ihm eine Tafel Schokolade.
		- b. Ich schenke mir (selbst) eine Tafel Schokolade.
	- b. Er versalzt sich seine Suppe.

There is also a crucial opposition between an accusative (58c) and dative reflex- [7.75] ive (58d) in such examples. This opposition is attested with verbs like *waschen* that allow both for an animate accusative (58a) and for the possessor-of-accusative dative alternation (58b). Both the accusative and the dative argument can be replaced by a reflexive pronoun. Care has to be taken not to confuse these two alternations in the third person, because the same pronoun *sich* is used for both accusative (58e) and dative (58f).

	- b. Ich wasche dir den Rücken.
	- c. Ich wasche mich.
	- d. Ich wasche mir den Rücken.
	- e. Er wäscht sich. (= accusative *sich*)
	- f. Er wäscht sich den Rücken. (= dative *sich*)

# **Attested verbs**



# **7.4.9 self: [ NAD | NaD ] Accusative self reflexive+dative**

	- (59) a. Ich ordne meine Pläne deinen Wünschen unter.
		- b. Ich ordne mich dem Kollektiv unter.
	- (60) a. Ich erkläre es mir so.
		- b. Ich erkläre mich dir.
		- c. Ich schreibe Gedichte, denn ich will mich mir selbst erklären.
		- d. (Es ist bekannt, dass) sie sich sich selbst erklären will.
		- e. Objektivität und eigenständiges Weltbewußtsein erlangt der Mensch nicht dadurch, daß er seinen Willen zum Handeln aufgibt und seine Wertungen suspendiert, sondern dadurch, daß er sich sich selbst gegenüberstellt und prüft.<sup>42</sup>


<sup>42</sup>dwds: Mannheim, Karl: Ideologie und Utopie, Frankfurt a.M.: Klostermann 1929, S. 43.

# **Further examples**


# **Notes**

The verb *vorstellen* has two different meanings. In this alternation it means 'to [7.79] introduce' (61a,b). The other meaning 'to imagine' (61c) has an obligatory dative reflexive (see Section 7.3.8).

	- b. Ich stelle mich dem Konsul vor.
	- c. Ich stelle mir den Konsul vor.

# **7.4.10 self: [ NAG | NaG ] Accusative self reflexive+genitive**

	- (62) a. Er bezichtigt mich des Mordes.
		- b. Ich bezichtigte mich erfundener phantastischer Staatsverbrechen.

# **Attested verbs**

• *bezichtigen*, etc.

# **7.4.11 self: [ NAP | NAp ] Prepositional self reflexive+accusative**

	- (63) a. Er hat einen Topf neben ihm hingestellt.
		- b. Er hat einen Topf neben sich hingestellt.

# **Attested verbs**

• *hinstellen*, etc.

# **7.4.12 self: [ NLD | NLd ] Dative self reflexive+location**

	- (64) a. Ich klopfe dir auf die Schulter.
		- b. Ich klopfe mir auf die Schulter.
		- c. Er klopft sich auf die Schulter.
		- d. \* Er klopft sich.

# **Attested verbs**

• *klopfen*, etc.

# **7.4.13 self: [ NALD | NALd ] Dative self reflexive+accusative+location**

The verbs in this section are intransitive verbs (65a) that allow for both a caused- [7.83] motion diathesis (65b), see Section 6.8.3 and a possessor-to-dative alternation (65c), see Section 6.8.13, leading possibly to a dative reflexive *sich* pronoun (65d).

Although this diathesis does appear to be a regular stack of different diatheses, [7.84] the intermediate caused-motion construction (65b) seems odd. Also, the resulting construction appears to be frequently taking an *aus* prepositional phrase (65d), though there does not seem to be any syntactic reason for this preference. In summary, there appears to be something idiomatic going on in this construction warranting more research.

	- b. ? Ich heule die Augen aus meinem Kopf.
	- c. Ich heule mir die Augen aus dem Kopf.
	- d. Das Kind heult sich die Augen aus dem Kopf.

### **Attested verbs**

• *heulen, husten, jagen rempeln, schreien, tanzen, trinken*, etc.


<sup>43</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 11.05.2015, Nr. 19.

<sup>44</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 07.01.2018 (online).

<sup>45</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 20.01.2017 (online).

<sup>46</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 01.03.1997.

# **7.4.14 mutual: [ NA | Na ] Accusative reciprocal**

	- (66) a. Karl feuert Anna an.
		- b. Karl und Anna feuern sich (gegenseitig) an.
		- c. Karl und Anna feuern einander an.
	- (67) a. Karl achtet Anna.
		- b. ? Karl achtet sich.
		- c. Karl und Anna achten sich (gegenseitig).
	- (68) a. Karl pflegt Anna.
		- b. Karl pflegt sich.
		- c. Karl und Anna pflegen sich gegenseitig.

# **Attested verbs**

• *achten, anfeuern, begrüßen, bekämpfen, belügen, bemerken, beruhigen, beschäftigen, brauchen, erwarten, finden, grüßen, glauben, hassen, hören, kennen, kreuzen, lieben, loben, mögen, pflegen, prügeln, schlagen, sehen, stören, suchen, treffen, treten, verachten, verdächtigen, verstehen, vertragen, wecken*, etc.

# **Further examples**


# **Notes**

The verb *beschäftigen* is used here in the meaning of 'to employ' (69a) not 'to [7.89] engage' (69b).

	- b. Karl und Anna beschäftigen sich miteinander.

# **7.4.15 mutual: [ NAG | NaG ] Accusative reciprocal+genitive**

Just for completeness sake, let it be noted that there are also accusative reciprocal [7.90] constructions with a further genitive argument, like with *anklagen* 'to accuse' (70). In contrast, accusative reciprocals with an additional dative argument are not attested; only the reverse, see Section 7.4.18.

	- b. Karl und Anna klagen sich (gegenseitig) des Diebstahls an.

# **Attested verbs**

• *anklagen*, etc.

# **7.4.16 mutual: [ NAP | NaP ] Accusative reciprocal+preposition**

	- (71) a. Karl bereitet Anna auf den Auftritt vor.
		- b. Karl und Anna bereiten sich (gegenseitig) auf den Auftritt vor.

# **Attested verbs**

• *vorbereiten*, etc.

# **7.4.17 mutual: [ ND | Nd ] Dative reciprocal**

	- (72) a. Karl vertraut dem Jungen.
		- b. Karl und der Junge vertrauen sich (gegenseitig).
		- c. Wir vertrauen uns (gegenseitig).

# **Attested verbs**



# **7.4.18 mutual: [ NAD | NAd ] Dative reciprocal+accusative**

Verbs with a dative and an accusative argument typically have a human dative [7.93] argument, like with *schenken* 'to gift' (73). With such verbs a dative reflexive *sich* can both have a reciprocal reading (73b) and a reflexive reading (73c).

	- b. Karl und sein Freund schenken sich gegenseitig einen Kuchen.
	- c. Karl und sein Freund schenken sich selbst einen Kuchen.

There also are ditransitive verbs with an accusative reflexive, like *entziehen* 'to [7.94] withdraw' (74), see Section 7.4.9. However, with such verbs a reciprocal reading seems to be impossible. So, there do not seem to be ditransitive verbs with an accusative reciprocal.

	- b. Karl und Anna entziehen sich (selbst) der Verfolgung.
	- c. \* Karl und Anna entziehen sich gegenseitig der Verfolgung.

### **Attested verbs**

• *schenken, backen*, etc.

### **Further examples**

• Karl backt dem Jungen einen Kuchen. Karl und der Junge backen sich (gegenseitig) einen Kuchen.

# **7.4.19 mutual: [ Np | Np ]** *einander* **prepositional reciprocal**

Reciprocal construction can be marked both by *sich (gegenseitig)* or *einander*. [7.95] However, when the reciprocal argument is inside a prepositional phrase then only *einander* is possible. For example, the verb *warten auf* 'to wait for' (75a) can be used reciprocally by combining *auf* with *einander*, which is written as one word *aufeinander* in German orthography (75b).

	- b. Karl und Anna warten aufeinander.

It is possible to combine *sich* with a preposition and *einander*, but only with [7.96] verbs that already require *sich* like *sich einigen mit* 'to reach an agreement' (76).

### 7 Reflexive pronoun alternations

	- b. Karl und Anna einigen sich miteinander.

# **Attested verbs**

• Possibly all verbs with a human participant inside a prepositional phrase, both governed and non-governed: e.g. *warten auf, zugehen auf, sich einigen mit, sich verlieben in, sich trennen von*, etc.

# **Further examples**


# **7.5 Diatheses with subject demotion**

# **7.5.1 sbj › ø : [ NP | –P ] Reflexive nominative drop**

	- (77) a. Das Buch handelt von Linguistik.
		- b. Bei diesem Buch handelt es sich um ein Linguistikbuch.
		- c. Das Buch handelt davon, dass er eine Weltreise macht.
		- d. In diesem Buch handelt es sich darum, dass er eine Weltreise macht.

# **Attested verbs**

• *handeln*

# **Further examples**

• In beiden Fällen handelt es sich um Briefromane.<sup>47</sup>

<sup>47</sup>dwds: Schwanitz, Dietrich: Bildung, Frankfurt a. M.: Eichborn 1999, S. 17.

# **7.5.2 obj › sbj › ø : [ NA | –N ] Reflexive anticausative**

A widespread phenomenon is the use of reflexive pronouns to mark an anti- [7.98] causative diathesis. For example, when a reflexive pronoun is used with a verb like *schließen* 'to close' (78a) then it does not have a self-inflicting meaning. This can be shown by the impossibility to add *selbst* (78b). This reflexive pronoun induces an "invisible hand" reading, expressing that the event happened by itself. This can be shown by the sensibility of adding a phrase like *von alleine* 'by itself' (78c). The pronoun *sich* is always in the accusative in this diathesis. This alternation appears to be more frequent in the perfect (78d), because then there is no focus on the action, but on the resulting state.

	- b. \* Die Tür schließt sich selbst.
	- c. Die Tür schließt sich von alleine.
	- d. Die Tür hat sich von alleine geschlossen.

A *durch* phrase seems sometimes possible to retain the agent, showing a sim- [7.99] ilarity to a passive diathesis (Zifonun 2003: 72). However, this only seems to be possible in special contexts (79a,b). Most verbs with a reflexive anticausative do not allow for a retention of the subject (79c,d).

	- b. Der Warenabsatz erhöhte sich durch den Preisverfall.
	- c. Der Mann zeigte seine Wut.
	- d. \* Seine Wut zeigte sich durch den Mann.

There is some discussion in the literature (Schäfer 2007: 35ff.; Kurogo 2016) [7.100] about the difference between verbs that use an unmarked anticausative, like *landen* 'to land' (80), see Section 5.5.5, and those that take a reflexive anticausative, like *schließen* 'to close' as discussed in this section (78). The answer to this question remains open, in my opinion. By providing long lists of verbs for each category, I hope to invigorate more research into this direction that goes beyond just incidental examples.

	- b. Das Flugzeug landet (\*sich).

# **Attested verbs**



Kortüms Gewicht ein.<sup>48</sup>

	- Die Lebensmittel sammelten sich an.

<sup>48</sup>dwds: Kluge, Kurt: Der Herr Kortüm. Leinfelden b. Stuttgart: Engelhornverlag Adolf Spemann. [o. J.] [1955].

<sup>49</sup>dwds: Weizsäcker, Carl Friedrich von: Bewußtseinswandel, München: Hanser 1988, S. 37. <sup>50</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 15.02.2016 (online).

# **Notes**

	- (81) a. Ich beziehe das Bett mit einem Laken.
		- b. Der Himmel hat sich mit Wolken bezogen.
	- (82) a. Der Pullover wärmt mich. Ich wärme mich (mit dem Pullover).
		- b. Ich wärme deine Finger. Ich wärme dir die Finger. Ich wärme mir die Finger.

# **7.5.3 obj › sbj › ø : [ NAD | –ND ] Reflexive anticausative+dative**

	- (83) a. Er bietet mir neue Perspektiven.
		- b. Neue Perspektiven bieten sich mir.
	- (84) a. Ich schließe dir (= für dich) den Schrank.
		- b. \* Der Schrank schließt sich dir.
		- c. Er erfüllt mir (= für mich) meine Wünsche.
		- d. \* Meine Wünsche erfüllen sich mir.

# **Attested verbs**

• *anbieten, aufdrängen, bieten, einprägen, entziehen, empfehlen, erklären, erschließen, eröffnen, nähern*

# **Further examples**


# **7.5.4 obj › sbj › ø : [ NAL | –NL ] Reflexive anticausative+location**

Some (but not all) verbs with a caused-motion alternation (Section 6.8.4), like [7.105] *ziehen* 'to pull' (85a,b) allow for a reflexive anticausative (86c). This results in an accusative reflexive pronoun with an obligatory location phrase. Leaving out the location is ungrammatical (85d).

	- b. Ich habe den Faden durch das Nadelöhr gezogen.
	- c. Die Straße hat sich früher durch das Dorf gezogen.
	- d. \* Die Straße hat sich gezogen.

# **Attested verbs**

• *bohren, eingraben, gliedern, häufen, saugen, ziehen*

# **Further examples**

• Er häufte die Geschenke auf den Tisch. Die Geschenke häuften sich auf den Tisch.

### 7 Reflexive pronoun alternations


# **7.5.5 obj › sbj › ø : [ NAp | –Np ] Reflexive anticausative+preposition**

	- (86) a. Ich verbinde die Lampe mit dem Stromnetz.
		- b. Die Lampe verbindet sich nicht mit dem Stromnetz.
		- c. \* Ich verbinde die Lampe.
		- d. \* Die Lampe verbindet sich.
		- e. Die Lampe und das Stromnetz verbinden sich nicht miteinander.


# **Further examples**


# **7.5.6 obj › sbj › pbj : [ NA | PN ] Reflexive conversive**

These verbs are similar to previous reflexive anticausatives, but the *von alleine* [7.109] reading is not possible. Additionally, the original nominative can be retained as a prepositional phrase (87a,b). All these prepositional phrases are governed prepositions (87c). Interestingly, there appears to be a wide variety of prepositions that are governed by the various verbs that allow for this diathesis.

	- b. Der Kunde empört sich über den Preis.
	- c. Der Kunde empört sich darüber, dass der Preis schon wieder gestiegen ist.

With many of these verbs the role of the reflexive argument appears to be more [7.110] of an experiencer than a real agent, typically with the prepositions *an, bei, für, um* and *über*. A German name like reflexiv erlebniskonversiv might thus be suitable for this diathesis (cf. Section 10.5.23 for the erlebniskonversiv without reflexive pronouns). Although there are many experiencer verbs in this category, this pattern cannot be reversed: far from all verbs that semantically have an experiencer exhibit this diathesis, e.g. *frustrieren* 'to frustrate' or *nerven* 'to annoy'

do not allow this diathesis (88). Wiskandt (2022: 253–255) proposes that the experiencer verbs with this diathesis imply some kind of consciousness and have less affected experiencers. However, such semantic explanations are probably always post-hoc and never causal (cf. Section 1.3.4).

	- b. \* Er frustriert/nervt sich über die Verspätung.
	- (89) a. \* Der Kunde wird empört durch den Preis.
		- b. Über die Zerstörung der Schöpfung […] wird sich empört.<sup>51</sup>
	- (90) a. Dieser Saft hat den Schleim gelöst.
		- b. Der Schleim hat sich durch diesen Saft gelöst.
		- c. Der Schleim wird durch diesen Saft gelöst.

	- **–** an: *belustigen, stören, erfreuen, erheitern*
	- **–** bei: *anstrengen, beruhigen, entspannen, langweilen, quälen, unterhalten*
	- **–** für: *faszinieren, motivieren, interessieren*
	- **–** um: *bekümmern, kümmern*
	- **–** über: *amüsieren, aufregen, ärgern, begeistern, beschweren, beunruhigen, empören, entsetzen, erschrecken, erstaunen, erzürnen, freuen, grämen, wundern*
	- **–** aus: *bilden, entwickeln, ergeben, speisen*
	- **–** durch: *auszeichnen, entspannen, lösen, mildern, verraten*
	- **–** in: *spiegeln, widerspiegeln*
	- **–** mit: *aufhalten, beschäftigen, schmücken, überlagern*
	- **–** von: *nähren, verabschieden*

<sup>51</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 24.11.2003.


<sup>52</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 18.02.2008, Nr. 08.

### 7 Reflexive pronoun alternations


# **Notes**

The verb *sich verabschieden* (91a) might also be thought of as an antipassive (91b). [7.113] However, it possibly better seen as an anticausative, related to (91c). The reason is that the agent of (91a) and the patient of (91c) are both typically the participant who is leaving.

	- b. Ich verabschiede ihn.
	- c. Er verabschiedet mich.

The verb *beschweren* has slight different meanings: in the transitive it means [7.114] 'to burden' (92a), while the reflexive conversive means 'to complain' (92b).

	- b. Ich beschwere mich über das Alter.

# **7.5.7 pbj › sbj › adj : [ NP | pN ] Reflexive prepositional passive**

This diathesis with *rechnen* 'to calculate' (93) appears to be an idiosyncratic pat- [7.115] tern. The governed preposition *mit* (93a,b) is turned into a reflexive nominative subject, while the erstwhile subject is turned into an optional *für* phrase (93c).

	- b. Ich rechne damit, dass alles gut wird.
	- c. Das Ergebnis rechnet sich (für mich).

# **Attested verbs**

• *rechnen*

# **7.6 Diatheses with promotion to subject**

# **7.6.1 obj › sbj : [ AP | NP ] Reflexive accusative-to-nominative**

Reflexive diatheses are generally not used for promotion of arguments. The dia- [7.116] thesis presented here is probably best be seen as a diachronic quirk, showing that every linguistic generalisation can be overruled by incidental developments of language change.

### 7 Reflexive pronoun alternations

	- (94) a. Mich ekelt (es) vor dem Spinat.
		- b. Ich ekele mich vor dem Spinat.

# **Attested verbs**

• *ekeln, grauen*

# **Further examples**

• Mich graut es vor der Kälte. Ich graue mich vor der Kälte.

# **7.7 Diatheses with object demotion**

# **7.7.1 obj › ø : [ NA | N– ] Reflexive accusative drop**

	- (95) a. Er äußert sein Bedauern über den Fall.
		- b. Er äußert sich über den Fall.
		- c. \* Er äußert sich und sein Bedauern über den Fall.

are really different from self-inflicted reflexive constructions. Specifically, the coordination seems to be perfectly possible (96c–e).

	- b. Er versteckt sich.
	- c. Er versteckt sich und das Geschenk.
	- d. Politiker verstecken sich und ihre Botschaften hinter verschwurbelten Sätzen.<sup>53</sup>
	- e. Sie verstecken sich und ihre Waffen.<sup>54</sup>

The endoreflexive diathesis most clearly emerges with verbs that describe hurt- [7.120] ing the body, like *verbrennen* 'to burn' (97) or *schneiden* 'to cut'. The usage of these verbs with a reflexive pronoun normally implies that the body is partially inflicted, i.e. only a part of the body is burned or cut. For this reason, the conjunction in (97c) is strange and would only make sense in a context in which somebody would burn himself completely (cf. Elias Canetti's novel *Die Blendung*).

	- b. Er verbrennt sich.
	- c. \* Er verbrennt sich und das Buch.

# **Attested verbs**

• *abduschen, abhetzen, abwenden, anlehnen, anziehen, aufrichten, ausziehen, äußern, bewegen, entblößen, erheben, hinlegen, hinsetzen, hinstellen, neigen, recken, räkeln, schneiden, strecken, täuschen, verbrennen, verkleiden, verschlafen, verschlucken, zuneigen*


<sup>53</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 30.11.2009, Nr. 49.

<sup>54</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 31.10.2001, Nr. 45.

### 7 Reflexive pronoun alternations


# **Notes**

	- (98) a. Er äußert sein Bedauern über den Unfall.
		- b. Er äußert sich über den Unfall.
		- c. Die Krankheit äußert sich durch das Fieber.
		- d. \* Die Krankheit äußert den Fieber.
	- (99) Ach, Johanna, ich glaube, ich habe mich verschlafen.<sup>55</sup>

# **7.7.2 obj › ø : [ NAL | N–L ] Reflexive accusative drop+locative**

[7.123] Similar to the previous endoreflexive alternation, the alternation with *werfen* 'to throw' (100a,b) acts on the body. However, additionally a location phrase needs to be present (100c). However, the reflexive construction (100b) looks very much

<sup>55</sup>dwds: Fontane, Theodor: Effi Briest. Berlin, 1896.

like self-inflicted reflexive reference in this example. Indeed, the conjunction test proposed in the previous section seems to be perfectly possible here (100d). It needs more research to decide whether this alternation is to be considered as a separate diathesis, or whether this is just regular self-inflicting reflexive reference.

	- b. Er wirft sich aufs Bett.
	- c. \* Er wirft sich.
	- d. Die Frauen warfen sich und ihre Kinder vor mein Pferd und baten um Hilfe.<sup>56</sup>

# **Attested verbs**

• *fokussieren, konzentrieren, pressen, legen, setzen, stellen, werfen*

# **Further examples**

• Sie presste die Hand auf das Herz. Sie presste sich an die Hauswand.

# **Notes**

The verbs *fokussieren* and *konzentrieren* 'to concentrate, to focus' are slightly out- [7.124] of-place among the other verbs in this group. They also have an *auf* prepositional phrase, but they do not have a locative meaning. It still is a governed preposition though (101).

	- b. Ich konzentriere mich auf das Spiel.
	- c. Ich konzentriere mich darauf, das Spiel zu gewinnen.

# **7.7.3 obj › adj : [ NA | Np ] Reciprocal antipassive**

Reflexive antipassive verbs like *treffen* 'to meet' (102a,b) change an accusative [7.125] argument to a non-governed prepositional phrase with *mit* (102c). Semantically, this diathesis changes the action from a one-sided perspective towards a more reciprocal perspective. The resulting construction of this diathesis is reminiscent

<sup>56</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 23.03.2005, Nr. 13.

of the "real reciprocal" construction (see Section 7.3.3). In German I propose to use the term reziprokativ for this diathesis.

	- b. Ich treffe mich mit dir.
	- c. \* Ich treffe mich damit, dass du krank bist.

# **Attested verbs**

• *befreunden, prügeln, schlagen, treffen, verstehen*

# **Further examples**


# **Notes**

	- (103) a. Ich befreunde mich mit ihm.
		- b. Du befreundest ihn.<sup>57</sup>

# **7.7.4 obj › pbj : [ NA | NP ] Reflexive governed antipassive**

[7.127] The *sich* counterpart of the transitive *beklagen* 'to lament' (104a,b) is somewhat alike to an intransitive action that has a reflexive pronoun attached. There is no semantic "self-inflicting" reflexivity whatsoever in the expression, i.e. the complaining in (104b) does not mean 'I complain about myself' (i.e. adding *selbst* is not possible). The complaint is still about *Lärm* 'noise'.

<sup>57</sup>Attested online at http://hundewelt.info/affenpinscher/, accessed 2 August 2022.

Formally, the object of the complaint is demoted from an accusative (104a), [7.128] which is obligatory (104c), to a prepositional phrase (104b) that can be dropped (104d). Note that without the prepositional phrase (104d) the expression is indeed ambiguous between a real reflexive meaning ('I complain about myself') and a non-reflexive reading ('I am complaining'). All prepositional phrases of the verbs in this section are governed prepositions (104e).

Wiemer and Nedjalkov (2007: 464–465) call such verbs "deaccusatives" and [7.129] consider them to be "extremely rare" in German (which they are not). It is an open question why some verbs take such a reflexive antipassive, while other take a simple antipassive without reflexive pronoun (as discussed in Section 6.7.8). For a typological survey of such antipassive uses of reflexive markers, see Janic (2010).

	- b. Ich beklage mich (\*selbst) über den Lärm.
	- c. \* Ich beklage.
	- d. Ich beklage mich.
	- e. Ich beklage mich darüber, dass es so laut ist.

# **Attested verbs**



### 7 Reflexive pronoun alternations


# **Notes**

	- (105) a. Der Richter entschied den Streit. Der Richter entschied sich bei dem Streit (für eine Strafe).
		- b. Ich entscheide die Reihenfolge. Ich entscheide mich für diese Reihenfolge.

# (106) a. Ich beklage den Tod. Ich beklage mich über den Lärm.


# **7.8 Diatheses with promotion to object**

# **7.8.1 ø › pbj : [ N– | NL ] Reflexive manner-of-movement**

Intransitive verbs that describe a movement, like *tanzen* 'to dance' (107a) can [7.132] be used in manner-of-movement construction that includes an obligatory path describing the movement (107b,c). This diathesis is discussed in detail in Section 6.8.1.

	- b. Ich bin durch den Garten getanzt.
	- c. \* Ich bin getanzt.

The same diathesis is also attested with non-movement verbs, like *träumen* [7.133] 'to dream' (108a,b), but then an additional reflexive pronoun is obligatory (108c), next to the obligatory location phrase (108d). This construction expresses that by performing the verb (i.e. by dreaming) a movement is performed as described in the location phrase (i.e. moving to New York). In German I propose to call this diathesis reflexiv bewegungsart.

	- b. Ich träume mich nach New York. (= Ich träume, und im Traum gehe ich nach New York.)
	- c. \* Ich träume nach New York.
	- d. \* Ich träume mich.

The location always describes a movement, with *durch* (109a) 'through' and *in* [7.134] 'into' (109b) being the most productive. Incidental examples with *aus* and *nach* are also attested (see the further examples below).

(109) a. Ich esse und trinke. Ich aß und trank mich durch Deutschland.<sup>58</sup>

<sup>58</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 16.04.1998, Nr. 17.

	- (110) a. Ich schlafe.
		- b. Ich schlafe mich gesund.

# **Attested verbs**



<sup>59</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 07.05.2016 (online).

<sup>60</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 21.04.2005, Nr. 17.

<sup>61</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 20.04.2016 (online).

<sup>62</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 05.04.1997.


# **Notes**

The movement verb *schleichen* 'to sneak' (111a) allows for a regular non-reflexive [7.137] manner-of-movement diathesis (111b), see Section 6.8.1. However, curiously, it also allows for a reflexive manner-of-movement diathesis as discussed in this section (111c). There is a subtle difference in meaning between these two uses that is not trivial to pin down. The example with the movement verb *schwimmen* 'to swim' (112) suggests that with a reflexive pronoun the "movement" can be more metaphorical.

	- b. Ich bin nach Hause geschlichen.
	- c. Ich habe mich nach Hause geschlichen.
	- b. Am Dienstag schwamm sich Phelps dann schon wieder selbst in die Schlagzeilen.<sup>66</sup>

# **7.8.2 ø › pbj : [ NA– | NAL ] Reflexive forced movement**

The forced movement diathesis (see Section 6.8.4) is typically found without a [7.138] reflexive pronoun, like with *jagen* 'to hunt' (113).

	- b. Ich jage den Hund aus dem Zimmer. (= Ich jage den Hund und dadurch geht der aus dem Zimmer.)

<sup>63</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 23.01.2017, Nr. 02.

<sup>64</sup>Attested online at https://www.faz.net/aktuell/sport/2-0-gegen-hannover-schalke-schiesstsich-aus-der-krise-1258798.html, accessed 30 March 2021.

<sup>65</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 16.06.2009, Nr. 25.

<sup>66</sup>dwds: Der Tagesspiegel, 19.08.2004.

### 7 Reflexive pronoun alternations

	- (114) a. Ich grabe mir einen Weg durch den Schnee.
		- b. Ich wünsche mir den Stuhl in die Sonne.

# **Attested verbs**

• *graben, wünschen*

# **Further examples**


# **Notes**

	- (115) Er bahnt sich einen Weg durch die Menschenmenge.

# **7.9 Symmetrical diatheses**

# **7.9.1 obj › sbj › obj : [ NA | DN ] Reflexive accusative/dative inversive**

[7.141] Some verbs, like *erobern* 'to conquer', allow for both a regular transitive construction (116a) and a reflexive inversive in which the former nominative turns into a dative (116b). This diathesis appears to be rare.

<sup>67</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 15.11.1999.

<sup>68</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 23.05.2017, Nr. 33.

<sup>69</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 24.03.2015, Nr. 12.

(116) a. Der Eroberer unterwarf den Volksstamm.

b. Der Volksstamm unterwarf sich dem Eroberer.

# **Attested verbs**

• *stellen, unterwerfen*

# **Further examples**

• Der Polizist stellte den Einbrecher. Der Einbrecher stellte sich dem Polizisten.

# **7.9.2 obj › sbj › obj : [ NA | GN ] Reflexive accusative/genitive inversive**

Both the alternants of *erbarmen* 'to have pity' (117) are very old-fashioned. This [7.142] inversive diathesis appears to be very rare.

	- (= Der Kranke erregte mein Mitleid.)
	- b. Ich erbarmte mich des Kranken. (= Aus Mitleid kümmerte ich mich um den Kranken.)

# **Attested verbs**

• *erbarmen, erfreuen*

# **Further examples**

• Das Geschenk erfreut mich. Ich erfreue mich bester Gesundheit.

# **7.9.3 obj › sbj › obj : [ ND | GN ] Reflexive dative/genitive inversive**

There used to be a reflexive verb *bewissen* 'to know about' in Early New High [7.143] German (Pfeiffer 1993)70. but only the construction with the participle *bewusst* is still in contemporary use. The non-reflexive construction (118a) is probably a later addition. As a synchronic diathesis this alternation is a rare example of a dative reflexive without accusative.

	- b. Ich bin mir keiner Schuld bewusst.

<sup>70</sup>Entry *wissen* at https://www.dwds.de/wb/etymwb/wissen accessed 2 August 2022.

# **Attested verbs**

• *bewusst sein*

# **7.9.4 obj › obj : [ NA | NG ] Reflexive accusative-to-genitive**

	- (119) a. Er nimmt das Problem an. (= 'akzeptieren')
		- b. Er nimmt sich des Problems an. (= 'kümmern')
	- (120) a. Man bedenke den Aufwand.<sup>71</sup> (= 'beachten')
		- b. Ich bedenke mich eines Besseren.<sup>72</sup> (= 'besinnen')

# **Attested verbs**

• *annehmen, bedenken*

<sup>71</sup>dwds: Der Tagesspiegel, 18.04.2001.

<sup>72</sup>Attested examples on Google books from 1800 (https://books.google.de/books? id=WZNKAAAAcAAJ&pg=PA393) and 1848 (https://books.google.de/books?id= RD8gAAAAYAAJ&pg=PA665), accessed 3 August 2022.

# **8 Preverb alternations**

# **8.1 Introduction**

Underthe heading preverb I will subsume two different constructions, known in [8.1] the German linguistic tradition as *Verbpräfixe* 'verb prefixes' (1a) and *Verbpartikel* 'verb particles' (1b). These constructions have clearly different syntactic characteristics (see Section 8.2.1), but from the perspective of valency alternations they appear to function highly similar. For a discussion of the term "preverb" as a cover term for both constructions, see Booij & van Kemenade (2003).

	- b. Ich fahre den Polizisten um.

There is a massive literature on the German alternations induced by verb pre- [8.2] fixes and verb particles, including complete monographs on individual preverbs, for example Felfe (2012) on the many different alternations with the particle *an-*. However, most of this literature focusses on the semantic difference between a bare verb and a verb with a preverb. Changes in valency are mostly discussed only as an aside. In contrast, in this chapter the meaning of the preverbs will only play a secondary role. The focus will be on the valency change induced by the preverbs (for similar approaches see Eroms 1980; Kim 1983; Günther 1987; Wunderlich 1987; Stiebels 1996; Wunderlich 1997; Geist & Hole 2016).

The central generalisation that can be extracted from the numerous examples [8.3] in this chapter is that the structural effect of a preverb diathesis is to produce a verb with an accusative argument. This generalisation does not hold without special definitional stipulations (e.g. accusative reflexive pronouns have to be included) and there are various counterexamples (e.g. diatheses resulting in dative arguments), but overall the generalisation seems to be exceptionally strong (see Section 8.2.2). In a very broad sense, preverb diatheses can be seen as a kind of counterpart to reflexive diatheses as discussed in the previous chapter. Reflexive diatheses generally reduce the valency, while preverb diatheses tend to increase the valency.

### 8 Preverb alternations


[8.5] There are thirteen diatheses that are sufficiently prominent to be given a German name. I propose the following names for these:


# **8.2 Characterising preverbs**

# **8.2.1 Prefixes and particles**

[8.6] The central morphosyntactic difference between verb prefixes and verb particles is their morphological bond to the lexical root. As implied by the name, verb prefixes like *be‑* are prefixed to the root and are never separated from it (2a). In contrast, verb particles like *ein‑* are in many constructions separated from the root (2b), namely (i) in finite uses, (ii) by participle prefix *ge‑* (see Section 10.2.1), and (iii) by infinitive "prefix" *zu* (see Section 12.2.1). Additionally, verb prefixes are unstressed, while verb particles are stressed. To indicate whether a preverb is a prefix or particle, I will add a stress mark after (prefix) or before (particle).

	- b. Ich *trete* die Tür *ˈein*. Ich habe die Tür *ˈeingetreten*. Ich hoffe die Tür *ˈeinzutreten*.

The following elements can only be used as verb prefixes in German (see Los [8.7] et al. 2016: 177; Pfeiffer 1993 for the diachronic origin):


The prefix *geˈ‑* only occurs in completely grammaticalised combinations, i.e. [8.8] there are no verbs (anymore) in which the root is still transparently related to the *geˈ‑* prefixed wordform (cf. Section 1.3.2). Pairs like *bieten* 'to offer' and *gebieten* 'to order' are thus simply treated here as two completely separate lexemes, and will consequently not occur among any of the diatheses discussed below (examples in Section 8.3). In contrast, the addition of the prefix *missˈ‑* is always completely transparent and never results in a diathesis, e.g. *achten* 'to respect' and *missachten* 'to disrespect' (examples in Sections 8.4.1, 8.4.3). The prefix *widerˈ‑*

### 8 Preverb alternations

only occurs in a few fixed combinations (see Section 8.8.13). That leaves the prefixes *beˈ-, erˈ-, verˈ-, zerˈ‑* and *entˈ-*, and these all occur frequently. They induce various diathesis as discussed throughout this chapter and they do not appear to have any preference for a special kind of diathesis.

[8.9] Turning now to the verb particles, the following prepositions can be used as preverbs:

	- the prefix/particle prepositions *durch, über, unter* and *um* describe a movement along an object, i.e. 'through, over, under' and 'around', respectively.
	- the particle-only prepositions come in semantic pairs describing either a directional movement (*zu/ab* 'to/from' and *ein/aus* 'in/out') or a stative position (*vor/nach* 'before/after' and *bei/an/auf* 'near/on/on top').
	- b. Angetanzt wurde recht spät, gegen zehn.<sup>1</sup> (= durch tanzen den Ball anfangen)
	- c. Der Junge kam angetanzt. (= tanzend irgendwo hinbewegen)
	- d. Ich habe mir ein kaputtes Knie angetanzt. (= durch tanzen etwas erreichen)
	- e. Ich haben gegen die Resignation angetanzt. (= sich gegen etwas stemmen)
	- f. Er ist beim Chef angetanzt. (= herbei zitiert werden)
	- g. Bewegungsfolgen werden nur angetanzt und immer wieder abgebrochen.<sup>2</sup> (= nicht vollständig ausführen)

# **8.2.2 Preverb-verbs prefer an accusative argument**

The central generalisation that can be extracted from the numerous examples in [8.12] this chapter is that the structural effect of a preverb diathesis (by verb prefixes or verb particles) is to produce a verb with an accusative argument. This idea is for example foreshadowed by Kim (1983) "Die *be*-Verben fordern immer eine E\_akk außer bei der Funktionsgruppe der 'Intensivierung', deren Basisverben durch Präfigierung sich reflexivieren" (1983: 54).

Various different diatheses have to be distinguished though. First, many verbs [8.13] without an accusative argument before the diathesis are turned into a verb with an accusative argument by the preverb diathesis:


<sup>1</sup>Attested online at https://www.tagesspiegel.de/berlin/vbki-ball-so-tanzte-berlins-wirtschaftdurch-die-nacht/21000986.html, accessed 4 August 2022.

<sup>2</sup>dwds: Neue Zürcher Zeitung, 30.09.2000.

### 8 Preverb alternations

	- b. Ich steige auf den Berg. Ich besteige den Berg.
	- c. Der Stuhl brennt. Ich verbrenne den Stuhl.
	- When there is already an accusative argument, this argument can be retained while other participants in the sentence are marked differently. This is for example attested with the diathesis from *kaufen* 'to buy' to *verkaufen* 'to sell' in (5a), see Section 8.6.9.
	- Most frequently, the accusative argument is demoted, and another participant is promoted to accusative. This is for example attested with the diathesis from *hängen* 'to hang' to *behängen* 'to drape' in (5b), see Section 8.7.13.
	- Similarly, with some caused-motion constructions a prepositional location can be promoted to an accusative argument while the original accusative cannot be expressed anymore. This is for example attested with the diathesis from *schütten* 'to pour' to *ausschütten* 'to spill' in (5c), see Section 8.7.12.
	- (5) a. Ich kaufe das Haus von ihm. Er verkauft mir das Haus.
		- b. Ich hänge die Bilder an die Wand. Ich behänge die Wand mit Bildern.
		- c. Ich schütte das Wasser aus dem Eimer. Ich schütte den Eimer aus.

an accusative reflexive pronoun as a kind of formal substitute for the accusative. Note that functionally this reflexive pronoun is never coding a "self-inflicting" reflexive construction, but only substituting for the "missing" accusative argument.

	- b. Der Mitarbeiter arbeitet zu viel. Der Mitarbeiter überarbeitet sich.
	- c. Der Hund ist nach Hause gelaufen. Der Hund hat sich im Wald verlaufen.

Finally, there are a few exceptions to the generalisation that preverb alterna- [8.16] tions always have an accusative argument:


### 8 Preverb alternations

*blühen* 'to blossom' to *verblühen* 'to wither' in (7b), see Section 8.4.4. However, note that these verbs can be used as a nominal attribute ("patientive") after the diathesis, suggesting that that argument is more object-like after the diathesis.

	- b. Die Blume blüht. \*Die geblühte Blume stinkt. Die Blume verblüht. Die verblühte Blume stinkt.
	- c. Die Polizei jagte einen Verbrecher. Die Polizei jagte dem Verbrecher nach.

# **8.2.3 Preverbs with non-verbal stems**

	- (8) a. Du bist frei.
		- b. Ich befreie dich. (= Ich verursache, dass du frei bist.)
	- (9) a. Der Clown ist lustig.
		- b. Der Clown belustigt mich.
	- b. Ich vergifte die Suppe. (= Ich verursache, dass die Suppe Gift enthält.)
	- b. Ich entwaffne den Dieb. (= Ich verursache, dass der Dieb keine Waffe hat.)

There are some examples for which an intermediate verb exists. For exam- [8.19] ple, the verbs *freien* 'to court' (12a) or *giften* 'to rile' (12b) are also based on the adjective *frei* and the noun *Gift*, respectively. However, these verbs are clearly independent developments from *befreien* (8) and *vergiften* (10).

	- b. Er giftet lauthals gegen die feindliche Übernahme.

Finally, there are a few incidental examples of preverbs added to a preposi- [8.20] tional root, but they will not further be discussed here (e.g. *begegnen* 'to meet' from *gegen* 'against', *erobern* 'to conquer' from *ober‑* 'higher up', or *erwidern* 'to reply' from *wider* 'against').

# **8.3 Deponent verbs**

Verbs with preverbs frequently grammaticalise into a more specific meaning. For [8.21] example, the verb *graben* 'to dig' and *begraben* 'to bury' are still semantically related and show a symmetrical applicative diathesis (see Section 8.9.1). However, the meaning of the prefixed verb *begraben* has become semantically restricted to the digging of a grave (13). As a general rule, it seems to be the preverbal variant that shows more semantic drift.

	- b. Ich begrabe meinen Hund (in einem Loch).

It is common that such diachronic developments lead to pairs of verbs that [8.22] semantically are not related anymore (14). In the extreme case, the original root of the preverbal verb does not exist (anymore) in contemporary German (15).

### 8 Preverb alternations

	- a. *gefallen, gehören, geraten*
	- b. *bekommen, benehmen, berichten, beschaffen, bestehen, bestimmen, bevorstehen, beweisen*
	- c. *entsprechen, entwischen*
	- d. *ereignen, ereilen, erfahren, erhalten, erpressen, errichten, ersparen, erstehen, ertragen, ertrinken, erwischen, erzählen, erziehen*
	- e. *zergehen, zerlassen, zersetzen*
	- a. *gebären, gebieten, gebühren, gedeihen, gelingen, genesen, geschehen, gestehen, gewähren, gewinnen, gewöhnen*
	- b. *beginnen. bescheren. beschäftigen. beteiligen. bezichtigen*
	- c. *erbarmen, ergattern, erinnern, erklimmen, erkunden, erlauben, erläutern, erledigen, erstatten, ersticken*

# **8.4 Alternations without diathesis**

	- (i) Verbs (with adjectival predicates as a subclass) that do not show any diathesis when a preverb is added.
	- (ii) Verbs that show no difference in argument marking, but that show differences in the attributive usage of participles.
	- (iii) Verbs that show no difference in argument marking, but the prefixed verb has an obligatory reflexive pronoun.
	- (16) a. Ich esse den Apfel.
		- b. Ich esse den Apfel auf.

In contrast, it is rather uncommon for intransitive verbs to remain intransitive [8.25] when a preverb is added. However, it is attested, like with *sinken* 'to sink' and *versinken* 'to sink' (17), see Section 8.4.1.

	- b. Das Schiff versinkt im Meer.

Some intransitives show a peculiar phenomenon when prefixed: they are still [8.26] intransitive but the subject becomes more patient-like in that the participle can be used attributively (one of the characteristics often discussed under the heading of the "unaccusative hypothesis", see Section 10.2.5). For example, the verbs *schlafen* 'to sleep' (18a) and *einschlafen* 'to fall asleep' (18b) are both intransitive. However, only *eingeschlafen* can be used attributively (18c,d). These examples are discussed in Section 8.4.4.

	- b. Der Junge schläft ein.
	- c. \* Der geschlafene Junge schnarcht.
	- d. Der eingeschlafene Junge schnarcht.

Similarly, there is a small group of transitive nominative-accusative verbs that [8.27] show the same effect with attributive participles. These verbs, like *merken* vs. *bemerken* 'to become aware of' (19a,b), do not show a valency difference. Yet, there is a difference in that the participle of the prefixed *bemerken* can be used as attributive adjective, while the participle of the non-prefixed *merken* cannot (19c,d). These examples are discussed in Section 8.4.5.

	- b. Ich bemerke den Fehler.
	- c. \* Der gemerkte Wind war schlimm.
	- d. Der bemerkte Fehler war schlimm.

Finally, some verbs need an extra reflexive pronoun when they get a preverb, [8.28] though the valency of the construction does not change. The reflexive pronoun is thus neither a self-inflicting reflexive construction, nor a marker of the diathesis itself. The reflexive pronouns in these cases seem to be mostly "empty", except for putting a slight emphasis on the agency of the nominative subject (cf. "free" reflexives in Section 7.4). Such "empty" reflexives occurring with preverbs are attested both with intransitive verbs (see Section 8.4.6) and transitive verbs (see Section 8.4.8).

### 8 Preverb alternations

# **8.4.1 [ N | N ] Preverb intransitives without diathesis**

	- (20) a. Die Milch kocht.
		- b. Die Milch kocht über.
		- c. Die gekochte Milch schmeckt nicht.
		- d. Die übergekochte Milch ist eine Sauerei.
	- (21) a. Ich koche die Milch.
		- b. Die Milch kocht.
		- c. Die Milch kocht über.
	- (22) a. Der Student hat an dem Projekt gearbeitet.
		- b. Der Student hat an dem Projekt mitgearbeitet.
		- c. \* Der gearbeitete Student ist fertig.
		- d. \* Der mitgearbeitete Student ist fertig.


# **Further examples**


# **8.4.2 [ N | N ] Preverb adjectives without diathesis**

Adjectives are in many ways similar to intransitive verbs, being basically one- [8.32] place predicates. There are various adjectives that remain intransitive when combined with a preverb, like *kühl* 'cool' and *abkühlen* 'to cool down' (23a). Similar to the intransitive verbs from the previous section, both adjectival predicates can be used as attributive adjective (23b). Note, however, that it is more common for preverbal adjectives to have a causative diathesis (see Section 8.6.3).

	- b. Das kühle Wasser schmeckt. Das abgekühlte Wasser schmeckt.

There is a recurring question whether these verbs are directly derived from an [8.33] adjective, or via an intermediate "plain" verb, e.g. *kühlen* (cf. Section 8.6.3). Such intermediate verbs might also be independent developments, i.e. the plain verb *kühlen* and the preverbal variant *abkühlen* are both derived from the adjective *kühl*. One argument in favour of independent developments is that the "plain" verbs have varying semantics: either stative, like *kranken* 'to be sick' or *wachen* 'to be awake'; or causative, like *kühlen* 'to make cold' or *röten* 'to become red'. Another argument is that not all such intermediate verbs exist, e.g. the verb *magern* does not exist. Likewise, *späten* and *frühen* do not exist.


### 8 Preverb alternations

# **Further examples**


# **8.4.3 [ NA | NA ] Preverb transitives without diathesis**

	- (24) a. Ich lagere die Kartoffeln im Keller. Ich verlagere die Kartoffeln in den Keller.
		- b. Die gelagerten Kartoffeln […]. Die verlagerten Kartoffeln […].


# **Further examples**


# **8.4.4 [ N | N ] Preverb intransitives with patient-like subject**

Many verbs describing natural processes remain intransitive when prefixed, like [8.35] *blühen* 'to blossom' and *verblühen* 'to wither' (25a,b). The participle of these verbs can be used attributively when prefixed (25d), but not without prefix (25c). Also note that the auxiliary in the perfekt changes between *sein* and *haben* for these verbs.

	- b. Die Blume ist verblüht.
	- c. \* Die geblühte Blume ist immer noch schön.
	- d. Die verblühte Blume ist immer noch schön.

Note that there is a fascinating phenomenon going on here that is in need of [8.36] more investigation. Many of the "ungrammatical" attributively used participles are actually attested, but only when they are themselves modified (26). My intuition is that in such examples the participle is actually a non-finite embedded relative clause (e.g. *Mauersteine, die grau schimmeln*). However, whether there really is a difference between verbs that allow for a usage as "isolated" attributive participles, like *verblüht* (25d), vs. "modified" attributive participles, like *geblüht* (26a), is an open question in need of more research.

### 8 Preverb alternations

	- b. eine schlecht geschlafene Nacht<sup>4</sup>
	- c. eine braun gerostete Fußgängerbrücke<sup>5</sup>
	- d. die dabei verloren gegangene regionale Identität<sup>6</sup>

# **Attested verbs**


# **Notes**

	- (27) a. Er, der alles zerbricht, was ihm von Anfang her verschrieben war, der die zarte Blüthe wie die gewelkte Frucht mit gleicher Unerbittlichkeit abstreift.<sup>7</sup>
		- b. […] oder andre vielfach verdorbne, gefaulte, verschimmelte Nahrungsmittel.<sup>8</sup>
		- c. Auf eben diese Weise nimmt eine gefaulte Galle […] einen gefälligern Geruch an sich.<sup>9</sup>

# **8.4.5 [ NA | NA ] Preverb transitives with patient-like object**

[8.38] Some transitive verbs like *ärgern* and the preverbal variant *verärgern* 'to irritate' are almost identical in meaning (28a,b). However, they show the same differentiation in attributive participle usage as the patientive intransitives in the previous section (28c,d), though without a difference in perfect auxiliary (both use *haben*).

<sup>3</sup>dwds: Neutsch, Erik: Spur der Steine, Halle: Mitteldeutscher Verl. 1964 [1964], S. 387. <sup>4</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 16.06.1989, Nr. 25.

<sup>5</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 30.08.2007, Nr. 36.

<sup>6</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 09.11.2017 (online).

<sup>7</sup>dwds: Fouqué, Caroline de La Motte-: Die Frauen in der großen Welt. Berlin, 1826.

<sup>8</sup>dwds: Hahnemann, Samuel: Organon der rationellen Heilkunde. Dresden, 1810..

<sup>9</sup>dwds: Haller, Albrecht von: Anfangsgründe der Phisiologie des menschlichen Körpers. Bd. 2. Berlin, 1762.

There is a connected difference in the possibility of the *Zustandspassiv* with *sein*, cf. Section 10.5.16. Note the somewhat older attested example of attributive *geärgert* in (28e).

	- b. Die Verzögerung hat den Reisenden verärgert.
	- c. \* Der geärgerte Reisende. \*Der Reisende ist geärgert.
	- d. Der verärgerte Reisende. Der Reisende ist verärgert.
	- e. Der geärgerte Schulkamerad schrieb: […]<sup>10</sup>

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**


# **8.4.6 [ N | N ] Preverb reflexive intransitive alternations**

The verb *überarbeiten* is transparently derived from the verb *arbeiten* 'to work', [8.39] but in two semantically different directions. In one sense *überarbeiten* means 'to revise', i.e. 'to work on something again', which shows an applicative diathesis (29a,b), see Section 8.8.8. In another sense *überarbeiten* means 'to work too hard'

<sup>10</sup>dwds: Büchner, Georg: Sämmtliche Werke und handschriftlicher Nachlaß. Frankfurt (Main.), 1879.

### 8 Preverb alternations

(29c,d). In this sense an obligatory, but 'empty', accusative reflexive pronoun is present.

	- b. Ich überarbeite den Text.
	- c. Ich arbeite zu viel.
	- d. Ich überarbeite mich.
	- (30) a. Ich laufe.
		- b. Ich verlaufe mich.

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**


# **8.4.7 [ N | N ] Preverb reflexive adjectives alternations**

	- (31) a. Die späte Vorstellung.
		- b. Die Vorstellung verspätet sich.

# **Attested verbs**

• verˈ-: *spät, früh*

# **8.4.8 [ NA | NA ] Preverb reflexive transitive alternations**

The difference between the verbs *sehen* (32a) and *ansehen* (32b) is very delicate, [8.42] maybe best summarised by comparing it to the English verbs *to see* and *to watch*. The preverbal verb *ansehen* 'to watch' implies slightly more agency of the nominative subject. In German this difference is additionally marked by a dative reflexive pronouns. However, note that this reflexive might be optional (cf. Section 7.4.4).

	- b. Ich sehe mir das Haus an.

Note that there is a second, highly similar, construction with *ansehen* and a [8.43] non-reflexive dative argument (33a). This dative has a completely different semantics, meaning something like 'to notice'. This diathesis is further discussed under the heading of possessor raising in Section 8.8.16. Finally, *ansehen* can also simply mean 'to look at' (33b), in which sense there is no diathesis at all, as discussed in Section 8.4.3.

	- b. Ich sehe dich an.

# **Attested verbs**



# **Notes**

	- (34) a. Ein derartiges Schauen müssten wir uns nun anüben.<sup>12</sup>
		- b. Wer ständig gegen die wachsende Konkurrenz anüben muss […].<sup>13</sup>

# **8.5 Diatheses with subject demotion**

[8.45] All examples in the following subsections show subject demotion which results in intransitive verbs. Keeping with the observation that preverb alternations tend to produce nominative/accusative constructions (see Section 8.2.2), preverb diatheses with subject demotion are exceedingly rare. Almost all the attested examples use verb prefixes. Examples with verb particles are almost non-existing for subject demotion.

# **8.5.1 obj › sbj › ø : [ NA | –N ] Preverb anticausative**

	- (35) a. Sie hat das Feuer gelöscht.
		- b. Das Feuer ist erloschen.

# **Attested verbs**

• erˈ-: *löschen*

<sup>11</sup>Attested online at https://www.dwds.de/wb/dwb2/anüben, accessed 5 August 2022.

<sup>12</sup>dwds: Chamberlain, Houston Stewart: Die Grundlagen des Neunzehnten Jahrhunderts. Bd. 1. München 1899.

<sup>13</sup>dwds: Der Tagesspiegel, 11.08.1999.

# **8.5.2 obj › sbj › ø : [ NA | –N ] Preverb reflexive anticausative**

Some further anticausatives need an additional reflexive pronoun, like with *fan-* [8.47] *gen* 'to catch' (36a) and *verfangen* 'to entangle oneself' (36b). Note that the intransitive *verfangen* seems to additionally require a location phrase (36c).

	- b. Der Vogel verfängt sich im Netz.
	- c. ? Der Vogel verfängt sich.

# **Attested verbs**


### **Further examples**

• Der Schuster streckt die Stiefel. Der Wald erstreckt sich bis zum Gebirge.

# **8.5.3 pbj › sbj › ø : [ NL | –N ] Preverb location anticausative**

Lipka (1972: 93–94) calls this phenomenon *Subjektvertauschung*, which he claims [8.48] is "quite frequent in German". However, I do not know of any other examples of this diathesis except for the example given by Lipka, namely the diathesis between *laufen+aus* and *auslaufen*, both meaning approximately 'to empty' (37a,b). It might be that Lipka intended to use this term for anticausatives in general (which indeed are quite common in German), but then his example using a preverb was ill-chosen. Hundsnurscher (1968: 130ff.) discusses many examples that might be semantically similar, but do not show diathesis (e.g. *tröpfeln/auströpfeln*). For historical context, see Carlberg (1948) for more about the history of the terminology and the relation to metonymy. For Lipka's counterpart *Objektvertauschung*, see Section 8.7.12.

	- b. Die Flasche ist ausgelaufen.

### **Attested verbs**

• ˈaus-: *laufen*

# **8.5.4 pbj › sbj › ø : [ NP | –N ] Preverb preposition anticausative+reflexive loss**

	- (38) a. Ich kümmere mich nicht um die Pflanze.
		- b. Ich kümmere mich nicht darum, ob die Pflanze verkümmert.
		- c. Die Pflanze verkümmert.

# **Attested verbs**

• verˈ-: *kümmern*

# **8.6 Diatheses with promotion to subject**

[8.50] Promotion to subject is somewhat more widespread compared to subject demotion discussed previously. Like with demotion, promotion to subject occurs preferably with verb prefixes and almost never with verb particles.

# **8.6.1 ø › sbj › obj : [ –N | NA ] Preverb causative**

	- (39) a. Der Wettkampf endet.
		- b. Ich beende den Wettkampf.
	- (40) a. Ich lebe durch den Eingriff des Arztes.
		- b. Der Eingriff des Arztes belebt mich.

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**


# **8.6.2 ø › sbj › obj : [ –N | NA ] Preverb causative+reflexive loss**

An apparently idiosyncratic example is the verb *schämen* 'to be ashamed' that [8.53] takes an obligatory reflexive pronoun (41a). With the preverb *beˈ-*, the verb *beschämen* 'to shame' is clearly a causative, but without a reflexive pronoun (41b).

	- b. Sie beschämt mich.

# **Attested verbs**

• beˈ-: *schämen*

# **8.6.3 ø › sbj › obj : [ –N | NA ] Preverb adjectival causative**

Many adjectives can be turned into verbs by adding a prefix. The most wide- [8.54] spread semantic effect is to turn a state, like *frei sein* 'to be free' (42a) into a causative process *befreien* 'to free somebody' (42b).

### 8 Preverb alternations

	- b. Ich befreie dich.
	- (43) a. Der Balkon ist grün.
		- b. Ich begrüne den Balkon.
		- c. Die Rasenstücke […] waren angewachsen und grünten lustig.<sup>14</sup>
	- (44) a. Er ist matt vom Sport.
		- b. Der Sport ermattet ihn.
	- (45) a. Die Frist ist kurz.
		- b. Ich verkürze die Frist.
		- c. Er ist böse.
		- d. Die Bemerkung erbost ihn.

<sup>14</sup>From Viebig, Clara: Das tägliche Brot. (Berlin 1952). Attested on https://www.dwds.de/wb/ grünen, accessed 5 August 2022.

is a difference in meaning of the predicate without preverb (i.e. stative) 'to be awake' (46a) and with preverb (i.e. be caused) 'to become awake' (46b), but there is no added causer. These examples are further discussed in Section 8.4.2.

	- b. Die Kinder erwachen.

There are also a few examples of preverbal adjectives in which an accusative [8.59] object is added, like with *lustig* 'funny' and *belustigen* 'to amuse' (47). These examples are further discussed in Section 8.8.2.

	- b. Der Clown belustigt mich.

# **Attested verbs**



# **Notes**

	- (48) a. Die Lebensbedingungen sind heutzutage besser.
		- b. Ich verbessere die Lebensbedingungen.
		- c. Der Bericht bessert meine Lauen.

# **8.6.4 ø › sbj › obj : [ –N | NA ] Preverb nominal causative**

	- (49) a. Ich vergifte die Suppe. (= Ich verursache, dass die Suppe giftig ist.)
		- b. Der Beamte bürgert den Flüchtling ein. (= Der Beamte verursacht, dass der Flüchtling zum Bürger wird.)

<sup>15</sup>Entry *bitter* at https://www.dwds.de/wb/etymwb/bitter, accessed 6 August 2022.

	- b. Die Piraten erbeuteten den Schatz. (= Die Piraten verursachten, dass sie den Schatz haben.)
	- c. Die Piraten erdolchen den Kapitän. (= Die Piraten verursachen, dass der Kapitän einen Dolch in sich hat.)

Some of these noun-based verbs listed below could also be interpreted as be- [8.64] ing derived from a verbal stem (which in turn is derived from a nominal stem). For example, verbs like *salzen*, *wassern*, *pfeffern*, *gaunern*, *kalken* and *thronen* are listed in the dwds dictionary.16> So, a verb like *entsalzen* is maybe not derived from the noun stem *Salz* directly (as claimed here), but through an intermediate verb *salzen*. Whatever diachronic pathway is correct, the semantic relation between the noun *Salz* and the verb *entsalzen* is extremely transparent. For that reason I have still listed these examples here.

In contrast, some intermediate verb stems exist, but they clearly do not have [8.65] a direct relation to the preverbal verbs listed here. For example, *gründen* 'to establish' is clearly derived from *Grund* 'ground'. However, *begründen* 'to justify' does not seem to be derived from *gründen*, but is directly derived from *Grund* in a separate development. Similarly, *giften* can be used with the meaning 'to be annoyed' and is clearly derived from *Gift* 'poison'. However, *vergiften* 'to poison' is not derived from this verb *giften* but directly from the noun *Gift*.


<sup>16</sup>Available online at <https://www.dwds.de.

### 8 Preverb alternations

# **Notes**

[8.66] The relation between *Haupt* 'head' and *behaupten* 'to claim' is diachronically clear (viz. *behaupten* means 'to establish oneself as the principal about something'), but synchronically this relation is not transparent anymore. Likewise, *entziffern* 'to decipher' is diachronically related to *Ziffer* 'number' but in a rather roundabout way. However, intuitively most German speakers do not seem to have a problem to make this semantic jump.

# **8.6.5 ø › sbj › obj : [ –N | NA ] Preverb nominal reciprocal causative**

	- (51) Wir verbrüdern uns (miteinander). (= Wir machen uns zu Brüdern.)

# **Attested verbs**


# **8.6.6 ø › sbj › obj : [ –NP | NAP ] Preverb causative+preposition**

	- (52) a. Eltern haften für ihre Kinder.
		- b. Die Polizisten verhaften die Eltern (für ihre Taten).


# **Further examples**


# **8.6.7 ø › sbj › obj : [ –ND | NAD ] Preverb causative+dative**

The verb *gleichen* 'to be alike' (53a) takes a dative argument, which is retained in [8.69] the causative diathesis *angleichen* 'to adapt' (53b).

	- b. Er gleicht seine Aussprache meinem Dialekt an.

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**

• Die Brille passt mir. Der Arzt hat mir eine Brille verpasst.

# **8.6.8 ø › sbj › obj : [ –ND | NAP ] Preverb causative+dative antipassive**

In the special case of the causative diathesis between *gleichen* 'to resemble' (54a) [8.70] and the prefixed form *vergleichen* 'to compare' (54b), the original dative argument is turned into a governed preposition (54c).

	- b. Er vergleicht mich mit einem Affen.
	- c. Er vergleicht es damit, dass Affen Bananen essen.

# **Attested verbs**

• verˈ-: *gleichen*

# **8.6.9 ø › sbj › obj : [ –NA | NDA ] Preverb dative causative+accusative**

	- (55) a. Ich miete die Wohnung (von ihm).
		- b. Er vermietet mir die Wohnung.

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**


# **8.6.10 ø › sbj › pbj : [ –NA | NPA ] Preverb reversed fabricative+accusative**

	- (56) a. Das Geschenk freut mich.
		- b. Er erfreut mich mit einem Geschenk.
		- c. Er erfreut mich damit, dass er vorbei kommt.

### **Attested verbs**

• erˈ-: *freuen*

The following diatheses can be seen as passives "in reverse". On first notice [8.73] everything just looks like a passive: (i) the accusative argument of the (prefixed) transitive verb turns into a nominative of the (non-prefixed) intransitive verb and (ii) the causer/agent of the (prefixed) transitive verb is expressed as a (governed) prepositional phrase with the (non-prefixed) intransitive verb. However, the direction of an alternation is by definition from the unmarked (non-prefixed) to the marked (prefixed) verb. So, these diatheses are "reversed" passives. Although it would make sense to call such diatheses "antipassives", this term is already taken by another kind of diatheses. Because the prepositional phrases are governed prepositions, these diatheses are examples of a reversed conversive diathesis, as defined in Section 2.7.3.2.

# **8.6.11 pbj › sbj › obj : [ PN | NA ] Preverb reversed conversive**

The causer of *erstaunen* 'to amaze' is expressed as a governed preposition *über* [8.74] with the non-prefixed verb *staunen* 'to be amazed'.

	- b. Ich staune darüber, dass du schon fertig bist.
	- c. Deine Arbeit erstaunt mich.

# **Attested verbs**

• erˈ-: *staunen, warten*

# **Further examples**

• Ich warte auf den Test. Der Test erwartet mich.

# **8.6.12 pbj › sbj › obj : [ PN | NA ] Preverb reversed conversive+reflexive loss**

With the addition of the prefix, the verbs in this section lose their reflexive pro- [8.75] noun, like with *sich schämen* 'to be ashamed' (58a) to *beschämen* 'to shame' (58c).

### 8 Preverb alternations

Further note that the causer of the transitive is expressed as a governed preposition (58b). So, there is both a "reversed" conversive and a "reversed" reflexive marking in these diatheses.

	- b. Ich schäme mich dafür, dass ich das gemacht habe.
	- c. Meine Taten beschämen mich
	- (59) a. Ich wundere mich über dein Verhalten.
		- b. Dein Verhalten wundert mich.
		- c. Dein Verhalten verwundert mich.

# **Attested verbs**


# **8.6.13 adj › sbj › obj : [ pNA | NA– ] Preverb reversed passive+accusative loss**

	- (60) a. Ich erbe den Schreibtisch von meinem Vater.
		- b. Mein Vater enterbt mich.

# **Attested verbs**

• entˈ-: *erben*

# **8.7 Diatheses with object demotion**

# **8.7.1 obj › ø : [ NA | N– ] Preverb reflexive accusative drop**

Some preverbs induce the loss of an accusative with a coincidental obligatory re- [8.78] flexive pronoun, like the diathesis between *wählen* 'to choose' and *sich verwählen* 'to misdial' (61). The examples of this diathesis mostly appear to relate to using your body in a certain way, which is reminiscent of the endoreflexive diathesis (see Section 7.7.1). Because of the similarities between the two, I propose to call this diathesis the *Präverb Endoreflexiv*.

	- b. Er verwählt sich.

The examples with the prefix *ver‑* quite productively result in verbs that de- [8.79] scribe an activity that is performed erroneously (cf. Stiebels 1996: 143–151). The same semantic effect with *ver‑* (but with different diatheses) is also attested with intransitive movement verbs, see Section 8.4.6, and with measurement verbs, see Section 8.7.4.

# **Attested verbs**



### 8 Preverb alternations


# **8.7.2 obj › ø : [ NA | N– ] Preverb accusative drop**

	- (62) a. Ich habe gestern ein Buch gekauft.
		- b. Ich habe gestern eingekauft.

# **Attested verbs**


# **Notes**

	- (63) a. Der Polizist hat den Stock gegriffen.
		- b. Der Polizist hat eingegriffen.
		- c. Ich trinke das Wasser.
		- d. Ich ertrinke.

# **8.7.3 obj › ø : [ ND | N– ] Preverb reflexive dative drop**

[8.82] There is quite some uncertainty among German speakers as to the case of the reflexive pronoun of *behelfen* 'to manage' (64). Based on a preliminary corpus search, the *Grammatisches Informationssystem* (Strecker 2017) concludes that accusative *mich* is clearly favoured, though in Google search results the dative *mir*

seems to be preferred. This might suggest that there is an ongoing language change from reflexive accusative to dative with *behelfen*. Note that it is highly unusual for a dative reflexive to occur without an accusative argument being present as well (see paragraph 7.7 on page 252).

	- b. Ich behelfe mich (mir).

# **Attested verbs**

• beˈ-: *helfen*

# **8.7.4 obj › adj : [ NA | Np ] Preverb reflexive antipassive**

The verb *kalkulieren* 'to calculate' (65a) allows for an antipassive diathesis in [8.83] which an accusative argument is turned into an (optional) prepositional phrase by adding a prefix *verkalkulieren* 'to miscalculate'. Additionally, an obligatory accusative reflexive pronoun is part of this diathesis, probably because a preverb diathesis needs an accusative constituent.

	- b. Ich verkalkuliere mich bei der Miete.

There are various further verbs of measurement in this class, like *schätzen* [8.84] 'to estimate' and *rechnen* 'to calculate', but this semantic characteristic is not exhaustive. The prefix *ver‑* indicates that the action is performed erroneously, which is also attested in various other diathesis (e.g. Section 8.7.1).

# **Attested verbs**



# **8.7.5 obj › adj : [ NAA | NAp ] Preverb antipassive+accusative**

	- (66) a. Ich lehre dich die Regeln.
		- b. Ich belehre dich über die Regeln.

# **Attested verbs**

• beˈ-: *lehren*

# **8.7.6 obj › adj : [ NAD | NAp ] Preverb dative antipassive+accusative**

	- (67) a. Ich schenke dem Kindergarten meine Bücher.
		- b. Ich verschenke meine Bücher (an den Kindergarten).

# **Attested verbs**



# **8.7.7 obj › adj : [ ND | Np ] Preverb reflexive dative antipassive**

The diathesis between *danken* and *bedanken*, both meaning 'to thank' (68), is a [8.87] dative antipassive. The dative is turned into a prepositional phrase. Additionally, an obligatory accusative reflexiv pronoun is introduced.

	- b. Ich bedanke mich bei dir.

# **Attested verbs**

• beˈ-: *danken*

# **8.7.8 obj › obj › adj : [ NDA | NAp ] Preverb antipassive+dative-to-accusative**

Like the previously discussed diathesis (see Section 8.7.6), this diathesis takes a [8.88] ditransitive verb with an accusative and a dative argument, like *schenken* 'to gift' (69a). Then, by adding the preverb *beˈ-*, the accusative argument (*Buch* 'book') is turned into an optional prepositional phrase (i.e. accusative antipassive) with *beschenken* 'to give a present' (69b). At the same time, the dative argument is turned into an accusative (*dir* becomes *dich*).

Compare this to the diathesis with *ver‑* as discussed in the previous section: [8.89] *verschenken* 'to give away' takes the dative von *schenken* and turns it into a prepositional phrase (i.e. dative antipassive). The accusative is unaffected (69c).

	- b. Ich beschenke dich mit einem Buch.
	- c. Ich verschenke das Buch an dich.

### 8 Preverb alternations

# **Attested verbs**

• beˈ-: *kochen, liefern, lohnen, schenken, singen*

# **Further examples**


# **8.7.9 pbj › adj : [ NL | Np ] Preverb intransitive delocative**

	- (70) a. Der Mann steigt aus dem Auto.
		- b. \* Der Mann steigt.
		- c. Der aus dem Auto gestiegene Mann rutscht aus.
		- d. \* Der gestiegene Mann rutscht aus.
	- (71) a. Der Mann steigt aus dem Auto aus.
		- b. Der Mann steigt aus.
		- c. Der aus dem Auto ausgestiegene Mann rutscht aus.
		- d. Der ausgestiegene Mann rutscht aus.

# **Attested verbs**



# **8.7.10 pbj › adj : [ NL | Np ] Preverb reflexive intransitive delocative**

	- (72) a. Ich eile nach Hause.
		- b. \* Ich eile.
		- c. Ich beeile mich.

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**


# **8.7.11 pbj › adj : [ NAL | NAp ] Preverb transitive delocative**

[8.94] Verbs of caused location (see Section 6.5.10) like *stecken* 'to put into' (73a) cannot be used without a locative prepositional phrase (73b). In contrast, with the prefix *ver‑* the verb *verstecken* 'to hide' can be used both with and without the location (73c,d).

	- b. \* Ich stecke das Geschenk.
	- c. Ich verstecke das Geschenk in dem Schrank.
	- d. Ich verstecke das Geschenk.

The diathesis is quite widespread stacked on top of a forced movement diathe- [8.95] sis as discussed in Section 6.8.3, for example with *wehen* 'to blow' (74).

	- b. Der Wind weht die Blätter von den Dächern.
	- c. \* Der Wind weht die Blätter.
	- d. Der Wind verweht die Blätter.

# **Attested verbs**



### 8 Preverb alternations


<sup>17</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 30.12.2014, Nr. 01.


# **Notes**

The verb *schenken* 'to pour' used to be common in a context of pouring a drink [8.96] (75a), but this is considered old-fashioned in German. The verb *einschenken* is taking over this usage (75b).

	- b. Sie schenkten Wein ein.

# **8.7.12 pbj › obj › ø : [ NLA | NA– ] Preverb applicative+accusative drop**

The result of a verb like *pressen* 'to squeeze' is *Saft* 'juice' (76a). This verb needs [8.97] an obligatory local phrase for the original container of the juice, *aus der Zitrone* 'from the citron' (76b). Verbs in this category either use the preposition *aus* or *von*. With a preverb, the verb *auspressen* 'to squeeze' drops this accusative result and promotes the container of the result *Zitrone* to accusative (76c). In effect, the role marked as object is exchanged. The new object (here *Zitrone*) is always a holonymic "whole" containing the original meronymic content (here *Saft*). This diathesis applies to verbs in which the meronymic content is removed out of the holonymic container, hence I propose the German name präverb ganz/leerobjekttausch for this diathesis.

	- b. \* Ich presse den Saft.
	- c. Ich presse die Zitrone aus.

Most examples have an obligatory local phrase before the diathesis, but a few [8.98] verbs allow for this local phrase to be dropped, like with *rauben* 'to rob' (77). Other examples of this slightly different diathesis with an optional location are *erben, trinken* and *stehlen*.

<sup>18</sup>dwds: Weismantel, Leo: Die höllische Trinität, Berlin: Union-Verl.1966 (1943), S. 428.

### 8 Preverb alternations

	- b. Ich raube die Wohnung aus.

# **Attested verbs**



Er staubt seine Ärmel ab.

# **8.7.13 pbj › obj › adj : [ NLA | NAp ] Preverb applicative+***mit* **antipassive**

This diathesis is a combination of an applicative promotion and an antipassive de- [8.100] motion. Such an object exchange is a very widespread diathesis, exemplified here with *drücken* 'to press' (78a). This verb needs both an accusative object (here *Finger* 'finger') and an obligatory location (here *auf die Wunde* 'on the wound'). This location cannot be left out (78b). With the preverb *zu‑* the verb *zudrücken* 'to press shut' (78c) promotes the locational object to accusative (*Wunde*) and demotes the original object to an optional prepositional phrase (*Finger*). Semantically, the new accusative object (*Wunde*) is covered by the old accusative object (*Finger*). This is an example of the filled holonym object exchange (see Section 2.7.5.2), or in German a präverb ganz/voll-objekttausch. The reverse diathesis is the joined meronym object exchange, discussed below in Section 8.9.1.

	- b. \* Ich habe meinen Finger gedrückt.
	- c. Ich habe die Wunde mit meinem Finger zugedrückt.
	- d. Ich habe die Wunde zugedrückt.

The antipassive demotion in this section always takes the preposition *mit*. [8.101] There is more variation in the prepositions that take part in the applicative promotion part of the diathesis, e.g. *auf* in (78). The prepositions *an, auf, in* or *um* are attested. All examples of this diathesis will be surveyed in the following subsections according to this applicative preposition.

# **8.7.13.1** *an/mit* **Preverb object exchange**

	- b. \* Ich hänge die Bilder.
	- c. Ich behänge die Wand mit Bildern.
	- d. Ich behänge die Wand.

<sup>19</sup>dwds: H. Mann9,42.

### 8 Preverb alternations

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**


# **8.7.13.2** *auf/mit* **Preverb object exchange**

	- b. \* Ich schmiere Salbe.
	- c. Ich beschmiere die Wunde mit Salbe.
	- d. Ich beschmiere die Wunde.


# **Further examples**


# **8.7.13.3** *in/mit* **Preverb object exchange**

	- b. \* Ich reibe die Salbe.
	- c. Ich reibe den Muskel mit Salbe ein.
	- d. Ich reibe den Muskel ein.

# **Attested verbs**

• beˈ-: *füllen, pflanzen*

### 8 Preverb alternations


# **Further examples**


# **8.7.13.4** *um/mit* **Preverb object exchange**

	- (82) a. Ich binde einen Faden um das Paket.
		- b. \* Ich binde einen Faden.
		- c. Ich binde das Paket mit dem Faden zu.
		- d. Ich bind das Paket zu.

<sup>20</sup>Attested online at https://www.dwds.de/wb/verrauchen, accessed 9 August 2022.

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**


# **8.7.14 pbj › obj › adj : [ NPA | NAp ] Preverb applicative+***von* **antipassive**

This chained applicative+antipassive diathesis uses a *von* antipassive. All exam- [8.103] ples currently known to me use the preverb *erˈ-*. The applicative side of the diathesis uses different prepositions, but they are all governed prepositions. For example, the verb *zwingen* 'to compel' (83a) takes a governed preposition *zu* (83b). The prefixed *erzwingen* promotes the *zu* argument to accusative and demotes the erstwhile accusative to an optional *von* prepositional phrase (83c). The few attested verbs all concern some kind of persuasion of another person.

	- b. Er zwingt ihn dazu, ein Geständnis abzulegen.
	- c. Er erzwingt ein Geständnis (von ihm).

Exceptionally, the object exchange from *bitten* 'to ask' (84a) to *verbitten* 'to not [8.104] tolerate' (84b) additionally needs a dative reflexive pronoun.

	- b. Ich verbitte mir einen Kommentar von dir.

### 8 Preverb alternations

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**


# **8.8 Diatheses with promotion to object**

# **8.8.1 ø › obj : [ N– | NA ] Preverb accusative addition**

	- (85) a. Sie zaubert.
		- b. Sie verzaubert mich.
	- (86) a. Ich arbeite viel. Ich erarbeite mir ein Vermögen.
		- b. Sie kletterten auf die Mauer. Sie erkletterten die Mauer der Botschaft.<sup>21</sup>

<sup>21</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 12.09.2012, Nr. 37.

# **Attested verbs**



# **Notes**

	- (87) a. Er lügt. Er lügt (mir) etwas vor.
		- b. Er flunkert. Er flunkert (mir) die Erfahrung nur vor.
		- c. Der Lehrer rechnet. Der Lehrer rechnet (den Schülern) die Aufgabe vor.

# **8.8.2 ø › obj : [ N– | NA ] Preverb adjectival accusative addition**

	- (88) a. Der Clown ist lustig.
		- b. Der Clown belustigt mich.

# **Attested verbs**

• beˈ-: *lustig, lästig*

# **Further examples**

• Die Mücken sind lästig. Die Mücken belästigen mich.

# **8.8.3 ø › obj : [ NP– | NPA ] Preverb accusative addition+preposition**

	- (89) a. Sie büßt für ihre Tat.
		- b. Sie verbüßt ihre Strafe für die Tat.

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**

• Ich blicke in die Ferne. Ich erblicke ein Schiff (in der Ferne).

# **8.8.4 ø › obj : [ ND– | NDA ] Preverb accusative addition+dative**

The verb *vertrauen* 'to trust' (90a) takes a dative argument. The preverbal *an-* [8.110] *vertrauen* 'to entrust' (90b) retains this dative and additionally includes a new accusative argument.

	- b. Sie vertraut mir ein Geheimnis an.

# **Attested verbs**

• ˈan-: *vertrauen*

# **8.8.5 ø › obj : [ N– | NA ] Preverb reflexive accusative**

Some intransitive verbs like *tanzen* 'to dance' (91a) allow for a added-result dia- [8.111] thesis *antanzen* 'to achieve something through dancing' (91b). With this diathesis, the result of the dancing is expressed as a new accusative argument. A special characteristic of this diathesis is that a dative reflexive pronoun is obligatory (see also Wunderlich 1997: 105–106).

	- b. Ich habe mir gestern einen Muskelkater angetanzt.

This diathesis contrasts with a highly similar diathesis that also introduces [8.112] an accusative, but without the additional reflexive pronoun, like with *morden* 'to murder' (92). This diathesis is discussed in detail in Section 8.8.1. A possible avenue to explain this difference is that verbs with reflexive, like *antanzen*, typically have an accusative object that is the result of the action. In contrast, verbs without reflexive, like *ermorden*, typically have an object that is the patient of the action. However, this semantic difference does not seem to hold for all examples.

	- b. Sie ermordet ihn.
	- c. \* Sie ermordet sich ihn.
	- (93) a. Zumindest Völker erschwimmt sich jährlich einen fünfstelligen Betrag.<sup>22</sup>
		- b. Das erste EM-Gold für die Gastgeber erschwamm Adam Peaty.<sup>23</sup>

# **Attested verbs**



<sup>22</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 16.03.2000.

<sup>23</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 17.05.2016 (online).

<sup>24</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 07.01.2018, Nr. 02.

<sup>25</sup>dwds: Spyri, Johanna: Heidi's Lehr- und Wanderjahre. Gotha, 1880.

<sup>26</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 24.05.2007, Nr. 22.

<sup>27</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 26.04.2004.

### **Notes**

A few of these verbs are transitive, like *lesen, schreiben* (94a,b), ambitransitive, [8.114] like *essen, trinken* (94c,d), and various others allow for an accusative addition, like *laufen* (94e). In effect, this leads to some kind of reflexive object exchange.

	- b. Er schrieb Miniaturen. Sein Alltag lieferte ihm Stoff zu kleinen Miniaturen, mit denen er sich eine Kolumne erschrieb.<sup>28</sup>
	- c. Ich esse viel Fleisch. Ich habe mir (mit dem vielen Fleisch) einen Bauch angegessen.
	- d. Sie trinken Glühwein. […] rotnasigen Menschen, die sich mit klebrigem Glühwein den nächsten Kaufrausch antrinken.<sup>29</sup>
	- e. Ich habe gestern einen Marathon gelaufen. Ich habe mir (im Marathon) eine Medaille erlaufen.

# **8.8.6 ø › obj : [ N– | ND ] Preverb dative addition**

The verbs in this section are intransitive verbs, like *gehen* 'to walk' (95a), that [8.115] when prefixed by *entˈ‑* obtain a new dative argument, like with *entgehen* 'to evade' (95b). This is not very common. More widespread, the prefixation of *entˈ‑* induces a dative applicative diathesis, turning a prepositional phrase into a dative argument, as discussed extensively in Section 8.8.13.

	- b. Ich entgehe dem Urteil.

# **Attested verbs**

• entˈ-: *gehen, kommen, wachsen, zaubern*

<sup>28</sup>dwds: Zeit Magazin, 20.04.2011, Nr. 17.

<sup>29</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 20.12.2006, Nr. 52.

### 8 Preverb alternations

# **Further examples**


# **8.8.7 ø › obj : [ NA– | NAD ] Preverb dative addition+accusative**

	- (96) a. Ich lese ein Buch.
		- b. Ich lese dir ein Buch vor.

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**


# **8.8.8 adj › obj : [ Np | NA ] Preverb applicative**

[8.117] A widespread diathesis induced by a preverb is the change of a prepositional phrase into an accusative, i.e. an applicative diathesis. An example is the alternation between *grenzen* 'to border' and *begrenzen* 'to limit' (97), see e.g. Eroms

(Eroms 1980: §1b/III/IV; Kim 1983: §1.1). The different subsections below are organised by the prepositions that alternate with the accusatives.

	- b. Die Mauer begrenzt den Garten.

Note that the prepositions *über, unter, um* and *durch* appear to have a spe- [8.118] cial status. These prepositions always alternate with exactly the same preverbs, viz. *über-, unter-, um‑* and *durch-*. These prepositions are exactly those that can function both as verbal prefix and as verbal particle (see Section 8.2.1). Both kinds of preverbs are attested in these alternations.

# **8.8.8.1** *an* **Preverb applicative**

	- b. Der Efeu bewuchert die Mauer.

# **Attested verbs**


### **Further examples**


### **8.8.8.2** *auf* **Preverb applicative**

	- b. Ich besteige den Berg.

### 8 Preverb alternations

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**


# **8.8.8.3** *durch* **Preverb applicative**

	- (100) a. Der Fluß fließt durch das Tal.
		- b. Der Fluß durchfließt das Tal.
		- c. Der Fluß fließt das Tal durch.


# **Further examples**


# **Notes**

There are various still transparent derivations in which there is a rather strong [8.120] semantic difference (101).

	- b. Ich stehe in dem Garten während des Rückschlages. Ich stehe einen Rückschlag durch.

### **8.8.8.4** *gegen* **Preverb applicative**

	- b. Ich fahre den Stein um.

### 8 Preverb alternations

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**


# **8.8.8.5** *in* **Preverb applicative**

	- b. Ich zerbohre das Brett.

# **Attested verbs**



# **8.8.8.6** *mit* **Preverb applicative**

(104) a. Ich rede mit dir.

b. Ich überrede dich.

# **Attested verbs**



<sup>30</sup>dwds: Zeit Magazin, 20.09.2012, Nr. 39.

### 8 Preverb alternations

### **8.8.8.7** *nach* **Preverb applicative**

	- b. Ich erreiche die Flasche nicht.

### **Attested verbs**


### **Further examples**

• Ich grabe nach dem Schatz. Ich grabe den Schatz aus.

### **8.8.8.8** *über* **Preverb applicative**

	- b. Ich überschreite die Schwelle.

### **Attested verbs**

• überˈ-: *fahren, fliegen, rollen, schreiten, springen*

### **Further examples**

• Ich fahre über den Polizisten. Ich überfahre den Polizisten.

### **8.8.8.9** *um* **Preverb applicative**

	- b. Ich umfahre den Polizisten.


# **Further examples**

• Die Truppen kreisen um das Dorf. Die Truppen umkreisen das Dorf. Die Truppen kreisen das Dorf ein.

# **8.8.8.10** *unter* **Preverb applicative**

	- b. Der Tunnel unterführt die Bahnstrecke.

# **Attested verbs**

• unterˈ-: *führen*

# **8.8.8.11** *zu* **Preverb applicative**

	- b. Ich spreche den Mann an.

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**


# **8.8.9 pbj › obj : [ NP | NA ] Preverb governed applicative**

A preverb applicative diathesis turns a prepositional phrase into an accusative [8.121] argument. This is a widespread diathesis (see the previous Section 8.8.8). In this section a few special verbs are listed in which the prepositional phrase is a governed preposition (see Section 6.2 on the definition of governed prepositions).

### 8 Preverb alternations

For example, the preposition *an* used with the verb *arbeiten* 'to work' is a governed preposition (110a,b). This role is turned into an accusative with the verb *überarbeiten* 'to revise' (110c). This kind of diathesis appears not to be very common, and it might not be very useful to separate these governed prepositions from the previously discussed non-governed prepositions. However, I have kept them separate here for future in-detail comparisons.

	- b. Ich arbeite daran den Text rechtzeitig fertig zu schreiben.
	- c. Ich überarbeite den Text.

# **8.8.9.1** *an* **Preverb governed applicative**

	- b. Ich erleide Kopfschmerzen.

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**


# **8.8.9.2** *auf* **Preverb governed applicative**

	- b. Ich beantworte deine Frage.

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**

• Die Weltausstellung deutet auf den Frieden. Das Gesetz bedeutet das Ende für Dieselautos.

# **8.8.9.3** *gegen* **Preverb governed applicative**

	- b. Ich bekämpfe das Unrecht.

# **Attested verbs**

• beˈ-: *geifern, kämpfen*

# **8.8.9.4** *mit* **Preverb governed applicative**

	- b. Ich rechne den Verlust ein.

# **Attested verbs**


# **8.8.9.5** *nach* **Preverb governed applicative**

	- b. Ich strebe ein hohes Amt an.


### 8 Preverb alternations

# **Further examples**

• Ich sehne nach etwas Ruhe. Ich ersehne etwas Ruhe.

# **8.8.9.6** *über* **Preverb governed applicative**

	- b. Ich beklage den Lärm

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**


# **8.8.9.7** *um* **Preverb governed applicative**

	- b. Ich spiele um mein Haus.

# **Attested verbs**


# **8.8.10 pbj › obj : [ NP | NA ] Preverb reflexive governed applicative**

[8.122] The diathesis from *betteln* (118a) to *erbetteln* (118b), both meaning 'to beg', shows an additional reflexive marking on top of the accusative applicative.

	- b. Ich erbettele mir ein Stück Brot.

When using the prefix *ver‑* the meaning of this diathesis includes some kind [8.123] of implicit negation, like with *bitten* 'to ask' vs. *verbitten* 'to not tolerate' (119).

	- b. Ich verbitte mir dein Verhalten.

However, the datives in many of these examples can be interpreted as a bene- [8.124] ficiary, so it might be better to interpret them as a kind of *für* beneficiary dative, see Section 6.8.10. The reflexive marking might also not be necessary, i.e. the action could also be performed in favour of somebody else. When both these possibilities come together, then this diathesis would be a transparent stack of applicative +> beneficiary dative +> self-inflicting reflexive (120) and would not warrant a separate subsection (for the notion "stack" see Section 2.5).

	- (+> applicative) Ich erbettele ein Stück Brot für dich.
	- (+> beneficiary dative) Ich erbettele dir ein Stück Brot.
	- (+> self-inflicting reflexive) Ich erbettele mir ein Stück Brot.

### **Attested verbs**



# **8.8.11 pbj › obj : [ NDP | NDA ] Preverb governed applicative+dative**

	- (121) a. Er droht mir mit Entlassung.
		- b. Er droht mir die Entlassung an.

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**

• Ich danke dir für deinen Einsatz. Ich verdanke dir mein Leben.

# **8.8.12 pbj › obj : [ NAP | NDA ] Preverb governed applicative+case change**

	- (122) a. Ich dränge dich zu einem Abo. Ich dränge dich dazu ein Abo zu nehmen.
		- b. Ich dränge dir ein Abo auf.


# **Further examples**

• Ich gewöhne die Kinder an Sauberkeit. Sie gewöhnt mir das Rauchen ab.

# **8.8.13 adj › obj : [ Np | ND ] Preverb dative applicative**

The following applicatives turn a prepositional phrase into a dative. For exam- [8.127] ple, *stammen* 'to descent from' is used with a preposition *aus* (123a). This role is turned into a dative with the preverb *entstammen* 'to be descended from'. Note that these prepositions are never governed prepositions (for *ent-*, see also Eisenberg 2006a: 263–264).

	- b. Ich entstamme einem Adelsgeschlecht.

# **Attested verbs**



### 8 Preverb alternations


# **8.8.14 adj › obj : [ NAp | NAD ] Preverb dative applicative+accusative**

[8.128] Some verbs allow for an additional accusative argument alongside a dative applicative diathesis. For example, the verb *flüstern* 'to whisper' (124a) has an additional accusative argument in the form of reported speech. This argument is retained in the diathesis *zuflüstern* 'to whisper to somebody' (124b). The *zu‑* diathesis appears to be rather productive with verbs of communication (cf. Wiemer & Nedjalkov 2007: 472).

	- b. "Jesses Maria", flüsterte ich dem Russen zu.

# **Attested verbs**



<sup>31</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 29.05.2012, Nr. 19.

### 8 Preverb alternations


# **8.8.15 adj › obj : [ NPp | NAD ] Preverb dative+preposition applicative**

[8.129] An example of a "double" applicative is found with the diathesis from *schweigen* 'to be silent' (125a) and *verschweigen* 'to conceal' (125b). With the addition of the preverb *ver‑* both a dative and an accusative applicative are induced.

(125) a. Ich schweige zu dir über meinen Besuch.

b. Ich verschweige dir meinen Besuch.

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**


# **8.8.16 adj › obj : [ NAg | NAD ] Preverb possessor-of-accusative to dative**

	- (126) a. Ich sehe seine Müdigkeit.
		- b. Ich sehe ihm die Müdigkeit an.

# **Attested verbs**

• ˈan-: *hören, sehen*

### **Further examples**

• Ich höre seine Müdigkeit. Ich höre ihm die Müdigkeit an.

# **8.9 Symmetrical diatheses**

# **8.9.1 adj › obj › adj : [ NpA | NAp ] Preverb applicative+***in* **antipassive**

The diathesis from *füllen* 'to fill' (127a) to *einfüllen* 'to fill into' (127b) is an ex- [8.131] ample of a joined meronym object exchange (cf. Section 2.7.5.3). The original accusative object (*Flasche* 'bottle') is changed into an optional *in* prepositional phrase, while an optional *mit* prepositional phrase (*Schnaps* 'liquor') is changed to accusative object. Semantically, the role of new accusative object (i.e. the liquid, *Schnaps*) is always a part ("meronym") of the old object role (i.e. the container, *Flasche*). Additionally, the verb describes a process in which the meronym is connected to the holonym. So the new object in this diathesis is always a "joined" meronym'. In German I propose to call this diathesis präverb teil/festobjekttausch because it is an object exchange in which the new object is a part (*Teil* 'part') of original object that is connected to it (*fest* 'fixed').

	- b. Er hat den Schnaps (in die Flasche) eingefüllt.

All examples of this diathesis have an *in* demotion. There is a bit more variation [8.132] in the promotion, but not much. Most examples have a *mit/in* exchange, while just very few examples of a *für/in* exchange are attested. Both these patterns are discussed separately below.

### **8.9.1.1** *mit/in* **Preverb object exchange**

The current *mit/in* object exchange is the reversal of the *in/mit* object exchange, [8.133] discussed previously in detail in Section 8.7.13. There are even nice close examples. For example, the diathesis *massieren/einmassieren* is an example of the current *mit/in* exchange (128a). In contrast, the diathesis *reiben/einreiben* is a reversed example of an *in/mit* object exchange (128b).

### 8 Preverb alternations

	- b. Ich habe die Salbe in den Muskel gerieben. Ich habe den Muskel mit einer Salbe eingerieben.

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**


# **Notes**

	- (129) a. Ich schließe den Safe.
		- b. Ich schließe den Schmuck (in den Safe) ein.

# **8.9.1.2** *für/in* **Preverb object exchange**

	- b. Ich begrabe meinen Hund (in dem Loch).

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**


# **8.9.2 obj › obj : [ ND | NA ] Preverb dative-to-accusative**

A few examples exist of a preverb diathesis in which a dative argument is [8.135] changed into an accusative argument. For example, *folgen* 'to follow' (131a) takes a dative, while *verfolgen* 'to pursue' (131b) takes an accusative.

(131) a. Ich folge dem Auto.

b. Ich verfolge das Auto.

# **Attested verbs**



# **8.9.3 obj › obj : [ NA | ND ] Preverb accusative-to-dative**

	- (132) a. Die Polizei jagt den Verbrecher.
		- b. Die Polizei jagt dem Verbrecher nach.

# **Attested verbs**

• ˈnach-: *jagen*

# **8.9.4 obj › obj › obj : [ NDA | NAG ] Preverb dative-to-accusative-to-genitive**

	- (133) a. Ich raube dir das Buch.
		- b. Ich beraube dich des Buches.

# **Attested verbs**

• beˈ-: *rauben*

# **8.9.5 obj › sbj › obj : [ NA | AN ] Preverb accusative inversive**

	- (134) a. Dein Verhalten wundert mich.
		- b. Ich bewundere dein Verhalten.
		- c. Ich wundere mich über dein Verhalten.

# **Attested verbs**

• beˈ-: *wundern*

# **8.9.6 pbj › sbj › pbj : [ NL | LN ] Preverb location inversive**

The alternation between *strahlen* 'to shine' (135a) and *erstrahlen* 'to gleam' (135b) [8.139] involves a reversal of nominative and locational arguments.

	- b. Das Haus erstrahlt in der Sonne.

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**

• Der Efeu wächst an der Hauswand. Die Hauswand wächst durch den Efeu zu.

# **9 Adverbial alternations**

# **9.1 Introduction**

It might come as a surprise that adverbials play a role in valency and diathesis. [9.1] However, on closer inspection it is evident that there are various verbs that obligatorily need a manner adverbial, like *sich verhalten* 'to behave' (1). Such verbs show that adverbials have to be considered when determining the valency of verbs.

	- b. \* Ich verhalte mich.

Yet, adverbials cast an even wider net. There are various diatheses in which [9.2] an obligatory adverbial is introduced, like anticausatives (2b), see Section 9.5.2, applicatives (2c), see Section 9.8.1, and even a few incidental antipassives (2d), see Section 9.7.9.

	- b. Ich fische in dem Teich. Ich fische den Teich leer.
	- c. Ich sehe das Gemälde. Ich sehe mich satt an dem Gemälde.

The diatheses discussed in this chapter involve two superficially highly sim- [9.3] ilar, but syntactically and semantically clearly different kinds of constructions, namely evaluative constructions, like with *gut* 'good' in (3a), or resultative constructions, like with *leer* 'empty' in (3b). The syntactic structures and the valency alternations in which they appear turn out to be rather different, ideally warranting two separate chapters. However, the current combination of these superficially very similar German constructions into a single chapter allows me to sharpen their distinction and investigate similarities and differences between the two.

### 9 Adverbial alternations

	- b. Die Leser kaufen den Buchladen leer.
	- (sbj › ø) aktionsbewertung (see Section 9.5.1)
	- (obj › sbj › ø) bewertungsantikausativ (see Section 9.5.2 ff.)
	- (obj › ø) aktionsfokus (see Section 9.7.1)
	- (pbj › obj › ø) resultativ ganz/leer-objekttausch (see Section 9.7.4)
	- (pbj › obj › adj) resultativ ganz/voll-objekttausch (see Section 9.7.5)
	- (ø › obj › adj) resultativ teil/fest-objekttausch (see Section 9.8.3)
	- (ø › obj) resultativ akkusativ (see Section 9.8.2)
	- (adj › obj) resultativ applikativ (see Section 9.8.1)
	- (pbj › adj) resultativ delokativ (see Section 9.7.6 ff.)

<sup>1</sup>The Duden grammar (2009: 790) presents *Er hält/macht den Tisch sauber* as examples of resultative constructions. However, these examples are probably better analysed as adjectival predicates with light verbs *halten* and *machen*, see the full discussion in Section 10.2.9.

# **9.2 Disentangling adverbial expressions**

# **9.2.1 Terminology**

The term adverbial is commonly used in grammatical descriptions of German [9.6] (or any other language, for that matter). However, it normally describes a wide range of rather disparate linguistic phenomena that will be distinguished here for a better insight into German sentence structure. When needed for clarification, I will use the term adverbials-at-large for the whole domain commonly called "adverbial" and the term adverbials (proper) for the more restricted definition used here. However, in the main body of this chapter, whenever I use the unmodified term "adverbials" this is supposed to simply mean "adverbials (proper)".

Within the German adverbials-at-large domain there are three different syn- [9.7] tactic functions that have to be separated. I will call these three syntactic functions adverbial, preverbial and secondary predication. Basically, adverbials are syntactically free elements that modify verbs, preverbials are syntactically bound to the verbs they modify, and secondary predicates modify noun phrases, not verbs.

Cross-secting these syntactic functions are classes of morphemes that are po- [9.8] tentially used in more than one of these syntactic functions. First, there are morphemes that only have adverbial function, and they are called adverbs. Second, there are morphemes that only have preverbial function, and they are called preverbs (discussed in the previous chapter). Third, adjectives can be used in all three of the functions mentioned above, leading to (i) adjectival adverbials, called evaluatives here, (ii) adjectival preverbials, called resultatives here, and (iii) adjectival secondary predicates, called depictives here. Finally, there is also a closed set of preverbial morphemes with a wide variety of origins that I will call directionals.

# **9.2.2 Adverbials**

adverbials (proper) in German are defined here strictly syntactically as a word [9.9] or phrase that modifies the main predicate of a sentence (and as such often modifies the whole sentence). When such an adverbial consists of a single word that cannot be used in any other syntactic function, then such a word is called a (pure) adverb. There exists an arguably rather small class of such purely adverbial words in German with restricted semantic possibilities, typically local,

### 9 Adverbial alternations

e.g. *hier, oben, dort* (4a), temporal, e.g. *gestern, später, immer* (4b), causal, e.g. *deshalb, dennoch, folglich* (4c) and modal, e.g. *ebenfalls, fast, ganz* (4d).

	- b. Das Flugzeug ist gestern gelandet.
	- c. Deshalb ist das Flugzeug gelandet.
	- d. Das Flugzeug ist ebenfalls gelandet.
	- (5) a. Das Flugzeug *dort* finde ich schöner.
		- b. Das Flugzeug *gestern* fand ich schöner.
		- c. \* Das Flugzeug *große* fand ich schöner.
		- d. Das Flugzeug *mit dem großen Fenster* finde ich schöner.
	- (6) a. Das Flugzeug ist *auf der Wiese* gelandet.
		- b. Das Flugzeug ist *jeden Tag* gelandet.
		- c. Das Flugzeug ist gelandet, *weil der Tank leer war*.
		- d. Das Flugzeug ist *nicht* gelandet.
		- e. Das Flugzeug ist *wie eine Feder* gelandet.

# **9.2.3 Evaluatives vs. depictives**

[9.12] Moreover, German adjectives are also frequently used in adverbial syntactic function. German adjectives are here strictly defined as stems that can be used as a noun modifier and that are placed in front of that noun, like *sicher* 'safe' in (7a). As an adjective, such stems show agreement with the noun, as indicated by the suffix *‑e* in *sichere* (7a). Given a suitable context, all German adjectives

can be used syntactically as adverbials. When they fulfil this function, they are unmarked in German (in contrast to English, in which the suffix *‑ly* is necessary) and they never show any agreement (7b).

	- b. Das Flugzeug ist *sicher* gelandet.

Depending on the context and their placement inside the sentence, German [9.13] adjectival adverbials can ascribe a characteristic to different constituents in the sentence. Typically, they modify the main predicate (and often implicitly the whole sentence), like with *sicher* 'safe' in (7b). In this sentence, the adjective evaluates the manner in which the action *landen* 'to land' is executed. Such an event-oriented adjectival adverbial is called an evaluative here.

Evaluatives(i.e. event-oriented adjectival adverbials, typically describing man- [9.14] ner), appear in valency-reducing diatheses, commonly combined with reflexive pronouns. The two most widespread diatheses are (i) a nominative drop with intransitives, like with *leben* 'to live' (8a), see Section 9.5.1, and (ii) a closely related anticausative diathesis with transitive verbs, like with *verkaufen* 'to sell' (8b), see Section 9.5.2.

	- b. Ich verkaufe mein Buch. Mein Buch verkauft sich gut.

Besides modifying the verb (9a), adjectival adverbials can also modify an argu- [9.15] ment, like an accusative object (9b) or a nominative subject (9c). Modification of other arguments does not seem to be possible. Strictly speaking, such modification of an argument is not properly "adverbial" anymore but really adnominal. It is commonly called "depictive secondary predication", but I will simply use the term depictive here (see Himmelmann & Schulze-Berndt 2005 for a survey). Depictives do not seem to play any role in diathesis and are only introduced here to distinguish them from evaluatives (this section) and resultatives (Section 9.2.6).

	- b. Ich habe meine Hose eng gekauft.
	- c. Ich habe meine Hose müde gekauft.

Pure adverbs only allow for the modification of the predicate (or the complete [9.16] event, for that matter). A pure adverb like *gestern* 'yesterday' cannot be a depictive, i.e. it cannot ascribe any characteristic to an argument (but see (5) for some

possibilities). For example, the adverb *gestern* in (10a) can only modify to the verb *kaufen*, not the subject *Ich* nor the object *Hose*. In contrast, adverbially used participles like *gebügelt* 'ironed' (10b) can only be a depictive, i.e. they never modify the main verb, but only specify the subject or the object (see Section 10.2.3).

	- b. Ich habe meine Hose gebügelt gekauft.

# **9.2.4 Preverbials**

	- (11) a. Ich vollende das Buch. Ich will das Buch vollenden. Ich versuche das Buch zu vollenden.
		- b. Ich schenke das Glas voll. Ich werde das Glas vollschenken. Ich versuche das Glas vollzuschenken.

# **9.2.5 Directionals**

The thirteen directionals in (12) have a special status in German grammar. They [9.19] have wide variety of different origins, for example *wieder‑* from preposition *wider* 'against', *heim‑* from noun *Heim* 'home' or *hoch‑* from adjective *hoch* 'high, tall'. Semantically they occur in pairs, with *empor‑* being an additional old-fashioned variant of contemporary *hoch-*.

	- a. *hin/her-*
	- b. *weg/zurück*
	- c. *fort/heim-*
	- d. *hoch/empor/nieder-*
	- e. *da(r)/wieder-*
	- f. *zusammen/auseinander-*

These directionals are frequently used as preverbials with a wide range of se- [9.20] mantic interpretations and diathetical remappings. The detailed survey of their syntax is left for future research. As preverbials they are typically used in a delocative diathesis, replacing a locative phrase (13).

	- b. Ich klettere auf den Berg. Ich klettere hoch/empor/hinunter.
	- c. Er prügelt ihn von der Treppe. Er prügelt ihn nieder.
	- d. Der schwarze Koffer bleibt im Keller. Der schwarze Koffer bliebt da.
	- e. Ich höre das Lied im Radio. Ich höre das Lied wieder.
	- f. Ich fege die Scherben in die Ecke. Ich fege die Scherben zusammen/auseinander.

The directionals *hin‑* and *her‑* are frequently combined with local prepositions, [9.21] mostly as prefixes (except for *nebenher-*, *hinterher‑* and *vorher-*). In colloquial usage the first syllables are often dropped and with *her‑* this drop is also sometimes acceptable in written German. There are some interesting differences as to which

### 9 Adverbial alternations

prepositions are combined with *hin‑* and which with *her‑* (14), but I will not further delve into these differences here.

	- a. both with *hin‑* and *her-*: *herab/(he)rauf-, (he)raus/(he)rein-, (he)rüber/(he)runter‑ hinab/hinauf-, hinaus/hinein-, hinüber/hinunter‑*
	- b. only with *her*: *(he)ran-, herbei-, (he)rum-, hervor-, nebenher-, hinterher*c. only with *hin-*:
		- *hindurch-, hinzu-*
	- (15) a. Ich schreibe meinen Namen unter den Brief. Ich schreibe meinen Namen darunter.
		- b. Ich laufe davon. (= Ich laufe "von Zuhause".)
		- c. Ich rede dazwischen. (= Ich rede "zwischen den Anderen".)

# **9.2.6 Resultatives vs. depictives**

[9.24] There is a wide variety of adjectives that can be used as resultative preverbials. Highly productive resultatives in German are *leer-, voll-, tot‑* and *fest‑* (according to Fuhrhop 2012: 79–80), e.g. *vollniesen* 'to sneeze full' (16a). However, many others are also attested, e.g. *still‑* 'silent' in *stillschweigen* 'to silence something', *platt‑* 'flat' in *plattwalzen* 'to flatten' or *schön‑* 'beautiful' in *schönreden* 'to whitewash' (16b). Additionally, datives from raised possessors are often possible (16b), see Section 5.8.4, including subsequent reflexive constructions (16c).

	- b. Er redet mir das Leben schön.
	- c. Ich rede mir mein Benehmen gut.

Such adjectival preverbials have a resultative object-oriented meaning. For ex- [9.25] ample, in *vollschenken* 'to fill up' (17), the adjective (*voll* 'full') indicates that the object of the verb (*Glas* 'glass') is full as a result of the action (*schenken* 'to pour'). Note that there are exactly two adjectival preverbials that are not resultative and not object-oriented, namely inchoative *los‑* (Section 9.4.1) and continuative *weiter‑* (Section 9.4.2).

	- b. Ich schenke das Glas voll.

Superficially, resultatives look highly similar to constructions with depictive [9.26] secondary predicates (see Section 9.2.3) as both influence the interpretation of an argument. However, the resultative turns out to be a radically different construction from the depictive. There exist even sentences that can be interpreted in both ways. For example, the adjective *leer* 'empty' in (18) can be interpreted as a depictive, stating that the store is empty. In this interpretation the sentence has the meaning 'I have bought the store, which was empty when I bought it' (18a). Alternatively, it can be interpreted as a resultative with the meaning 'I have bought everything that was in the store, with the result that the store was empty afterwards' (18b).

	- b. Ich habe den Laden leergekauft. (= Ich habe alle Produkte im Laden gekauft mit dem Resultat, dass der Laden leer ist.)

This semantic difference is typically, though not consistently, reflected in Ger- [9.27] man orthography by separating the depictive from the verb with a space. However, German authors are far from consistent in this respect. For example, a quick search for resultative *trockenschleudern* 'to spin until dry' in the dwds corpus resulted in five examples with a space (*trocken schleudern*) and eight examples without a space (*trockenschleudern*) without any obvious difference in meaning between the two groups.

There are various diagnostic differences between the depictive (18a) and the [9.28] resultative (18b) interpretation. First, the widespread orthographic separation for

### 9 Adverbial alternations

depictives (and the orthographic univerbation of resultatives) is actually a consequence of differences in the prosodic structure, as depictive *ˈleer ˈkaufen* (18a) has two separate stress domains, while resultative *ˈleerˌkaufen* (18b) has only a single stress domain. For linguistically naive speakers of German this feels like there is a litte pause after depictives, but not after resultatives.

	- (19) a. Ich habe den Teich leergefischt.
		- b. Ich habe das Taschentuch vollgeniest.
		- c. \* Ich habe den Teich gefischt.
		- d. \* Ich habe das Taschentuch geniest.
	- (20) a. Der Jäger hat den Wolf totgeschossen.
		- b. Der Jäger hat den Wolf abgeschossen.
		- c. \* Der Jäger hat den Wolf tot abgeschossen.

<sup>2</sup>Attested at https://www.dwds.de/wb/totschießen, accessed 8 September 2022.

<sup>3</sup>Attested at https://www.dwds.de/wb/abschießen, accessed 8 September 2022.


Fourth, depictives can both refer to nominative subjects (21a) and to accusative [9.31] objects (21b), but apparently not to any other kind of objects. In contrast, resultatives always refer to accusative objects (21c). Resultatives can only refer to (intransitive) nominative subjects with an additional accusative reflexive pronoun (21d), see Section 9.4.3.

	- b. Der Zoo hat den Pinguin gesund gekauft. (= Der Pinguin war gesund.)
	- c. Der Zoowärter hat den Pinguin gesundgepflegt. (= Der Pinguin ist wieder gesund.)
	- d. Ich habe mich gesundgeschlafen. (= Ich bin wieder gesund.)

Finally, participles like *gereinigt* 'cleaned' are an adjectival from of a verb. As [9.32] such they can be used as depictives (22a,b), see Section 10.2.3. In contrast, participles never function as resultatives (22c).

	- b. = Ich habe den Laden gekauft als der gereinigt war.
	- c. ≠ Ich habe etwas im Laden gekauft mit dem Resultat, dass der Laden gereinigt ist.

# **9.2.7 Summary of resultative constructions**

In this chapter I will discuss examples with the resultatives *fest, fern, fertig, frei,* [9.33] *gesund, glücklich, gut, heiß, kaputt, klein, leer, los, nass, platt, reich, sauber, satt, schlapp, schön, still, tot, trocken, voll, wach* and *wund*. However, this list is by no means supposed to be exhaustive. Quite to the contrary, there does not appear to be any syntactic restriction on which adjectives can be used as resultative preverbials, although semantical restrictions clearly exist. For example, colour resultatives appear to be rare (though note *schwarzmalen* 'doomsaying').

### 9 Adverbial alternations

	- *Reflexiv Resultativ*, a reflexive alternation without diathesis [n | n] (Section 9.4.3), e.g. *sich gesundschlafen* 'to heal by sleeping' (23a).
	- *Transitiv Resultativ*, a transitive alternation without diathesis [na | na] (Section 9.4.5), e.g. *gesundpflegen* 'to heal by nursing' (23b).
	- *Resultativ Applikativ*, an alternation with an applicative diathesis [n<sup>p</sup> | na] (Section 9.8.1), e.g. *gesundbeten* 'to heal by praying' (23c).
	- *Resultativ Akkusativ*, an alternation with an objective diathesis [n– | na] (Section 9.8.2), e.g. *gesundhexen* 'to heal by magic' (23d).
	- (23) a. Sie schläft. Sie schläft sich gesund.
		- b. Sie pflegt ihre Mutter. Sie pflegt ihre Mutter gesund.
		- c. Sie betet für ihre Mutter. Sie betet ihre Mutter gesund.
		- d. Er hext. Milingo wird vorgeworfen, […] Kranke gesundgehext zu haben.<sup>4</sup>

<sup>4</sup>Attested online at https://www.spiegel.de/politik/giftige-blume-a-003fa8d4-0002-0001-0000-- 000014353984, accessed 8 September 2022.

	- **–** [n | n] no diathesis with verbs describing a natural process e.g. *festrosten* 'to rust into' (Section 9.4.4).
	- **–** [nal | na<sup>p</sup> ] a delocative diathesis with verbs of attachment e.g. *losbinden* 'to untie' (Section 9.7.6).
	- **–** [nl | n<sup>p</sup> ] a delocative diathesis with verbs of position e.g. *festsitzen* 'to be stuck' (Section 9.7.7).
	- **–** [na– | npa] an object exchange with verbs of fixation e.g. *festnähen* 'to attach by stitching' (Section 9.8.3).
	- **–** [nl | <sup>p</sup>n] a locational-passive diathesis with alluvial verbs e.g. *vollsickern* 'to trickle full' (Section 9.5.6).
	- **–** [nla | nap] with *voll-*: an object exchange with verbs of filling e.g. *vollschenken* 'to pour until full' (Section 9.7.5).
	- **–** [nla | na–] with *leer-*: an object exchange with verbs of emptying e.g. *leerpumpen* 'to pump until empty' (Section 9.7.4).
	- **–** [nla | na–] an object exchange with verbs of uncovering e.g. *freifegen* 'to uncover by brushing' (Section 9.7.4).
	- **–** [nal | na<sup>p</sup> ] a delocative diathesis with verbs of excavating e.g. *freigraben* 'to uncover by digging' (Section 9.7.6).
	- **–** [n | n] no diathesis with intransitive verbs e.g. *losrennen* 'to start running' (Section 9.4.1) e.g. *weiterrennen* 'to continue running' (Section 9.4.2).
	- **–** [na | na] with *weiter-*: no diathesis with transitive verbs e.g. *weiterbauen* 'to proceed building' (Section 9.4.2).
	- **–** [na | n<sup>p</sup> ] with *los-*: an antipassive diathesis with verbs of attacking e.g. *loshauen* 'to start bashing' (Section 9.7.10).
	- **–** [nal | na<sup>p</sup> ] a delocative diathesis with verbs of sending e.g. *losschicken* 'to send off' (Section 9.7.6).
	- **–** [nad | na<sup>p</sup> ] a dative antipassive diathesis with verbs with a recipient e.g. *weitererzählen* 'to pass on' (Section 9.7.11).


Table 9.1: Resultativ adjective is syntactically like a local preposition.

[9.37] Second, resultative adjectives are closely related to preverbs, like *ver‑* or *an‑* (see Chapter 8). Accordingly, some resultatives take the same syntactic position as preverbs, as summarised in Table 9.2. Note that these parallels concern the structure of the diathesis in general. It is not necessarily the case that each resultative+verb combination has a parallel preverb+verb combination.

# **9.3 Deponent verbs**

[9.38] This section summarises the various German verbs that require adverbials. All examples discussed in this section concern verbs with obligatory evaluatives. Although I see no reason why obligatory resultatives would be impossible,


Table 9.2: Resultativ adjective is syntactically like a preverb.

I have not been able to find any examples. The phenomenon to look out for are verbs with a resultative preverbial (like *leerkaufen*) in which the verb stem (i.e. *kaufen*) is not attested as an individual verb, but only occurs in combination with the resultative.

# **9.3.1 [ N ] Nominative+evaluative**

Some verbs have obligatory manner adverbials, called "*Artergänzung*" by Enge- [9.39] len (1986: 140). In some special situations the adverbial can be left out, but only with a subsequent strong evaluative implication. For example, with *aussehen* 'to look/appear' (24a,b) without an adverbial (24c) there is a strong negative implicature that somebody looks bad. In contrast, with a verb like *sitzen* 'to fit' (25a), the omission of the manner adverb implies a positive fit (25b). Note that negation also can function syntactically as a manner adverbial in this context (25c).

	- b. ? Er sieht aus.
	- c. Er sieht aber aus!
	- b. Der Mantel sitzt.
	- c. Der Mantel sitzt nicht.

### 9 Adverbial alternations

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**


# **Notes**

	- (26) a. Die Glocken klingen.
		- b. Die Musik klingt gut.
		- c. \* Die Musik klingt.

# **9.3.2 [ N ] Reflexive nominative+evaluative**

	- (27) a. Ich benehme mich anständig.
		- b. ? Ich benehme mich.
		- c. Benimm dich!
		- d. Ich weiß mich zu benehmen.
		- e. Und trotzdem benimmt es mir fast den Atem.<sup>5</sup>

<sup>5</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 06.03.1992, Nr. 11.

an adverbial that indicates the kind of behaviour (28a–d). All such examples currently known to me describe some kind of behaviour. As always, leaving out the adverbial is sometimes possible with a strong conversational implicature, e.g. 'bad' behaviour with *sich aufführen* (28e).

	- b. Ich verhalte mich tapfer.
	- c. \* Ich führe mich auf.
	- d. Ich führe mich wie ein Holzklotz auf.
	- e. Du führst dich aber mal wieder auf!

# **Attested verbs**

• *anfühlen, aufführen, benehmen, geben (vorzeigen), gebärden, verhalten*

# **Further examples**


# **Notes**

The verb *anfühlen* 'to sense by touching' is typically used intransitively with a [9.43] reflexive pronoun and a manner adverbial (29a). However, there are also attested uses of a causative alternant, though these are rare and seem old-fashioned (29b). As an alternation, the pair in (29) would belong in Section 9.5.2. When (29b) is ignored, the verb *anfühlen* belongs in this section.

	- b. Sie fühlte Juliettens erfrorene Füße an.<sup>6</sup>

# **9.3.3 [ N ] Nominative+local adverb**

Verbs with an obligatory local prepositional phrase (Section 6.3.3), like *über-* [9.44] *nachten* 'to sleep over' (30a), can of course be used with an obligatory local adverb instead (30b).

<sup>6</sup>dwds: Werfel, Franz: Die Vierzig Tage des Musa Dagh II, Stockholm: Bermann - Fischer 1947 (1933), S. 383.

### 9 Adverbial alternations

	- b. Er übernachtet hier/dort/draußen.

# **Attested verbs**

• *entspringen, münden, sein (sich befinden), spielen (zutragen), wohnen, übernachten, zeigen*

# **Further examples**


# **9.3.4 [ N ] Reflexive nominative+local adverb**

	- (31) a. Das Geschäft befindet sich in der Stadt.
		- b. Das Geschäft befindet sich außerhalb.

# **Attested verbs**

• *aalen, ansiedeln, anstellen, aufhalten (befinden), befinden, begeben, einfressen, einschleichen, ergießen, fläzen, niederlassen, scheren, suhlen, umsehen, verkriechen, verschanzen, zubewegen, zurechtfinden*

# **9.3.5 [ NP ] Nominative+governed preposition+evaluative**

	- (32) a. Ich halte viel von dir.
		- b. \* Ich halte viel.
		- c. \* Ich halte von dir.

# **Attested verbs**

• *halten*

# **9.3.6 [ NA ] Nominative+accusative+evaluative**

Both the manner adverbial and the accusative argument cannot be left out with [9.47] *stimmen* in the meaning 'to raise the atmosphere' (33).

	- b. \* Die Musik stimmt die Leute.
	- c. \* Die Musik stimmt freundlich.

# **Attested verbs**

• *finden, stimmen*

# **Further examples**

• Sie findet den Stuhl gut.

# **9.3.7 [ ND ] Nominative+dative+evaluative**

The verb *bekommen* in the meaning 'something agrees with someone's health' [9.48] needs a dative and cannot be used without an adverbial (34a,b). With a negation the adverbial can be left out, though with the obvious implicature that the agreement is 'bad' (34c).

	- b. \* Das Essen bekommt mir.
	- c. Das Essen bekommt mir nicht.

The verb *fallen* in the meaning 'to be difficult/easy' can be used with either [9.49] *schwer* or *leicht*, but apparently with no other adverbials (16).

	- b. \* Die Aufgabe fällt mir.

# **Attested verbs**

• *bekommen, fallen*

# **9.3.8 [ D ] Dative+evaluative**

	- (36) a. Mir geht es gut.
		- b. (Wie geht es dir?) Es geht.
		- c. Mein Fuß ist nicht mehr eingeschränkt, es geht besser.<sup>7</sup>

# **Attested verbs**

• *gehen*

# **9.3.9 [ N | – ] Nominative drop+evaluative**

	- (37) a. Er sieht gut aus.
		- b. Hier sieht es gut aus.

# **Attested verbs**

• *aussehen, funktionieren, gehen, klappen*


<sup>7</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 27.07.2012 (online).

<sup>8</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 03.01.2018, Nr. 01.

# **9.4 Alternations without diathesis**

Adverbials are a regular part of German grammar. There are many different pos- [9.52] sibilities to add such adverbials to all German sentences, and it is of course extremely common for such an adverbial to be added without any change in valency. That is actually the regular situation with adverbials as illustrated with *schnell* 'quickly' in (38). This will not further be considered here.

	- b. Ich fahre schnell nach Hause.

The situation is more interesting with preverbials. First, there are two special [9.53] adjectival preverbials that are not resultatives, namely *los‑* (Section 9.4.1) and *weiter‑* (Section 9.4.2). Interestingly, these two appear to be the only adjectival preverbials that are not resultatives. These non-resultative preverbials have an temporal aspectual interpretation.

Second, the addition of a resultative preverbial regularly leads to a diathesis [9.54] (see the summary in Section 9.2.7). However there are also two highly productive patterns in which the addition of a resultative does not trigger a diathesis. With intransitive verbs an additional reflexive pronoun is needed (Section 9.4.3). In contrast, with transitive verbs there is no reflexive pronoun. With those verbs the addition of a resultative does not have any syntactic repercussions (Section 9.4.5).

# **9.4.1 [ N | N ]** *los‑* **Inchoative**

The preverbial *los‑* can be used without any diathesis. In that usage *los‑* is a pre- [9.55] verbial, but it is not a resultative preverbial (cf. Section 9.2.6). As a non-resultative preverbial *los‑* indicates that an activity is starting, i.e. it marks an inchoative aspect, like with *losrennen* 'to start running' (39a). An early discussion of this inchoative aspect of *los‑* is presented by Storch (1978: 113–126).

This inchoative *los‑* is clearly different from a diathesis marking "detachment" [9.56] that is also marked with *los‑* (39b), as discussed in detail in Section 9.7.6. Diachronically, both uses of the preverbial *los‑* are related to an older meaning of the adjective *los*, namely 'free'. In contemporary German the adjective *los* basically means 'loose', which is not transparently related anymore to the inchoative meaning (39a), only to the detachment meaning (39b).

	- b. Der Junge bindet den Hund los.

### 9 Adverbial alternations


[9.60] Additionally, for the manner-of-movement verbs only, the inchoative *los‑* converts an agentive intransitive like *rennen* 'to run' into a patientive *losrennen* 'to start running' (cf. Section 10.2.5). For example, *rennen* (without directional modification) takes a *haben* perfect and the participle cannot be used attributively (40a). A *sein* perfect and an attributive participle are only possible after a mannerof-movement diathesis (40b), see Section 6.8.1. Similarly, *losrennen* takes a *sein* perfect and allows for an attributive participle (40c).

	- b. Der Junge ist nach Hause gerannt. Der nach Hause gerannte Junge […].
	- c. Der Junge ist losgerannt. Der losgerannte Junge […].

[9.61] With transitive verbs, like *schreiben* 'to write' (41a), *lesen* 'to read' (41b) or *bauen* 'to build' (41c), the inchoative *los‑* is only possible in constructions without

<sup>9</sup>Attested on https://www.dwds.de/wb/los-, accessed 3 September 2022.

any accusative object present. In such contexts these verbs basically function as intransitive verbs.

	- b. Nathalie kramt flink in der Bücherkiste, zieht ein Buch heraus, schlägt es auf und liest los.<sup>11</sup>
	- c. Gleich als der nächste Tag graute, baute er los.<sup>12</sup>

Further, there are a two kinds of transitive verbs that allow for continuative [9.62] *los‑*, but they additionally induce a diathesis. First, with transitive manner-ofattack verbs, like *hauen* 'to bash' (42a), the addition of a *los‑* is clearly continuative: *loshauen* means 'starting to bash' (42b). However, the addition of *los‑* with these verbs results in an antipassive diathesis, as the accusative *ihn* (42a) becomes an optional *auf* prepositional phrase (42b). The result is that *loshauen* is basically an intransitive verb. These examples are discussed in detail in Section 9.7.10.

	- b. Er haut auf ihn los.

Second, transitive verbs that cause an object to move can be combined with [9.63] inchoative *los‑*, like with *schicken* 'to send' (43a). The preverbial *los‑* replaces a directional location phrase in such examples (43b). This delocative diathesis is discussed in detail in Section 9.7.6. Crucially, it is the accusative object that is affected by the inchoative aspect. So in the example below it is the accusative object (*Brief* 'letter') that starts moving, not the nominative subject (*Mädchen* 'girl').

	- b. Das Mädchen schickt den Brief los.

The same "object-inchoative" effect can be observed with some intransitive [9.64] verbs after a caused-movement diathesis (see Section 6.8.3). For example, the intransitive *hetzen* 'to rush' can be used with a regular intransitive inchoative *los‑*, resulting in *loshetzen* meaning 'to start rushing' (44a). However, a causedmovement diathesis with *hetzen* leads to a meaning 'to rush somebody' (44b). The verb *loshetzen* then means 'to cause somebody to start rushing' (44c,d).

<sup>10</sup>dwds: Der Tagesspiegel, 15.12.2004.

<sup>11</sup>dwds: Der Tagesspiegel, 03.06.2003.

<sup>12</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 22.06.1996.

	- b. Ich hetze die Tiere in den Wald.
	- c. Ich hetze die Tiere los.
	- d. Die serbische Spezialpolizei […] hetzte uns dann los, niemand wußte, wohin.<sup>14</sup>
	- (45) a. Die Tiere sind losgehetzt.
		- b. Ich habe die Tiere losgehetzt.

# **Attested verbs**



<sup>13</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 19.02.2011, Nr. 7.

<sup>14</sup>dwds: Der Tagesspiegel, 10.08.1999.

<sup>15</sup>dwds: Johnson, Uwe: Jahrestage, Bd. 1, Frankfurt a. M.: Suhrkamp 1970, S. 132. <sup>16</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 17.12.2009, Nr. 52.

<sup>17</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 25.05.2009 (online).

<sup>18</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 26.04.1951, Nr. 17.


# **9.4.2 [ N | N ]** *weiter‑* **Continuative**

The word *weiter* in German has a wide range of uses. This section deals with [9.66] its non-resultative preverbial usage that has a temporal meaning 'to continue an activity', like in *weitergehen* 'to continue on walking'. However, before discussing this continuative usage of *weiter-*, the preverbial structure first has to be separated from the various highly similar adverbial uses of *weiter*.

The word *weiter* originates as a comparative form of the adjective *weit* 'far, [9.67] wide' (46a). Its local meaning of 'further' (46b) has been extended to also include a sense 'additional' (46c) when used as an adjective. Like all adjectives in German, *weiter* can also be used unchanged as an adverbial (46d).

	- b. Der Athlet will einen noch weiteren Sprung machen.
	- c. Zwei weitere Teilnehmer treten ein.
	- d. Sie werden noch weiter springen.

As an adverbial, *weiter* has extended its local meaning to also include a more [9.68] general sense of 'to an even larger extent' (47a). Both the local meaning and this more general usage can be identified by the possibility to add *noch* and become *noch weiter*. Furthermore, adverbial *weiter* can also mean approximately 'still' in a temporal sense (47b). In that usage it can be replaced by *weiterhin*. In contrast, the preverbial *weiter‑* that will be the focus of the rest of this section cannot be replaced by either *noch weiter* nor by *weiterhin*. So, the impossibility of these paraphrases can be used as a test to separate preverbial *weiter‑* from adverbial *weiter*.

(47) a. Tim und Kolja hätten die Zeitung im Unterricht gerne weiter gelesen.<sup>22</sup> (= Sie hätten die Zeitung gerne *noch weiter* gelesen.)

<sup>19</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 03.11.2005, Nr. 45.

<sup>20</sup>Attested online at https://forum.mausebande.com/index.php?threads/nasen-stinken-d.25969/, accessed 9 September 2022.

<sup>21</sup>Attested online at https://www.heimwerk24.de/effektiv-vor-einbruch-schuetzen-12 wertvolle-tipps-tricks/, accessed 9 September 2022.

<sup>22</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 07.09.1996.

### 9 Adverbial alternations

	- (48) a. Sie springt weiter als alle anderen Teilnehmer.
		- b. Sie springt weiter, bis sie ihr Ziel geschafft hat.
		- c. Sie will weiter bis zur roten Linie springen.
		- d. Sie will bis zur Erschöpfung weiterspringen.
		- e. Sie will weiter springen. (= Sie will eine größere Distanz springen.)
		- f. Sie will weiterspringen. (= Sie will fortfahren mit dem Springen.)
	- (49) a. Sie werden den Kahn weiter in den Hafen schleppen. (= Sie werden den Kahn noch weiter in den Hafen hinein schleppen.)
		- b. Sie werden den Kahn im Hafen weiterschleppen. (= Im Hafen werden sie fortfahren mit dem Schleppen des Kahns.)

<sup>23</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 08.01.2009, Nr. 03.

<sup>24</sup>Attested on https://www.dwds.de/wb/weiter-, accessed 3 September 2022.

just as with *los‑* in Section 9.4.1. Many other intransitives are also attested and it appears that continuative *weiter‑* is basically used with agentive intransitives ("unergative verbs", see Section 10.2.5), again similar to inchoative *los‑*.

However, *weiter‑* also is used with other kinds of verbs, crucially including [9.72] many transitive verbs, which is quite different from *los‑*. Among the transitive verbs listed below there are various verbs that also have preverbs, like *ver‑* in *weiterverfolgen* 'to continue pursuing' or *weiterverarbeiten* 'to continue processing'. Resultative preverbials cannot be used together with preverbs (see paragraph 9.30 on page 400), so this indicates that *weiter‑* is grammaticalising into an aspect marker. However, there are still strong restrictions on such *weiter*+preverb combinations. First, only verb prefixes appear to be possible (e.g. *be‑* or *ver‑*). Verb particles are not attested (e.g. no *an‑* or *auf‑*). Second, most attested examples are strongly lexicalised, like *weiterverwenden* 'to continue using', which is not transparently related anymore to *wenden* 'to turn'.

With ditransitive verbs, like *empfehlen* 'to recommend' (50a), the preverbial [9.73] *weiterempfehlen* (50b) has a slightly different semantics. It means approximately 'to repeat the recommendation to somebody else'. Also, the dative recipient is remapped to an *an* prepositional phrase (i.e. dative antipassive). For these reasons I consider this to be a different construction that will be discussed in Section 9.7.11.

	- b. Ich empfehle diesen Kuchen an meine Freunde weiter.


• Transitive: *bauen, bearbeiten, befördern (transportieren), beschäftigen, betreiben, bewegen, braten, bringen, entwickeln, fragen, fressen, führen, helfen, lesen, schieben, schleppen, schreiben, sehen, verarbeiten, verbreiten, verfolgen, verwenden, verwerten, zahlen*

# **9.4.3 [ N | N ] Reflexive intransitive resultative**

	- (51) a. Ich schlafe.
		- b. Ich schlafe mich gesund. (= Ich schlafe, und dadurch bin ich gesund.)
		- c. Ich träume. Ich träume mich nach New York.
	- (52) a. \* Ich scheitere mich glücklich.
		- b. \* Ich wachse mich groß.
		- c. Jens Spahn scheitert sich in der Gunst der Deutschen ganz nach oben.<sup>25</sup>
		- d. Der Wald wächst sich zu Tode.<sup>26</sup>

<sup>25</sup>Attested online at https://www.tichyseinblick.de/daili-es-sentials/spahn-beliebtheitimpfstart/, accessed 27 August 2022.

<sup>26</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 30.12.1998.

The same reflexive+resultative alternation is attested with some verbs that [9.76] take a governed preposition, like *totlachen* 'to laugh extremely' (53a). In this alternation the governed prepositional phrase can be retained. This is crucially different from a resultative applicative (see Section 9.8.1). In that diathesis there is no reflexive pronoun and the prepositional phrase is promoted to accusative with the addition of a resultative, like with *kleinlachen* 'to diminish something by laughing' (53b).

	- b. Ich lache über die Politik. [Die] große Politik wird kleingelacht.<sup>27</sup>

When the combination of resultative and verb is considered to be a new lex- [9.77] icalised predicate (i.e. *totlachen, festbeißen*, etc.), then all these verbs would be obligatorily reflexive, alike to the verbs in Section 7.3.1.

# **Attested verbs**



<sup>27</sup>Attested online at https://www.antennebrandenburg.de/service/veranstaltungen/ praesentationen/regionalstudios-praesentationen/frankfurt/2022/hunde--die-pellen- beissen-nicht.html, accessed 16 September 2022.

### 9 Adverbial alternations


# **9.4.4 [ N | N ]** *los/fest* **Natural process**

	- (54) a. Die Züge rosten.
		- b. Die Züge rosten fest.
		- c. Züge rosten an ihren Gleisen fest.<sup>31</sup>


<sup>28</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 06.10.2001.

<sup>29</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 30.07.1976, Nr. 32.

<sup>30</sup>Attested online at https://www.amazon.de/dp/1235151247, accessed 9 September 2022.

<sup>31</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 08.05.2002, Nr. 20.

# **Further examples**


# **9.4.5 [ NA | NA ] Transitive resultative**

The addition of a resultative preverbial to transitive verbs (i.e. basic nomina- [9.80] tive+accusative verbs) does not lead to any role remapping. For example, *prügeln* 'to beat' (55a) and *totprügeln* 'to beat to death' (55b) show exactly the same valency. Such resultative transitive verbs without diathesis appear to be frequent and the examples given below are just a few illustrative verbs. It is unclear to me whether there is any restriction on which adjectives or verbs can occur in this construction.

	- b. Der Vater prügelt den Sohn tot.


<sup>32</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 20.09.2001, Nr. 39.

<sup>33</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 08.02.2014, Nr. 7.

<sup>34</sup>dwds: Die Welt, 24.09.1999.

<sup>35</sup>dwds: Bergg, Franz: Ein Proletarierleben. In: Simons, Oliver (Hg.) Deutsche Autobiographien 1690–1930, Berlin: Directmedia Publ. 2004 (1913), S. 4996.

<sup>36</sup>Attested online at https://www.bulliforum.com/viewtopic.php?t=66958, accessed 8 September 2022.

<sup>37</sup>Attested online at https://www.come-on.de/lennetal/nachrodt-wiblingwerde/nachrodtwiblingwerdehangsicherungserpentinenbewehrte-erde-8639613.html, accessed 8 September 2022.

### 9 Adverbial alternations


# **Further examples**


# **9.5 Diatheses with subject demotion**

# **9.5.1 sbj › ø : [ N | – ] Reflexive intransitive drop+evaluative**

[9.81] Many intransitives allow for a dropping of the nominative with an obligatory reflexive pronoun *sich* and an obligatory adjectival manner adverbial. Because of the dropped nominative there is an obligatory non-phoric *es* in such sentences (56a). Such constructions seem to be possible with very many intransitive verbs, though with some, like *aufstehen* 'rise' (56b), it is of debatable grammaticality. More research is needed into the question which intransitive verbs do not allow this diathesis. I propose to use the German name aktionsbewertung for this diathesis.

	- b. ? Am frühen morgen steht es sich schlecht auf.

A very similar diathesis is attested with transitives, see Section 9.5.2, but in [9.82] that case the accusative is retained as a nominative (i.e. anticausative). Also note that the connection between an intransitive subject drop and a transitive anticausative is strongly reminiscent of the unaccusative hypothesis, see Section 10.2.5. However, there does not seem to be an obvious match between patientive ("unaccusative") verbs and the verbs that allow for the current diathesis (cf. Steinbach 1998: 15–18).

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**


# **9.5.2 obj › sbj › ø : [ NA | –N ] Reflexive anticausative+evaluative**

With many transitive verbs an anticausative is only possible with an evaluative [9.83] manner adjective and a reflexive pronoun (25). There is a clear parallel to the diathesis for intransitives described in Section 9.5.1. The semantically highly similar *lassen+Infinitiv* construction (57c) does not need the adverbial (see Section 11.5.5). I propose to use the German name bewertungsantikausativ for this diathesis.

	- b. Die Wurst schneidet sich schwer mit diesem Messer.
	- c. Die Wurst lässt sich mit diesem Messer schneiden.

Kunze (1996: 647) and Steinbach (1998) call this "middle", Zifonun (2003) "fazil- [9.84] itives Medium", Wiemer & Nedjalkov (2007: 465–466) classify it as a "passivelike meaning of reflexive" and Kulikov (2011: 375–376) talks about a "potential

agentless passive". Steinbach (1998: 25ff.) argues that the adverbial is not necessary in the "middle" construction, but this is because he combines different constructions under the heading of "middle". His examples without adverbial are discussed here as a separate construction in Section 7.5.2.

# **Attested verbs**

• *fahren, finden, gehen, laufen, lesen, lernen, malen, schneiden, schreiben, spielen, springen, tanzen, verdienen, verkaufen*, etc.

# **Further examples**


# **Notes**

	- (58) a. Ich höre (mir) deinen Vorschlag an. Dein Vorschlag hört sich gut an.
		- b. Ich verdiene (mir) ein Vermögen. Ein Vermögen verdient sich leicht.

# **9.5.3 obj › sbj › ø : [ NA | –N ] Anticausative+evaluative**

The verb *riechen* 'to smell' allows for an anticausative alternation (59a,b), but [9.86] the intransitive obligatorily needs an evaluative adverbial. It is possible to leave out the adverbial, but then a strong negative conversational implicature arises, i.e. without an adverbial the smell is bad (59c). Interestingly, with *schmecken* 'to taste' the absence of an adverbial leads to a positive implicature (59d).

	- b. Der Duft riecht gut.
	- c. Der Müll riecht (schlecht).
	- d. Das Essen schmeckt (gut).

# **Attested verbs**

• *riechen, schmecken*

# **Further examples**

• Ich schmecke den Rotwein in der Soße. Der Rotwein schmeckt (mir) gut.

# **9.5.4 adj › sbj › ø : [ Np | –N ] Conciliative+evaluative**

Some verbs that have a prototypical instrument connected to the action allow [9.87] for the instrument to be turned into the nominative subject, but only with the addition of an evaluative adverbial, like with *schneiden* 'to cut' (60).

	- b. ? Das Messer schneidet.
	- c. Das Messer schneidet gut.

# **Attested verbs**

• *schneiden, schreiben*

# **Further examples**

• Ich schreibe den Brief mit einem Füller. Der Füller schreibt gut/nicht/angenehm.

# **9.5.5 pbj › sbj › ø : [ NL | –N ] Reflexive location anticausative+evaluative**

	- (61) a. Ich sitze auf der Bank.
		- b. Die Bänke sitzen sich gut.<sup>38</sup>
		- c. Es sitzt sich gut auf der Bank.

# **Attested verbs**

• *klettern, liegen, sitzen, schwimmen*

# **Further examples**


# **9.5.6 pbj › sbj › adj : [ NL | pN ]** *voll/leer‑* **Location passive**

	- (62) a. Das Wasser läuft in die Badewanne.
		- b. Die Badewanne läuft voll (mit Wasser).

<sup>38</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 24.02.2005.

<sup>39</sup>Attested online at https://chlorhuhn.wordpress.com/2017/11/28/jetzt-tatsaechlich-umbau-inder-olympiaschwimmhalle/, accessed 21 August 2022.

<sup>40</sup>Attested online at http://www.hans-struve.de/richtiges-lueften-im-schlafzimmer-einetuecke-der-physik/, accessed 21 August 2022.

### **Attested verbs**


### **Further examples**


### **Notes**

The verb *saugen* 'to suck' (63) shows an interesting stack of diatheses (see Sec- [9.90] tion 2.5 on the notion of a "stack"). There are three roles involved, (i) the "sucker" agent (*Kind* 'child') that does the sucking, (ii) the "suckee" liquid (*Milch* 'milk') that is being absorbed and (iii) the container, *Tuch* 'cloth' that holds the liquid. Note that the choice of container in this example is slightly unusual to make the stack of diatheses clearer. The stack starts off with a basic intransitive construction (63a), which leads via a caused motion diathesis (63b) and a reflexive anticausative diathesis (63c) to the current resultative location anticausative diathesis (63d).

	- b. +> Caused motion (Section 6.8.3) = Das Kind saugt Milch aus dem Tuch.
	- c. +> Reflexive anticausative (Section 7.5.4) = Die Milch saugt sich in das Tuch.
	- d. +> Resultative location passive (this section) = Das Tuch saugt sich voll (mit Milch).

<sup>41</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 09.08.2001, Nr. 33.

<sup>42</sup>Emanuel von Bodman, Erfüllung, attested online at https://gedichte.xbib.de/Bodman%2C+ Emanuel+von\_gedicht\_0826.+Erf%FCllung.htm, accessed 31 August 2022.

<sup>43</sup>dwds: Zeit Magazin, 14.03.2013, Nr. 12.

<sup>44</sup>Attested online at https://www.gamepro.de/artikel/unmechanical-im-test-mechanischerherzchirurg,3010962.html, accessed 2 September 2022.

# **9.6 Diatheses with promotion to subject**

# **9.6.1 adj › sbj : [ p | N ]** *voll‑* **Weather location**

	- (64) a. Es schneit auf den Trainingsplatz.
		- b. Der Trainingsplatz schneit voll.

# **Attested verbs**

• voll-: *regnen, schneien*

# **9.7 Diatheses with object demotion**

# **9.7.1 obj › ø : [ NA | N– ] Accusative drop+evaluative**

	- (65) a. Ich sehe das Haus.
		- b. ? Ich sehe. (= Ich kann sehen.)
		- c. Ich sehe gut.

# **Attested verbs**

• *kaufen, schenken, sehen, treffen, werfen*, etc.

# **Further examples**


# **9.7.2 obj › ø : [ NA | N– ] Endoreflexive+evaluative**

The verb *fühlen* 'to feel' (66a) is similar to endoreflexive verbs (see Section 7.7.1), [9.93] but with an obligatory evaluative adverbial (66b,c). Without the evaluation, a sentence like (66c) might still be possible, but only when it is interpreted with self-inflicting reflexive reference, viz. 'I touch myself'.

	- b. Ich fühle mich schlecht.
	- c. \* Ich fühle mich.

# **Attested verbs**

• *fühlen*

# **9.7.3 obj › ø : [ NA | N– ] Accusative** *es***+evaluative**

Some verbs allow for constructions with a non-phoric pronoun *es* apparently [9.94] in the accusative case (see Section 6.3.5). With some verbs in this construction an evaluative manner adverbial is also necessarily present, like with *meinen* 'to deem' (67a,b). Without the manner adverbial the only possible interpretation of the pronoun *es* is phoric (67d).

	- b. Ich meine es ernst.
	- c. \* Ich meine ernst.
	- d. ? Ich meine es. (= Ich meine das, was ich vorher behauptet habe.)

<sup>45</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 16.08.1999.

<sup>46</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 01.06.2011 (online).

# **Attested verbs**

• *haben, meinen*

# **Further examples**

• Wir haben viel Geld. Wir haben es gut.

# **9.7.4 pbj › obj › ø : [ NLA | NA– ]** *leer/frei‑* **Object exchange**

	- (68) a. Ich räume das Geschirr aus der Spülmaschine.
		- b. \* Ich räume das Geschirr.
		- c. Ich räume die Spülmaschine leer.
		- d. \* Ich räume die Spülmaschine vom Geschirr leer.
	- b. Ich kaufe Karotten (im Laden). Ich kaufe den Laden leer.

The same diathesis is also attested with the resultative *frei‑* 'free'. This is used [9.98] with verbs that describe some kind of uncovering. For example, the verb *wischen* 'to wipe' (70a,b) obligatorily needs an accusative (here *Blätter* 'leaves') and a location (here *Auto* 'car'). In contrast, *freiwischen* 'to wipe clean' normally only takes an accusative describing the object that is being cleaned (70c). Different from *leer‑* above, it might be possible to retain the old accusative with *freiwischen*, but this seems to be very uncommon (70d). Semantically, the roles that are effected by the *frei‑* diathesis are a cover (*Blätter*) and a covered object (*Auto*). The fact that this diathesis is possible implies that the German language treats a cover as a meronym and the covered object as the holonym.

	- b. \* Ich wische die Blätter.
	- c. Ich wische das Auto frei.
	- d. ? Ich wische das Auto von den Blätter frei.

# **Attested verbs**



### 9 Adverbial alternations


# **9.7.5 pbj › obj › adj : [ NLA | NAp ]** *voll‑* **Object exchange**


<sup>47</sup>Attested online at https://twitter.com/aufgeteet/status/1246679437053235201, accessed 9 September 20022.

<sup>48</sup>Attested online at https://www.brandsyoulove.de/project/pausencracker/Super-leckerer-Snack.BUHx/detail.html, accessed 9 September 2022.

<sup>49</sup>dwds: Der Tagesspiegel, 11.02.2002.

<sup>50</sup>Attested online at https://mags.de/presse-detail/diebstahl-auf-dem-friedhof-holt, accessed 10 September 2022.

<sup>51</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 03.06.2015 (online).

*vollschenken* (71c) marks the container as the accusative object (*Glas*) and the moved substance (*Wein*) is expressed with a *mit* prepositional phrase, or dropped completely. The verbs that allow for this diathesis describe an action in which a container is filled with a moved substance, so the new accusative after the diathesis is the filled holonym. This diathesis is typically stacked with a subsequent possessor-of-accusative dative (71c), see Section 5.8.4, which can also be a selfinflicting reflexive pronoun (71d), see Section 7.4.8.

	- b. \* Ich schenke den Wein.
	- c. Ich schenke das Glas voll (mit Wein).
	- d. Ich schenke ihm das ('sein') Glas voll.
	- e. Er schenkt sich das ('sein') Glas voll.

A second group of verbs that allow for this object exchange are verbs that [9.101] describe filling some kind of canvas, i.e. writing, painting, etc. For example, the verb *malen* 'to paint' (72a) marks the role of the painting as an accusative object (here *Porträt* 'portrait'), and the role of the canvas is expressed with an *auf* prepositional phrase (here *Leinwand* 'canvas'). The preverbial *vollmalen* 'to paint out completely' (72b) reverses the marking of these two roles. Different from the previous verb of filling a container, the prepositional phrase for the canvas in (72a) is not obligatory.

	- b. Ich habe die Leinwand (mit einem Porträt) vollgemalt.

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**

• Ich lade Heu auf den Wagen. Ich lade den Wagen voll (mit Heu).

### 9 Adverbial alternations


# **9.7.6 pbj › adj : [ NAL | NAp ]** *los/fest/frei‑* **Resultative delocative**

	- (73) a. Ich binde den Hund an die Leine.
		- b. \* Ich binde den Hund.
		- c. Ich binde den Hund von der Leine los.
		- d. Ich binde den Hund los.

<sup>52</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 18.07.2008, Nr. 06.

For example, the verb *bohren* 'to drill' can be used in a caused-movement construction with an obligatory accusative and location (74a,b). In contrast, with the resultative *freibohren* 'to drill free' the location is not obligatory anymore (74c,d).

	- b. \* Sie haben die Bergleute gebohrt.
	- c. Sie haben die Bergleute aus der Höhle freigebohrt.
	- d. Sie haben die Bergleute freigebohrt.

The preverbial *los‑* is also attested with some verbs that cause something else [9.104] to move. Although this diathesis is syntactically the same delocative diathesis as with *binden* above, semantically this "cause to move" construction is closer to the inchoative usage of *los‑* (see Section 9.4.1). This typically applies to verbs of sending, like *schicken* 'to send' (75a). However, also verbs with a caused-movement diathesis, like *klopfen* 'to knock' (75b) allow for this inchoative usage of *los‑* (cf. Section 6.8.3).

	- b. Ich klopfe die Rinde von dem Baum. Ich klopfe die Rinde los.

The example with *werfen* 'to throw' (76a) illustrates the close relationship be- [9.105] tween these two uses of *los-*, i.e. 'loose' and 'onwards'. By throwing, the *Leine* 'rope' is detached (from the ship), but at the same time the rope is also caused to move (towards the shore). Similarly with *lostreten* (76b), which can be used locationally in the meaning 'to unfasten by trampling' but also temporally 'to set in motion'.

	- b. Der Wanderer trat einen Felsen los. Die Entscheidung trat eine Protestwelle los.

# **Attested verbs**

• los-: (detachment) *binden, ketten, klopfen, koppeln, sägen, schnallen, schneiden, schrauben, treten*

<sup>53</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 23.10.2003, Nr. 44.

### 9 Adverbial alternations


# **Further examples**


# **9.7.7 pbj › adj : [ NL | Np ]** *fest/frei‑* **Intransitive delocative**

[9.106] A delocative diathesis is also attested with a few posture verbs that obligatorily need a location, like *stecken* 'be positioned' (77a), cf. Section 6.6.2. By adding the resultative *fest‑* or *frei‑* the location is not obligatory anymore (77b).

<sup>54</sup>dwds: Bild, 28.04.2005.

<sup>55</sup>dwds: Welt und Wissen, 1929, Nr. 3, Bd. 18.

<sup>56</sup>dwds: Süddeutsche Zeitung, 05.06.1993.

<sup>57</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 11.08.2016 (online).

<sup>58</sup>dwds: Süddeutsche Zeitung, 26.10.2001.

<sup>59</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 22.10.1993, Nr. 43.

	- b. Der Nagel steckt (in der Wand) fest.

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**


# **9.7.8 pbj › adj : [ NL | Np ]** *wund‑* **Reflexive intransitive delocative**

Some intransitives with obligatory location, like *liegen* 'to lie' (78a,b) can be used [9.107] without this location when a resultative is added (78c). However, this delocative needs an additional reflexive pronoun (78d). This diathesis is only attested with the resultative *wund‑* 'sore'.

	- b. ? Der Patient liegt.
	- c. Der Patient liegt sich wund.
	- d. \* Der Patient liegt wund.

# **Attested verbs**

• wund-: *liegen, sitzen*

# **9.7.9 obj › adj : [ NA | Np ]** *satt‑* **Reflexive antipassive**

The accusative object of *sehen* 'to see' is transformed into a prepositional phrase [9.108] when adding the resultative *satt‑* 'well-fed' to form *sattsehen* 'to see until satisfied' (79). This diathesis obligatorily introduces a reflexive pronoun. Such a re-

### 9 Adverbial alternations

flexive antipassive diathesis is currently only attested with verbs of consumption with the resultative *satt-*. See Section 8.7.4 for similar examples with preverbs.

	- b. Ich sehe mich satt an dem Gemälde.

# **Attested verbs**

• satt-: (verbs of consumption) *essen, fressen, sehen, lesen, trinken*

# **Further examples**


# **9.7.10 obj › adj : [ NA | Np ]** *los‑* **Antipassive**

	- (80) a. Er haut ihn.
		- b. Er haut auf ihn los.

# **Attested verbs**

• los-: (verbs of attack) *dreschen, hacken, hauen, knallen, prügeln, schießen, schlagen, stechen, stürzen*

<sup>60</sup>dwds: Strittmatter, Erwin: Der Laden, Berlin: Aufbau-Verl. 1983, S. 108.

<sup>61</sup>dwds: Der Tagesspiegel, 09.01.2003.

<sup>62</sup>dwds: May, Karl: Winnetou IV, Berlin: Neues Leben 1993 (1910), S. 123.

# **Further examples**

• Einige werden überritten, andere hauen und stechen auf die Anstürmenden los.<sup>63</sup>

# **9.7.11 obj › adj : [ NAD | NAp ]** *weiter‑* **Dative antipassive**

Ditransitive verbs like *empfehlen* 'to recommend' (81a) can be used with a pre- [9.110] verbial *weiter‑* to form *weiterempfehlen* 'to recommend on' (81b). With this preverbial it does not seem to be possible anymore to use a dative (81a). Instead, an *an* prepositional phrase is used, or the recipient is completely left out, which appears to be even more common. There is some overlap between the verbs in this section with verbs allowing for an unmarked *an* antipassive (see Section 6.7.11).

This diathesis is only attested with the preverbial *weiter-*. With non-ditransi- [9.111] tive verbs, this preverbial does not induce any diathesis and it has a continuative aspectual meaning 'to continue', as discussed in Section 9.4.2. In contrast, with these ditransitive verbs the meaning of *weiter‑* is more like 'to pass something on'.

	- b. Ich empfehle diesen Kuchen an meine Freunde weiter.
	- c. ? Ich empfehle dir diesen Kuchen weiter.

# **Attested verbs**

• weiter-: *empfehlen, erzählen, geben, leiten, melden, reichen, sagen, schenken, schicken, vererben, verkaufen, vermieten, vermitteln, verschenken*

# **9.8 Diatheses with promotion to object**

# **9.8.1 adj › obj : [ Np | NA ] Resultative applicative**

The resultative applicative appears to be one of the most productive kind of dia- [9.112] thesis with a resultative preverbial. In this diathesis, a prepositional phrase of an intransitive verb, like with *niesen* 'to sneeze' (82a), is reformulated as an accusative, like with *vollniesen* 'to fill by sneezing' (82b). There are many different resultatives that induce this diatheses. The list presented below is in no way

<sup>63</sup>dwds: Völkischer Beobachter (Reichsausgabe), 04.03.1932.

### 9 Adverbial alternations

complete, but should just be seen as a set of random illustrative examples. This diathesis is also attested with governed prepositions, like with *reden über* 'to talk about' (83).

	- b. Ich niese das Taschentuch voll.
	- b. Ich rede darüber, dass du dich gut benommen hast.
	- c. Ich rede dein Benehmen gut.
	- (84) a. Ich rede über dein Benehmen. Ich rede dein Benehmen gut/klein/schön
		- b. Ich drücke auf den Deckel. Ich drücke den Deckel fest/kaputt/platt
		- c. Ich bete für den Gefangenen. Ich bete den Gefangenen frei/gesund.
	- b. Sie tanzt mit mir. Sie tanzt mich schwindlig.

# **Attested verbs**



### 9 Adverbial alternations


<sup>64</sup>Attested online at https://patents.google.com/patent/EP0104307A2/, accessed 8 September 2022.

<sup>65</sup>dwds: Der Tagesspiegel, 23.08.2003.

<sup>66</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 21.04.1997.

<sup>67</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 17.08.2004.

<sup>68</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 20.08.2016 (online).

<sup>69</sup>dwds: Der Tagesspiegel, 04.06.1999.

<sup>70</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 10.08.1995.

<sup>71</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 22.07.1999, Nr. 30.

<sup>72</sup>Attested online at https://www.ihre-kfo.de/verbesserung-des-kauverhaltens-durchzahnspange, accessed 31 August 2022.


### **Notes**

With some verbs, like *fallen* 'to fall' (86a), this diathesis appears to be more col- [9.115] loquial with the addition of a possessor-of-accusative dative (see Section 5.8.4). Note that the few attested examples suggest that this possessor dative is a reflexive pronoun, coreferencing the subject.

	- b. ? Ich falle meine Hose kaputt.
	- c. Ich falle mir die ('meine') Hose kaputt.
	- d. Als jemand der sich Handgelenk und insbesondere das Knie mit dem Rad kaputt gefallen hat: ich bin extrem froh, dass der Kopf heile geblieben ist.<sup>75</sup>

The resultative verb *freiboxen* 'to box somebody free' is also typically used [9.116] with an additional reflexive pronoun (87a), but it can also be used with an noncoreferential accusative (87b).

	- b. Denn in Chicago gibt es den Star‑Anwalt Flynn, der mit Riesen‑Publicity‑Shows vor Gericht Frauen freiboxt, die ihren Kerl erschossen haben.<sup>77</sup>

Some of these verbs, like *laufen* 'to run' (88a) allow for the addition of an [9.117] accusative result (88b), see Section 5.8.1. The diathesis between (88b) and (88c) then becomes an example of a object exchange, cf. Section 2.7.5.1.

	- b. Ich laufe den Marathon in meinen neuen Schuhen.
	- c. Ich laufe meine Schuhe beim Marathon platt/kaputt.

<sup>73</sup>Attested online at https://books.google.de/books?id=fJN7DwAAQBAJ&pg=PT133, accessed 31 August 2022.

<sup>74</sup>Attested online at https://www.urbia.de/forum/3-kleinkind/4331874-kind-drosseln-ruhigerwerden-so-erschoepft, accessed 31 August 2022.

<sup>75</sup>Attested online at https://www.reddit.com/r/Fahrrad/comments/vtyxw7/wie\_haltet\_ihr\_das\_ durch/, accessed 13 August 2022.

<sup>76</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 04.12.2000, Nr. 49.

<sup>77</sup>dwds: Der Tagesspiegel, 06.02.2003.

# **9.8.2 ø › obj : [ N– | NA ] Resultative object addition**

	- (89) a. Der Hund bellt.
		- b. Der Hund bellt die Kinder wach.
		- c. Der Hund bellt die Kinder aus dem Bett.

# **Attested verbs**



<sup>78</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 23.11.2007, Nr. 06.

<sup>79</sup>dwds: Pfeiffer, Ida: Eine Frauenfahrt um die Welt, Band 3. Wien, 1850.

<sup>80</sup>Attested online at https://www.zeit.de/2022/27/angela-merkel-aussenpolitik-russlandwladimir-putin#comments, accessed 31 August 2022.


### **Notes**

The verb *reden* 'to talk' is listed here in a special variant, namely *heißreden* 'to [9.119] arouse'. This verb is frequently used in collocation with an accusative *Kopf* 'head' and a reflexive possessor dative (90a). However, it is also attested with other objects (90b). Also note that there are various other resultative combinations with *reden* with a different diathesis (e.g. *gutreden, kleinreden, schönreden*). These all refer to the topic of the talk (discussed in the previous Section 9.8.1), different from *heißreden*.

	- b. Er redete die Spieler heiß.<sup>84</sup>

# **9.8.3 ø › obj › adj : [ NA– | NpA ]** *fest‑* **Object exchange**

This diathesis is yet another kind of object exchange, namely a joined mero- [9.120] nym. This is basically the reversal of the filled-holonym object exchange in Section 9.7.5. This diathesis applies to verbs of connection. After the diathesis the new accusative object is a component part ("meronym") that is attached to the old accusative object ("holonym"). In German I propose to use the term resultativ teil/fest-objekttausch for this diathesis.

For example, the verb *nähen* 'to sew' takes an accusative object in the role of [9.121] "sewee" (i.e. the thing that is being sewn together). However, there is a resultative diathesis *festnähen* 'to attach by sewing' (91b) that produces a sentence in which the accusative encodes another role, namely the attached object (here *Knopf* 'button') that is joined to something else by sewing (here *Hose* 'trousers'). This attachment location is marked by an *an* or *in* prepositional phrase, and it is optional (91c). This joined-meronym diathesis is similar to the diatheses discussed in Sections 6.8.8, 8.9.1.

<sup>81</sup>Attested online at https://www.fti.de/themenreisen/wellnessurlaub-harz.html, accessed 31 August 2022.

<sup>82</sup>dwds: Die Welt, 18.03.1999.

<sup>83</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 18.01.2017 (online).

<sup>84</sup>dwds: Der Tagesspiegel, 11.05.2001.

### 9 Adverbial alternations

	- b. Er näht den Knopf an seiner Hose fest.
	- c. Er näht den Knopf fest.

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**


# **9.9 Symmetrical diatheses**

[9.122] This section is currently empty. It is only included here to keep the numbering parallel in all chapters.

# **10 Light-verb alternations with** *Partizip*

# **10.1 Introduction**

In German there are many different constructions that consist of a participle com- [10.1] bined with an auxiliary-like light verb (i.e. a verb with limited lexical meaning). These include constructions without diathesis like the *haben+Partizip* perfekt (1a) and constructions with diathesis like the *werden+Partizip* vorgangspassiv (1b).

	- b. Der Brief wurde geschrieben.

The term "participle" (German *Partizip*) is used here as the name for a verbform [10.2] known in German grammar as *Partizip II* (e.g. *geschrieben* 'written'). There is another participle, known in German grammar as *Partizip I* (e.g. *schreibend* 'while writing'), but this wordform does not play any role in the marking of diathesis and will not be further discussed here. In consequence, the terms "participle" and *Partizip* as used in this book only refer to the *Partizip II*.

Diatheses consisting of a light verb with a participle are widely acknowledged [10.3] as crucial constructions of German grammar. Most prominently, the *werden+Partizip* passive is often seen as the quintessential example of a diathesis. Other similar constructions are also repeatedly discussed in grammatical descriptions of German, like the *sein+Partizip* passive (2a), known as zustandspassiv (see Section 10.5.16), and the *bekommen+Partizip* passive (2b), known as rezipientenpassiv (see Section 10.5.21). Many others are only sporadically discussed, like the *gehören+Partizip* passive (2c), here called normpassiv (see Section 10.5.18).

	- b. Er bekommt einen Brief geschrieben.
	- c. Dieser Brief gehört geschrieben.

This chapter is an attempt to provide a complete survey of all light-verb con- [10.4] structions with participles in German. Care has to be taken to distinguish lightverb constructions (3a) from constructions in which the participle is used adverbially as a depictive secondary predicate (3b). Both constructions superficially

look very similar, but can be distinguished by various syntactic characteristics (see Section 10.2.3).

	- b. Er hinterlässt das Haus verschlossen.
	- Existential verbs: *bleiben, lassen, machen, sein, werden*
	- Movement/Posture verbs: *gehen, kommen, liegen, setzen, stehen*
	- Give/Take verbs: *bekommen, erhalten, geben, kriegen, nehmen, zeigen*
	- Possession verbs: *finden, gehören, haben, halten*
	- Appearance verbs: *aussehen, erscheinen, scheinen, wirken*
	- Experience verbs: *glauben, sehen, wissen*
	- (sbj › ø) *werden* unpersönliches vorgangspassiv (see Section 10.5.1 ff.)
	- (obj › sbj › ø) *scheinen/erscheinen* inferenzantikausativ (see Section 10.5.10)
	- (obj › sbj › ø) *aussehen/wirken* sinnesantikausativ (see Section 10.5.11)
	- (obj › sbj › ø) *geben/zeigen* darstellungsantikausativ (see Section 10.5.12)
	- (obj › sbj › adj) *werden* vorgangspassiv (see Section 10.5.15)
	- (obj › sbj › adj) *sein* zustandspassiv (see Section 10.5.16)

# **10.2 Characterising participle constructions**

# **10.2.1 Identifying participles**

German participles – in German grammar idiosyncratically known as *Partizip II* [10.7] – can rather straightforwardly be identified by their morphology. This identification is complicated by the existence of a wide range of allomorphy, which will only be succinctly summarised here (cf. Duden-Grammatik 2009: 440, §613–614; Eisenberg 2006a: 201–202):


The allomorphs without prefix *ge‑* exhibit syncretism, because such participles [10.8] are identical to either a third person singular finite verb (when ending in *‑t*) or a first/third person plural finite verb (when ending in *‑en*). For example, in (4a) the wordform *verkauft* is a finite third person singular, while in (4b) it is a participle. Given that finite verbs show agreement with the subject, checking a different

subject easily differentiates between these two homonyms, e.g. in the first person singular the finite verb changes to *verkaufe* (4c), while the participle remains unchanged (4d).

	- b. Er hat das Haus verkauft.
	- c. Ich verkaufe das Haus.
	- d. Ich habe das Haus verkauft.

# **10.2.2 Syntactic functions of participles**

	- (5) a. Das geputzte Haus erstrahlt im Sonnenlicht.
		- b. Er verkauft das Haus geputzt.
		- c. Er hat das Haus geputzt.
		- d. Das Haus wird geputzt.

<sup>1</sup>Latzel (1977a: 73–76, citing and discussing data from Mater 1969) lists various verbs that do not allow for a participle. However, many examples are very unusual verbs (e.g. *ornamentieren, leiben*), and many others clearly have participles (e.g. *ankeuchen: er kommt angekeucht; gutachten: ich habe gegutachtet; worthalten: ich habe wortgehalten*). The best examples of verbs without participles appear to be verbs with incorporated objects (e.g. *bausparen, wettlaufen*) that neither can be used in finite forms, nor as participle, but only as an infinitive. In these examples it is even questionable whether these words should be classified as verbs at all. Still, some participles indeed appear to be very rare, like with *stammen, ? gestammt* 'to originate from' or *wogen, ? gewogt* 'to undulate'. However, examples are attested in corpora, e.g. *Wir haben keinen Hinweis darauf, woher der Geruch gestammt haben könnte* (dwds: Die Zeit, 29.12.2014 online) or *Getanzt wird auch im Stehen nicht, nur gewogt.* (dwds: Die Zeit, 16.04.2015, Nr. 16).

Arguably, these three functions are part of the spectrum of uses that are also [10.11] available to German adjectives, like *leer* 'empty' in (6). Basically then, participles are morphologically derived verb forms that are syntactically alike to adjectives.

	- b. Er verkauft das Haus leer.
	- c. Er macht das Haus leer.
	- d. Das Haus ist leer.

Not all participles can be used in all three syntactic functions, however. For [10.12] example, the participle *geschlafen* 'slept' (7) only allows for one of the contexts exemplified with *geputzt* in (5) above. Central to the discussion in this chapter is the fact that participles differ as to the kind of constructions in which they can occur.

	- b. \* Er beobachtet das Kind geschlafen.
	- c. Das Kind hat geschlafen.
	- d. \* Das Kind wird geschlafen.

Crucially, the adnominal (5a) and the depictive (5b) usage of participles are [10.13] not monoclausal. Both can be seen as alternative expressions of a relative subordinate clause. In contrast, the light-verb constructions with participles (5c,d) are monoclausal.

# **10.2.3 Depictively used participles**

Participles can be used adverbially, or, to be more precise, they can be used as [10.14] so-called depictive secondary predicates. A depictive (for short) is an adverbiallike element that modifies an argument of a sentence (see Section 9.2.3 for a detailed discussion of depictives).<sup>2</sup> For example in (8a) the participle *gebogen* 'to bend' functions syntactically like a modifier of the argument *Nägel* 'nails'. So this sentence is about 'bent nails' and not about doing something so that the nails are bent.<sup>3</sup> A crucial problem is that constructions with such modifying depictive participles (8a) are superficially highly similar to light-verb constructions (8b).

<sup>2</sup>The depictive usage is only adverbial in the sense "adverbial-at-large", not in the sense "adverbial-proper" (cf. Section 9.2.3). Actually, participles (i.e. *Partizip II*) do not appear to be possible in adverbial-proper function. In contrast, to so-called "present" participles (i.e. *Partizip I*, ending in *‑end*) can be used as an adverbial-proper, but that is a topic for another book.

<sup>3</sup>Not all verbs seem to be possible in this depictive participle construction, but I currently do not have any deeper insights into these restrictions. That seems to be a promising topic for further research.

	- b. Er hat die Nägel gebogen.
	- (9) a. Er bekommt ein Buch geschenkt.
		- b. (= Er bekommt ein Buch als Geschenk.)
		- c. (= Ihm wird ein Buch geschenkt.)
	- i. Leaving out the participle.
	- ii. Word order in subordinate clauses.
	- iii. Adding negation to the participle.
	- iv. The semantic scope of the participle.
	- v. Retention of arguments with the participle.
	- (10) a. Er verkauft die Nägel gebogen.
		- b. Er verkauft die Nägel.
		- c. Er verkauft die Nägel jetzt.
	- b. \* Er bekommt die Haare.
	- c. \* Er bekommt die Haare jetzt.

Second, depictive participles can be distinguished from light-verb construc- [10.18] tions by investigating the word order in subordinate constructions. Light-verb constructions (12a) obligatorily place the participle *geputzt* 'cleaned' directly in front of the finite light verb *bekommen* in a subordinate clause (12b). They cannot be separated (12c). In contrast, a depictive participle *geputzt* (13a) can occur adjacent to (13b) or separated from (13c) the main verb *kaufen* in a subordinate clause.

	- b. (Es ist bekannt, dass) er die Schuhe im Geschäft immer geputzt bekommt.
	- c. \* (Es ist bekannt, dass) er die Schuhe immer geputzt im Geschäft bekommt.
	- (= Er kauft die Schuhe, die immer geputzt sein müssen, im Geschäft.)
	- b. (Es ist bekannt, dass) er die Schuhe im Geschäft immer geputzt kauft.
	- c. (Es ist bekannt, dass) er die Schuhe immer geputzt im Geschäft kauft.

Third, secondary predication with participles can also be distinguished from [10.19] light-verb constructions by considering negation. Negation in sentences with a participle as a secondary predicate normally negates this secondary predicate itself (lexical scope), just like negation of adverbs (14a,b). With secondary predicates it is often even possible to use the prefix *un‑* to mark the lexical scope of the negation over the participle (14c). When the prefix *un‑* can be added, this is an easy test for secondary-predicate usage (Rothstein 2007a: 161–162). However, this test does not work in reverse (i.e. the impossibility to add *un‑* is not necessarily a sign of a light-verb construction), because many participles simply do not exist with the *un‑* prefix.

	- b. Er kauft die Schuhe nicht geputzt.
	- c. Er kauft die Schuhe ungeputzt.

In contrast, negation in a monoclausal light-verb construction with a partici- [10.20] ple has a wide scope reading over the whole sentence. For example, in (15a) the

verb *bekommen* has two different readings. Either, as in (15b), the verb *bekommen* is a full lexical verb with the meaning 'to get as a gift' and a narrow scope negation over the participle *nicht geputzt* (which is almost equivalent to *ungeputzt* 'uncleaned'), resulting in a meaning of 'he gets a gift of uncleaned shoes'. In this interpretation, the participle is a secondary predicate. Alternatively (15c), *bekommen* can be interpreted as a light verb with a meaning 'to get something done for you' with a full verb as participle *geputzt* 'cleaned'. Together with the wide scope negation the meaning of the sentence then becomes 'he doesn't manage to get his shoes cleaned'. In this interpretation, the participle is part of a light-verb construction *bekommen+Partizip*, see Section 10.5.21.

	- b. (= Er kriegt ein Geschenk, nämlich ungeputzte Schuhe.)
	- c. (= Er schafft es nicht seine Schuhe putzen zu lassen.)
	- (16) a. Der Doktor untersucht seine Patienten immer angekleidet.
		- b. Der Doktor wird von seinem Assistenten immer angekleidet.
	- b. (replacing *kaputt* with *Irgendjemand überlässt den Balkon dem Wetter*:)
		- Der Balkon sieht *dem Wetter überlassen* aus.
	- c. \* Der Balkon sieht überlassen aus.

Some more examples of such retained arguments are shown in (18) with in- [10.24] transitive (*quälen*) and reflexive (*sich fühlen*) main verbs, and prepositional (*von Schmerzen*) and dative (*dem Gericht*) retained arguments, respectively.

	- b. Der Beschuldigte fühlt sich *schlecht*. (replacing *schlecht* with *Er ist dem Militär eng verbunden*:) Der Beschuldigte fühlt sich *dem Militär eng verbunden*.

# **10.2.4 Adnominally used participles**

The first known observation of a restriction on German adnominal participle us- [10.25] age goes back to the *Sprachlehre* of Carl Friedrich Aichinger (1754: 282ff.). He reserves the term participium for those stems that allow for an adnominal usage of their participles, like with *eingeschlafen* in (19a). His rationale for this restriction is that "real" participles should allow for declension (like in Latin) and in German only the adnominal usage shows declension, be it minimal (viz. the suffix *‑e* in *eingeschlafene*). In contrast, participles that never occur adnominally, like *geschlafen* in (19b) are morphologically immutable in German. Inflected word forms like *geschlafene*, *geschlafenes* or *geschlafenen* do not exist in German.

	- b. \* Das geschlafene Kind schnarcht.

Aichinger proposes a separate name for such immutable participles like *ge-* [10.26] *schlafen*, namely supinum. This nomenclature is unfortunate, because the German participle has no relation at all to the Latin supine, neither formally nor functionally. Being criticised for this terminology, Aichinger in a later reply explains that he uses the term *Supinum* solely because the Latin supine is also an immutable verb from (Aichinger 1776: 627). Although there are many unfortunate terminological confusions in the history of linguistics, this usage of the term

*Supinum* is regrettably still around in German grammatical literature to this day (with a history of transmission that deserves more in-depth study), most forcefully reinforced by the usage of this term in Bech (1955) and the large literature building on that influential work.

	- (20) a. Sein Körper hat geschmerzt. Ähnlich ekstatisch *geschmerzte Körper* zeichneten der junge Kokoschka und Egon Schiele, als das Jahrhundert gerade begonnen hatte.<sup>4</sup>
		- b. Er hat über die Geschichte gelogen. Die offizielle, aber *gelogene Variante der Geschichte* hat ihn selber mehr ergriffen.<sup>5</sup>
	- (21) a. Er hat (die Worte) geweint. Ich höre laute Schreie und unverständlich *geweinte Worte* aus dem Nebenzimmer.<sup>6</sup>
		- b. Er hat (den Tanz) getanzt. Besonders der im Biedermeierkostüm *getanzte Aschenbrödeltanz* mit Vertonung von Zepler ergab wirkungsvolle Bilder.<sup>7</sup>

<sup>4</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 19.02.1988, Nr. 08.

<sup>5</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 08.05.2001.

<sup>6</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 11.01.2006, Nr. 02.

<sup>7</sup>dwds: Berliner Tageblatt (Abend-Ausgabe), 12.03.1918.

An even more intricate detail occurs with some movement verbs like *laufen* [10.29] 'to walk' that allow for a manner-of-movement diathesis (cf. Section 6.8.1). When used with a directional phrase like *nach Hause* 'home' such verbs take the auxiliary *sein* (22a) and then the participle together with the directional phrase can be used adnominally (22b). In contrast, the auxiliary *haben* seems incompatible with a directional phrase (22c) and the participle without the directional phrase cannot be used adnominally (22d).

	- b. Der nach Hause gelaufene Schüler weint.
	- c. Der Schüler hat \*(nach Hause) gelaufen.
	- d. \* Der gelaufene Schüler weint.

# **10.2.5 Lexical restrictions on participle constructions**

In recent years there has been an extensive discussion about two classes of in- [10.30] transitive verbs depending on their light-verb possibilities. This discussion originated with the discussion on the impersonal *werden* passive (see Section 10.5.1) in Perlmutter (1978). He introduced the terms unergative/unaccusative for intransitive verbs that do (unergative) or do not (unaccusative) allow for such impersonal passives (see Pullum 1988 for a discussion of the origin of the term and scholarly predecessors; for an early discussions in German, see Wunderlich 1985). The most extensive discussion of the grammatical possibilities of intransitives in German can be found in Grewendorf (1989), though unfortunately (and confusingly) using the term "ergative" for what Perlmutter calls "unaccusative".

Similar phenomena of splits in intransitives have long been recognised in the [10.31] typological literature under various names. Instead of unergative/unaccusative one can find active/inactive (Sapir 1917: 85), S<sup>a</sup> /S<sup>o</sup> (Dixon 1979: 70) or more mnemonic agentive/patientive (cf. Mithun 1991). These last terms will be used here. The term agentive is used here because the sole argument of an agentive intransitive verb is syntactically treated similar to the agent of a transitive verb. Likewise, The name patientive is used because the sole argument of patientive intransitive verb is syntactically treated similar to the patient of a transitive verb.

The basic proposal from Perlmutter (1978) is the unaccusative hypothesis. [10.32] This hypothesis proposes that the sole argument of certain intransitive verbs is underlyingly alike to a transitive object (i.e. patientive). Such verbs can be identified by various syntactic characteristics. For example, a patientive verb like *einschlafen* 'to fall asleep' combines with *sein* to form the perfect (23a) and not with *haben* (23b). Further, patientives do not allow for an impersonal *werden*

passive (23c), but they can be used adnominally (23d). In contrast, an agentive intransitive verb like *schlafen* 'to sleep' has the reversed distribution (24).

	- b. \* Das Kind hat eingeschlafen.
	- c. \* Jetzt wird eingeschlafen.
	- d. Das eingeschlafene Kind schnarcht.
	- b. Das Kind hat geschlafen.
	- c. Jetzt wird geschlafen.
	- d. \* Das geschlafene Kind schnarcht.


Table 10.1: Possible combinations of light-verbs with participles

[10.34] Looking even further, there are many more light-verb constructions besides *sein*, *haben* and *werden* that can be included. For example, *bleiben+Partizip* (see

Section 10.4.10) only seems possible with *einschlafen*, while *scheinen+Partizip* (see Section 10.4.14) seems possible with *einschlafen* and *fallen*, and *kommen+Partizip* (see Section 10.4.9) only applies to *fallen* and *klettern*. Also of interest in this context is the possibility of various impersonal diatheses (see e.g. Section 9.5.1 and Section 11.5.1). This chapter will not attempts to answer the question how many different such verb classes have to be distinguished in German, but only takes the first step of presenting a list of relevant constructions to be investigated further in future research.

# **10.2.6 Temporal interpretation of participle constructions**

The temporal interpretation of light-verb-plus-participle constructions is a [10.35] widely discussed topic (cf. Höhle 1978: 42; Nedjalkov 1988: 412; Maienborn 2008: 88; Businger 2011: 162, among many others). Using my own terms here, there is a recurrent observation of a difference between process-orientation (*Vorgangsausrichtung*) and result-orientation (*Zustandsausrichtung*). What is called "result-orientation" here is basically "perfect" in the sense of Comrie (1976: Ch. 3; cf. "perfect-resultative" in Nedjalkov 1988: 415). However, I will avoid the term "perfect" because in the German grammatical tradition there is a verbform called the *Perfekt* that, confusingly, is process-oriented and not perfect/resultoriented (see the end of this section).

Basically, a construction is process-oriented when the action (as described [10.36] by the verb) starts at the time reference as expressed in the sentence. Such constructions revolve around the process of the ongoing action. In contrast, a construction is result-oriented when the action is finished at the specified time reference. Such constructions focus on the result of the finished action. Before syntactically distinguishing these two options, a brief digression is needed to summarise the expression of time and tense in German.

German tense is marked obligatorily on all finite verbs. There are just two [10.37] possibilities, namely an opposition between non-past (i.e. present/future, called *Präsens* in the German tradition) and past (called *Präteritum* in German). Basically, these tenses are used according to their names. There is a conversational implicature (but no necessity) for past tense to indicate that an action has ended. Many further details about the use of these tenses are described in great length in every decent German grammar and will not be repeated here. All finite verbs are marked obligatorily as to tense, so with participle constructions tense is marked obligatorily on the finite light verb.

German time reference is marked by optional adverbial expressions. Although [10.38] syntactically optional, each sentence can be assumed to have such a time reference, either expressed explicitly or otherwise deducible from context. Such adverbial time is crucial for the current discussion, so I will give a slightly excessive summary of the different possibilities below. Time reference can be one of the following:

	- **–** past, e.g. *gestern, vor drei Tage*
	- **–** present, e.g. *jetzt, heute, im Moment*
	- **–** future, e.g. *morgen, in drei Tage, um drei Uhr*
	- **–** unbound, e.g. *immer, dauernd*
	- **–** bound (one-sided start), e.g. *seitdem, weiterhin, ab Freitag*
	- **–** bound (one-sided end), e.g. *bisher, bis in drei Stunden, immer noch*
	- **–** bound (two sided), e.g. *den ganzen Tag, drei Stunden lang*
	- **–** sudden, e.g. *plötzlich, schlagartig, auf einmal*
	- **–** gradual, e.g. *allmählich, schrittweise, nach und nach, in Zeitlupe*
	- **–** recurring, e.g. *regelmäßig, immer wieder, jeden Tag*
	- (25) participle time/tense rules
		- a. if: non-past time, then: non-past tense.
		- b. if: past time, then: past tense.
		- c. if: gradual time, then not: result-orientation.

As an illustration, consider the following *werden*-passive examples. The sen- [10.41] tences in (26a) show the restrictions with point time, while (26b) and (26c) show the independence of period/process time and paste/non-past tense. Note that the independence of time and tense entails that both kinds of marking add some facet to the overall meaning of the sentence. So different choices of tense really mean something different.

	- b. Sie wird/wurde dauernd verbessert. Sie wird/wurde seitdem zerstört. Sie wird/wurde bis jetzt nicht wieder repariert. Sie wird/wurde den ganzen Tag dem Wetter überlassen.
	- c. Sie wird/wurde plötzlich neu errichtet. Sie wird/wurde allmählich wieder wahrgenommen. Sie wird/wurde jeden Tag bewundert.

Returning now to the temporal structure of participle construction, a construc- [10.42] tion like the *werden+Partizip* passive above in (26) is a process-oriented construction because there are no further restrictions (except for the point-time/tense coupling). In contrast, the *bleiben+Partizip* construction as illustrated below in (27) is a result-oriented construction. The crucial difference is embodied by the restriction as stated above (25c): gradual time reference (here *allmählich* 'gradually') is incompatible with a result-oriented construction, as illustrated below in (27c).

	- b. Er bleibt/blieb dauernd geöffnet Er bleibt/blieb seitdem geöffnet. Er bleibt/blieb bis jetzt geöffnet. Er bleibt/blieb den ganzen Tag geöffnet.
	- c. Er bleibt/blieb plötzlich geschlossen. \*Er bleibt/blieb allmählich geschlossen. Er bleibt/blieb jeden Tag geschlossen.

This might look like a minor and somewhat random difference. Yet, although [10.43] it is indeed minor, it surely is not random. I have specifically selected this minor difference because it can be used as an indicator to distinguish the two classes.

### 10 Light-verb alternations withPartizip

It is a graduality test, so to speak.<sup>8</sup> The rationale behind this test is that with result-oriented constructions the action as described by the main verb is already finished at the start of the time reference. Being finished is incompatible with performing the action in a gradual way. In contrast, with process-oriented constructions the action starts at the specified time reference. Such an ongoing action can readily be combined with gradual time reference. As an aside, note that period-time reference is compatible with result-orientation (27b) because the expressed period (e.g. *seitdem* 'since') refers to the period that the finished result is kept in place and not to the period leading up to the finished result.

[10.44] This graduality test has a minor issue with punctual verbs like *treten* 'to kick' or *verwarnen* 'to reprimand'. The problem is that these actions are of a very short duration (hence "punctual"), so the start of the action practically coincides with the end of the action. Because it is rather hard to conceive of such a short action as gradual, adding a gradual time adverbial feels very artificial. The best solution I can offer for such verbs is to use the gradual adverbial *in Zeitlupe* 'in slow motion' to stretch out the perceived duration of the action. This is compatible with *werden+Partizip* (28a) but not with *bleiben+Partizip* (28b).

	- b. \* Der Spieler bleibt in Zeitlupe verwarnt.
	- (29) process-oriented constructions
		- a. emphhaben/sein perfect (Section 10.4)
		- b. *kommen* movement (Section 10.4.9)
		- c. *werden* passive (Section 10.5.15)
		- d. *gehören* passive (Section 10.5.18)
		- e. *bekommen/kriegen* passive (Section 10.5.21)
		- f. *(er)scheinen/aussehen/wirken* anticausative (Section 10.5.10)
		- g. *geben/zeigen* anticausative (Section 10.5.12)
		- h. *wissen/glauben/sehen/finden* novative (Section 10.6)

<sup>8</sup>This test was inspired by a different usage of gradual time by Latzel (1977a: 180).

	- a. *sein* passive (Sections 10.5.16, 10.5.23)
	- b. *haben* passive (Section 10.5.22)
	- c. *bleiben* anticausative (Section 10.5.17)
	- d. *halten* continuative (Section 10.4.12)
	- e. *lassen* continuative (Section 10.4.11)

Finally now, let me return to the *haben+Partizip* and *sein+Partizip* construc- [10.46] tions. First, these constructions are used for various different kinds of passives: the *Zustandspassiv* (Section 10.5.16), the *Erlebniskonversiv* (Section 10.5.23) and the *Pertinenzpassiv* (Section 10.5.22). These passives follow the general time/tense rules for participle constructions as discussed above, and these passives are all result-oriented.

In contrast, the *haben/sein+Partizip Perfekt* (see also the next Section 10.2.7) [10.47] is process-oriented, because it is compatible with a gradual time specification like *nach und nach* 'gradually' (31a). Additionally, the *Perfekt* has completely different time/tense rules from all other participle constructions. It cannot be used with future time reference (31b), and tense marking is not correlated with time reference. As a result, the *Perfekt* can be used with a combination of past time and *Präsens* tense marking (31c). This combination is otherwise completely unattested in German participle constructions, and it is thus reliable indicator of a *Perfekt* construction.

	- b. \* Ich habe das Haus morgen gekauft.
	- c. Ich habe das Haus gestern gekauft.

# **10.2.7** *haben+Partizip* **and** *sein+Partizip* **as a unified construction**

The combination of the light verbs *haben* and *sein* with a participle is tradition- [10.48] ally considered to be a single tense/aspect construction, called perfekt in the German grammatical terminology. Given the latinate origin of much of modern grammatical theory, the wish for a unified German equivalent of the inflectional Latin perfectum is perfectly understandable. However, it is far from obvious that this German *Perfekt* is a unified construction. It is mostly simply assumed "from tradition" that both *haben+Partizip* and *sein+Partizip* are a single construction. In this section I will present some arguments in favour of this analysis. The detailed discussion of the distrubution of *haben* vs. *sein* is presented in Section 10.4.1 and subsequent sections.


[10.51] The universal applicability of the *Perfekt* is known to have been developed in the late Middle Ages and was only completed in the 16th century with the development of a *haben+Partizip* construction for the *Modalverben* (Fischer 2020: 258).<sup>9</sup> However, examples of a *Perfekt* with various *Modalverben* are still really rare in German. For example, only a few examples of *haben gedurft* are attested in the dwds corpus, almost exclusively with *haben* in the *Konjunktiv*. 10

[10.52] There is a lot of fluidity in the temporal interpretation of the *Perfekt*, with much dialectal variation, ongoing change, and idiosyncratic diversity (Fischer 2020). Basically, the *Perfekt* in contemporary German is very close to the simple past (*Präteritum*) and seems to replace it in various contexts. Also, while this constructions is called *Perfekt*, it is clearly not marking a grammatical perfect aspect (see Section 10.2.6). Additionally, the temporal structure of the *Perfekt* is completely exceptional compared to all other participle constructions. First, it can-

<sup>9</sup> Fischer writes: "Ab 1300 und häufiger erst ab 1400 bildet auch das Verb *haben* Perfektformen (*hat gehabt*). Perfektbildungen der Modalverben sind erst ab Anfang des 16. Jahrhunderts belegt, wobei diese im Mittelhochdeutschen noch verschiedene Konkurrenzformen haben […]. Erst dann hat die Perfektgrammatikalisierung alle Verben des Deutschen erfasst und ist vollständig vollzogen." (Fischer 2020)

<sup>10</sup>For example, the search "@gedurft haben" gives 60 hits in the *Referenz- und Zeitungskorpora* (available at https://www.dwds.de/d/korpora/public). Only three of those are not in the *Konjunktiv*, and one of those appears to be an error. Similarly, the search "haben #4 @gedurft" gives 64 hits with only 5 not in the *Konjunktiv*. All searcher were performed on 21 September 2022.

not be used with point-time reference to the future, e.g. *morgen* 'tomorrow' (32a) and, second, any inflectional tense marking is independent from time reference. As a result, the *Perfekt* can be used with a combination of past time reference (e.g. *gestern* 'yesterday') and *Präsens* tense marking (32b). These characteristics are otherwise completely unattested in German participle constructions, and it is thus reliable indicator of a *Perfekt* construction.

	- b. Ich habe das Haus gestern gekauft.

# **10.2.8 Different diatheses with the same light verb**

Many light-verb constructions with participles will be discussed in more than [10.53] one subsection in this chapter. This is necessary because many light-verb constructions show different sentence alternations for verbs with different valency. Typically, participles of intransitive and participles of transitive verbs will lead to different alternations. For example, some intransitive verbs, like *schlafen* 'to sleep' (33a), allow for an *werden* impersonal passive in which the nominative argument is dropped (see Section 10.5.1). In contrast, with many transitive verbs, like *putzen* 'to clean' (33b), the *werden* passive shows a different diathesis in which the accusative is turned into a nominative (see Section 10.5.15).

	- b. Irgendjemand putzt das Haus. Das Haus wird geputzt.

There are many different such "repeated" light-verb constructions. A recur- [10.54] ring phenomenon, exemplified here with the light-verb construction with *bleiben*, is one in which intransitives show no diathesis (34a), see Section 10.4.10, while transitives display an anticausative diathesis (34b), see Section 10.5.17. This combination will be called absolutive here, calling on the "ergative/absolutive" terminology as used in linguistic typology. This affinity of intransitive subjects to transitive objects is also reminiscent of the unaccusative hypothesis discussed previously, which proposes that some intransitive subjects are underlyingly objects. However, these absolutive phenomena are not uniform in German grammar. Exactly which verbs are amenable for which constructions appears to be rather unpredictable (or maybe better: "lexically dependent"), and the survey in this chapter is proposed to be a step towards a more precise understanding the such constructional distributions.

### 10 Light-verb alternations withPartizip

	- b. Irgendjemand schließt den Schrank. Der Schrank bleibt geschlossen.
	- i. the *sein-Perfekt* (35a) with some intransitives like *einschlafen* 'to fall asleep', see Section 10.4.2,
	- ii. the *sein-Zustandspassiv* (35b) with some transitives like *waschen* 'to wash', see Section 10.5.16,
	- iii. the *sein-Erlebniskonversiv* (35c) with a restricted set of experiencer transitives like *erstaunen* 'to astonish', see Section 10.5.23 and
	- iv. *sein* adjectival predication, like with *wach* 'awake' (35d), see Section 10.2.9.
	- (35) a. Der Junge schläft ein. Der Junge ist eingeschlafen.
		- b. Irgendjemand wäscht den Jungen. Der Junge ist gewaschen.
		- c. Die Strafe erstaunt den Jungen. Der Junge ist erstaunt (über die Strafe).
		- d. Der wache Junge läuft. Der Junge ist wach.

Second, transitive verbs like *aufheben* 'to preserve' (36b) are passivised before the opinionator is added as subject Section 10.6.5.

	- b. Das Archiv hebt den Nachlass auf. Der Großvater wusste den Nachlass im Archiv gut aufgehoben.

In contrast to the previous examples, the separation between structurally sim- [10.58] ilar constructions becomes critical when there is no complementary distribution, but possible ambiguity. For example, there are two clearly different constructions of *haben* with a participle, and some verbs can occur in both constructions, leading to possibly ambiguous sentences, exemplified here with *schneiden* 'to cut'. First, there is the *haben-Perfekt* (37a), see Section 10.4 and second the *haben-Pertinenzdativ* (37b), see Section 10.5.22. There is a crucial difference here in who is doing the cutting, as disambiguated by the words in brackets.

	- b. Der Friseur hat die Haare geschnitten (bekommen).

An exceedingly complex situation occurs with the light verb *machen*, which [10.59] induces many different diatheses depending on the main verb. Fehrmann (2018) extensively describes *machen* constructions with adjectives, but he seems to have completely ignored the complex situation with participles. There appear to be at least the following five different possibilities:


### 10 Light-verb alternations withPartizip

	- b. Ich begehre den Job wegen der Bezahlung. Die Bezahlung macht den Job begehrt.
	- c. Die Polizei verdächtigt ihn. Er macht sich bei der Polizei verdächtigt.
	- d. Ich eigne mich durch meine Qualifikation für den Job. Die Qualifikation macht mich geeignet für den Job.
	- e. Er vergisst den Verlust. Ich mache den Verlust (bei ihm) vergessen.

# **10.2.9 Adjectives in light-verb constructions**

	- (39) a. Mein Fahrrad ist schmutzig.
		- b. Mein Fahrrad bleibt schmutzig.
		- c. Mein Fahrrad wird schmutzig.
	- (40) a. Mein Fahrrad wirkt schmutzig.
		- b. Mein Fahrrad scheint schmutzig.
		- c. Mein Fahrrad erscheint schmutzig.
		- d. Mein Fahrrad sieht schmutzig aus.

The light verb *geben* (with obligatory reflexive pronoun) can be used with par- [10.63] ticiples (see Section 10.5.12) and adjectives (41) without any apparent differences.

	- b. Er gibt sich weltoffen.

The light verbs *machen*, *lassen*, *halten* and *finden* are both used with adjectives [10.64] and participles. With adjectives they all induce a novative alternation, i.e. a new subject role is added (see Section 2.7.3.2). However, with participles they lead to different kinds of diatheses.

	- b. Ich lasse die Tür offen. Ich lasse die Tür geschlossen.
	- c. Ich halte den Kaffee warm. Ich halte die Tür geschlossen.
	- d. Ich mache mein Fahrrad schmutzig. Der Verlust macht mich betroffen.

The combination of *haben* with predicative adjectives (43) does not show any [10.65] relationship to the *haben+Partizip* perfect, see Section 10.4.1. However, it is possible to draw a connection to the other *haben+Partizip* construction, namely the

dative passive (43b), see Section 10.5.22. In both constructions the new subject is an experiencer, who is also the possessor of the object (*Rechnung, Haare*).

	- b. Sie hat die Haare geschnitten. (= Ihre Haare sind geschnitten.)

# **10.3 Deponent verbs**

	- Some participles have an idiomatic meaning that is not transparently related to the meaning of the morphologically corresponding finite verb (see Section 10.3.1).
	- Some participles are derived from loanwords, but the corresponding finite verb does not exist (see Section 10.3.2).
	- Some participles are derived from nouns, and the corresponding finite verb does not exist (see Section 10.3.3).
	- Some participles might seem to be regular participles of verbs with a preverb, but the corresponding verb does not exist as a finite verb – only the verb without the preverb exists in finite form (see Section 10.3.4).

# **10.3.1 Idiomatic meaning of participles**

[10.68] Some participles have obtained a specialised idiomatic meaning, different from the finite use of the verb. For example *verwenden* 'to plead for' with participle *verwandt* (44a) has given rise to a completely separate participle *verwandt* 'to be

related' (44b).<sup>11</sup> Similarly idiomatic are the participles *verrückt* 'crazy' from *verrücken* 'to relocate' (45a), *verklemmt* 'prudish' from *verklemmen* 'to get jammed' (45b) and *abgestanden* 'flat, stale' from *abstehen* 'to stand out' (45c). The extreme consequence of such an idiomatic meaning of a participle would be a participle without any finite corresponding verb, which could arise when the original verb is lost. I have not been able to find any convincing examples of this in contemporary German.

	- b. Wir sind verwandt.
	- b. Er ist verklemmt.
	- c. Das Bier ist abgestanden.

The verb *regnen* 'to rain' is of course a completely normal finite verb in Ger- [10.69] man, typically used with a non-phoric pronoun *es* (46a). However, there is a special usage of this verb with an animate subject and an obligatory manner adverbial (cf. Section 9.3.1) that can be used as a participle *geregnet* (46b), but not as a finite verb (46c). This special usage could be a participle derived from the noun *Regen* 'rain' instead, as discussed in Section 10.3.3 below.

	- b. Ich bin nass geregnet.
	- c. \* Ich regne nass.

The participle *bekannt* 'well-known' appears to be morphologically derived [10.70] from *bekennen* 'to confess', although the meaning of the participle is related to *kennen* 'to know', which has a participle *gekannt*. Such examples are discussed in Section 10.3.4 below.

	- b. Der Schauspieler ist bekannt/\*gekannt.

# **Attested verbs**

• *geregnet, verdutzt, verrückt, verklemmt, verwandt*

<sup>11</sup>Unrelated, there is also a separate verb *verwenden* meaning 'to utilise' with a different participle *verwendet*.

# **Notes**

	- (48) a. Der Anblick entsetzt ihn. Der Anblick hat ihn entsetzt.
		- b. Er ist entsetzt.
		- c. Bei Wind verfrieren die Wangen in kürzester Zeit.<sup>13</sup>
		- d. Meine Wangen sind verfroren.

# **10.3.2 Deponent participles from loanwords**


# **Attested verbs**

• *alkoholisiert, motorisiert, dezidiert, deplatziert, detailliert, kariert, versiert, pointiert*

<sup>12</sup>Attested at https://www.dwds.de/wb/verfroren, accessed 21 September 2022.

<sup>13</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 10.01.1997, Nr. 03.

<sup>14</sup>This participle has no prefix *ge‑* because of the general German rule that verbs with non-initial stress do not get a prefix (Wiese 1996: 92). With these loan verbs, the suffix *‑ier* is always stressed, so there is never any prefix.

# **10.3.3 Deponent participles from nouns**

There exist various German words that are clearly participles in form, but their [10.74] stems are nouns and not finite verbs (cf. Haig 2005: 119). This might look like conversion, but it is not. The wholesale (zero-marked) conversion of nouns into finite verbs is clearly attested in German (e.g. *ölen* 'to apply oil' from the noun *Öl*, 'oil'), but this is far from as productive as in English.

In contrast, the participles that are of interest here do not exist as finite verbs, [10.75] i.e. there are no German verbs *blumen* 'to put flowers on something' or *flügeln* 'to put wings on something, but the participles *geblümt* 'flowered' (from noun *Blume* 'flower') and *geflügelt* 'winged' (from noun *Flügel* 'wing') are perfectly possible. Semantically, the noun-based participles express a kind of possessive relationship "subject exists with noun". For example, *geblümt* means 'to exist with flowers applied to it'.

Further, various participles are derived from nouns using verb prefixes *be‑* [10.76] and *ver-*. As discussed earlier, it is a relatively widespread phenomenon for finite verbs to be derived from nominal stems using these prefixes (see Section 8.2.3). For example, the verb *vergiften* 'to poison' is derived from the noun *Gift* 'poison' without any verb like *giften* in between (49a,b). As a consequence, the participle *vergiftet* also exist (49c).

	- b. Sie vergiftet ihn.
	- c. Er ist vergiftet.

Differently, the participle *verhasst* 'hated' appears to be derived from the noun [10.77] *Hass* 'hate', but actually both are derived from the verb *hassen* 'to hate' (51a). However, the verb *verhassen* cannot be used as a finite verb (51b), only as a participle (51c). These examples are discussed in Section 10.3.4 below.

	- b. \* Sie verhasst ihn.
	- c. Er ist verhasst.

### **Attested verbs**

• ge-: *geädert, geblümt, gebrandmarkt, gebuchtet, gefenstert, gefiedert, gefleckt, geflügelt, gehandikapt, gehenkelt, gehörnt, gelaunt, gemustert, genarbt, genoppt, gepunktet, gerädert, gerahmt, gerippt, geschweift, gesittet, gestreift, gewitzt, gewürfelt, gezackt*


# **Notes**

	- (51) a. Die Streifen zackten sich über Schuhe, Bänke, Tische, Mäntel, Bettgitter.<sup>15</sup>
		- b. Man schweifte wie auf einem riesigen Schuttplatz jenseits der Ränder der bekannten Welt.<sup>16</sup>
	- (52) a. Ich bin gut gelaunt.
		- b. \* Ich laune gut.

# **10.3.4 Deponent participles with preverbs**

[10.80] Words like *einverstanden* 'agreed' (53a) look morphologically like a regular participle from a verb *einverstehen*. However, that verb does not exist (53b), only the non-prefixed verb *verstehen* exists. Latzel (1977a: 79–80) discussed various examples with the preverb *aus‑* and Rothstein (2007a: 162) lists examples with the preverb *an‑* that only occur in construction with light verb *kommen* (see Section 10.4.9). Participles with preverbs that do not have a corresponding finite verb

<sup>15</sup>dwds: Fichte, Hubert: Das Waisenhaus, Frankfurt a. M.: Fischer-Taschenbuch-Verl. 1988 [1965], S. 139.

<sup>16</sup>dwds: Jünger, Ernst: In Stahlgewittern, Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta 1994 [1920], S. 110.

appear to be a common phenomenon and the participles listed here should only to be taken as illustrative examples.

	- b. \* Ich verstehe ein.

# **Attested verbs**


# **10.4 Alternations without diathesis**

# **10.4.1 [ N | N ]** *haben+Partizip* **Intransitive perfect**

Many intransitive verbs have a perfect with the auxiliary *haben*, like *lachen* 'to [10.81] laugh' (54a). Typically, the participle of such verbs cannot be used adnominally (54b), see Section 10.2.4, but the impersonal *werden* passive is possible (54c), see Section 10.5.1.

	- b. \* Die gelachte Schüler sind froh.
	- c. Heute wurde viel gelacht.

Although verbs with a *haben* perfect are often though of as "agentive" verbs, [10.82] there are many semantically non-agentive verbs, for example describing bodily processes (like *bluten* 'to bleed') or bodily sensations (like *jucken* 'to itch') that also take *haben* in the perfect.

# **Attested verbs**


# **10.4.2 [ N | N ]** *sein+Partizip* **Intransitive perfect**

	- (55) a. Der Gefangene flüchtet. Der Gefangene ist geflüchtet.
		- b. Der geflüchtete Gefangene wurde wieder gefasst.
		- c. ? Heute wird geflüchtet.

# **Attested verbs**



# **10.4.3 [ N | N ]** *haben/sein+Partizip* **Intransitive perfect**

	- (56) a. Das Holz war nicht brauchbar, es hat zu sehr gesplittert.<sup>17</sup> Die Fensterscheibe ist in tausend Scherben gesplittert.<sup>18</sup>

<sup>17</sup>Attested online at the dwds dictionary at https://www.dwds.de/wb/splittern, accessed 21 September 2022.

<sup>18</sup>Attested online at the dwds dictionary at https://www.dwds.de/wb/splittern, accessed 21 September 2022.

b. Blut und Fleischinfus, das längere Zeit gefault hat, scheint weniger schädlich zu wirken.<sup>19</sup> Und wir haben gehungert, so gehungert, daß mir das Fleisch am Leibe gefault ist.<sup>20</sup>

The faint semantic difference indicates that the *sein* perfect with these verbs [10.87] is closely related to the *sein* passive, which also is used to express a result (cf. Section 10.5.16). And indeed, the graduality test also seems to apply (cf. Section 10.2.6), namely the *sein+Partizip* construction is incompatible with a gradual time specification like *langsam* 'slowly', as illustrated with *rosten* 'to rust' in (57).

	- b. Die Fässer sind mittlerweile so stark gerostet, daß Giftdämpfe entweichen.<sup>22</sup>
	- c. Die Fässer haben langsam gerostet.
	- d. \* Die Fässer sind langsam gerostet.

A similar situation is attested with a few incidental verbs describing mental [10.88] states, like *verzweifeln* 'to despair'. Interpreted as a state, this verb takes a *sein* perfect (58a). However, when interpreted as a process leading to this state, this verb takes a *haben* perfect (58b).

	- b. Und ich steh hier am teuflischen 17. Loch, wo so viele verzweifelt haben.<sup>23</sup>

Other than these, all examples of intransitive verbs with both a *haben* and a [10.89] *sein* perfect exist because of a diathesis that is productively applied to these verbs. There are two diatheses involved, namely the manner-of-movement diathesis (Section 6.8.1) and the unmarked anticausative diathesis (Section 5.5.5). These two phenomena will briefly be summarised here.

<sup>19</sup>dwds: Koch, Robert: Untersuchung über die Aetiologie der Wundinfectionskrankheiten. Leipzig, 1878.

<sup>20</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 30.09.1988, Nr. 40.

<sup>21</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 09.02.2015 (online).

<sup>22</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 03.06.1988, Nr. 23.

<sup>23</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 04.01.2001, Nr. 02.

10 Light-verb alternations withPartizip

	- (59) a. Er wackelt mit dem Schwanz. Er hat mit dem Schwanz gewackelt.
		- b. Er wackelt durch den Garten. Er ist durch den Garten gewackelt.
	- (60) a. Es stürmt. Es hat gestürmt.
		- b. Sie stürmen in den Saal. Sie sind in den Saal gestürmt.
	- (61) a. Die Oma kocht eine Suppe. Die Oma hat eine Suppe gekocht. Die Suppe ist gekocht.
		- b. Die Suppe kocht. Die Suppe hat gekocht.

<sup>24</sup>There also seems to be some dialectal and idiolectal variation as to the choice of *haben* vs. *sein* with movement verbs. This needs more in-depth investigation.

A similar diathesis is attested with some of the anticausative verbs with oblig- [10.93] atory location like *kleben* 'to stick to' (62), see Section 6.5.10.

	- b. Der Teller klebt am Tisch. Der Teller hat am Tisch geklebt.

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**


Es ist die monatelange Stimmungsmache gegen Flüchtlinge, die den Hass säte, der in Tröglitz nun in Flammen gemündet ist.<sup>27</sup>

<sup>25</sup>dwds: Wander, Karl Friedrich Wilhelm (Hrsg.): Deutsches Sprichwörter-Lexikon. Bd. 5. Leipzig, 1880.

<sup>26</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 08.11.2015 (online).

<sup>27</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 04.04.2015 (online).

### **Notes**

	- (63) a. Sie fand, daß er in der letzten Zeit stark gealtert hatte.<sup>28</sup>
		- b. Denn der eigentliche Zauber einer Oase erschließt sich nur demjenigen, der zuvor einige Stunden in der Sonne gedorrt hat.<sup>29</sup>

# **10.4.4 [ N | N ]** *haben/sein+Partizip* **Reflexive intransitive perfect**

	- (64) a. Der Zug hat sich verspätet.
		- b. Der Zug ist verspätet.
	- (65) a. Der Zug hat sich schrittweise immer mehr verspätet.
		- b. \* Der Zug ist schrittweise immer mehr verspätet.

<sup>28</sup>dwds: Die Grenzboten. Jg. 70, 1911, Viertes Vierteljahr.

<sup>29</sup>dwds: Der Tagesspiegel, 19.04.1997.

Section 7.5.2). Such verbs occur in transitive constructions, which allow for an intransitive *Zustandspassiv* with *sein* (66a). Alternatively, such verbs have an intransitive usage with a reflexive pronoun with a *haben* perfect (66b). In effect, there are two different intransitive participle constructions, one with *haben* and a reflexive pronoun (66b) and one with *sein* without a reflexive pronoun (66a). Again, gradual time (*schrittweise*) is not possible with *sein+Partizip*. Note that gradual time is possible with the addition of *worden*, but that is a completely different construction (see Section 10.5.16 for a discussion of the difference).

	- b. Der Schrank schließt sich. Der Schrank hat sich (schrittweise) geschlossen

A similar situation also occurs with many (though not all) endoreflexive verbs [10.98] (cf. Section 7.7.1) like *entblößen* 'to undress' (67a), resulting in both an intransitive reflexive *haben* perfect (67b) and an intransitive non-reflexive *sein* construction (67c). The *sein* construction is not compatible with gradual time specification, so it is similar to a *Zustandspassiv*.

	- b. Der Patient hat sich (allmählich) entblößt.
	- c. Der Patient ist (\*allmählich) entblößt.

Likewise, some verbs allow for both a reflexive conversive (*Reflexiv Erlebnis-* [10.99] *konversiv*, see Section 7.5.6) and also a *sein+Partizip* passive (*Zustandspassiv*, see Section 10.5.16). When both are possible, then such verbs have both a *sein* and a *haben* intransitive construction. For example *aufregen* 'to upset' is such a verb (68a). This verb allows for a conversive diathesis with a reflexive pronoun, which in turn takes a *haben* perfect (68b). However, there is also a *sein* passive without reflexive pronoun (68c), which is best analysed as the *Zustandspassiv* of the original transitive construction (68a) because it does not allow for gradual time.

	- b. Er regt sich auf (über den Lärm). Er hat sich aufgeregt (über den Lärm).
	- c. Er ist (\*schrittweise) aufgeregt (wegen des Lärms).

[10.100] The verbs below are repeated from the previous sections in which the various phenomena are discussed in detail. However, only those verb are listed here that actually allow for both the intransitive *haben* reflexive participle construction and the intransitive *sein* participle construction. It remains an interested topic for more research why not all verbs from the relevant sections allow for both.

### **Attested verbs**



# **10.4.5 [ ND | ND ]** *haben+Partizip* **Dative perfect**

Verbs with a dative argument are strictly split between *sein* and *haben*. There [10.101] do not appear to be any verbs that allow for both. The grammatical status of the datives is slightly different among these verbs (see Sections 5.3.5, 5.7.4, 6.7.10, 8.8.13 for detailed discussion). Similar to intransitives, the dative verbs with a *haben* perfect, like *antworten* 'to answer' (69a), do not allow for a construction with an adnominal participle (69b), but the impersonal *werden* passive is possible (69c).

	- b. \* Der geantwortete Student ist zufrieden.
	- c. Heute wird dem Studenten geantwortet.

# **Attested verbs**

• *ähneln, angehören, antworten, beiliegen, beipflichten, bevorstehen, dienen, einleuchten, entsprechen, fehlen, gefallen, gehören, gelten, gleichen, gratulieren, helfen, imponieren, kündigen, liegen (natürliche Begabung), missfallen, nacheifern, passen, schaden, schmecken, sitzen (passen), trauen, vertrauen, zuhören, zureden*

# **10.4.6 [ ND | ND ]** *sein+Partizip* **Dative perfect**

Similar to intransitives, the dative-verbs with a *sein+Partizip* perfekt, like *gelin-* [10.102] *gen* 'to succeed' (70a), all appear to allow for a construction with an adnominal participle (70b), while the impersonal *werden* passive is not possible (70c). Among these verbs, there are very many with the *ent‑* prefix. Other than that special group, there does not appear to be any obvious semantic differentiation between the nominative+dative verbs that take *sein+Partizip* vs. those that take *haben+Partizip* (as discussed in the previous section).

	- b. Das gelungene Gemälde ist schön.
	- c. \* Heute wird mir gelungen.

# **Attested verbs**


# **Notes**

	- (71) a. […] wenn China und Nordkorea den Empfehlungen der Kommission gefolgt hätte.<sup>30</sup>
		- b. [Sie] hätten nur Befehlen gefolgt.<sup>31</sup>
		- c. Er nannte Beispiele, wie er während seiner Präsidentschaft Notständen begegnen mußte und begegnet habe.<sup>32</sup>

# **10.4.7 [ NP | NP ]** *sein+Partizip* **Governed preposition perfect**

[10.104] Almost all verbs with governed prepositions take a *haben* perfect, and these will not be separately listed here. Only a small group take a *sein+Partizip* perfect, for example *scheitern an* 'to fail' (72a). Only very few examples of obligatory local prepositions belong in this category, like *einziehen* 'enter' (72b).

<sup>30</sup>dwds: Archiv der Gegenwart, 2001 [1953]. Note the error in the verb agreement, which is like this in the original.

<sup>31</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 27.10.2017 (online).

<sup>32</sup>dwds: Archiv der Gegenwart, 2001 [1952].

	- b. Die Sportler zogen in das Stadion ein. Die Sportler sind in das Stadion eingezogen.

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**


# **10.4.8 [ NA | NA ]** *sein+Partizip* **Transitive perfect**

Almost all transitive (nominative+accusative) verbs take a *haben* perfect, and [10.105] these will not be separately listed here. There is only a small group of transitive verbs that use *sein* in the perfect, like *angehen* 'to tackle' or *loswerden* 'to get rid of' (cf. Grewendorf 1989: 9; Strobel 2008: 102, 107ff.).

	- b. Ich bin den Verfolger losgeworden.

Movement verbs with the separable preverbs *ab‑* (in the meaning 'along') and [10.106] *durch‑* (with the meaning 'through') appear to be quite productive in producing transitive verbs with a *sein* Perfect. For example, a verb like *abkriechen* 'to crawl along' does not appear in regular German lexical resources, but can productively be created and seems to take quite naturally a perfect with *sein* (74a). Similarly, the somewhat more widespread verb *durchkriechen* 'to crawl through' also takes *sein* in the perfect (74b).

### 10 Light-verb alternations withPartizip

	- b. Sobald man das Loch durchgekrochen ist, hat man einen grandiosen Blick auf das schöne Gletscherpanorama.<sup>34</sup>
	- (75) a. Deinen Hals ist es hochgekrochen.<sup>35</sup>
		- b. Der Kleine war aufgestanden und die Stiege hinuntergerannt.<sup>36</sup>
		- c. Schließlich waren sie einen Hügel hinaufgegangen ins Iglu-Dorf.<sup>37</sup>
	- (76) a. Ich habe den Marathon gelaufen. Ich bin den Marathon gelaufen.
		- b. Ich habe einen Salto gesprungen. Daß ich den Weltrekord nicht gesprungen bin, ist nicht so schlimm.<sup>38</sup>


<sup>33</sup>Attested online at https://www.wohnmobilforum.de/w-t88559,start,45.html, accessed 23 April 2021.

<sup>34</sup>Attested online at https://sac-saas.ch/24-02-2020-hangende-gletscher/, accessed 23 April 2021. <sup>35</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 12.02.2013, Nr. 6.

<sup>36</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 07.04.2004, Nr. 16.

<sup>37</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 15.10.2009, Nr. 43.

<sup>38</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 26.01.1998.

# **Further examples**


# **10.4.9 [ N | N ]** *kommen+(an-)+Partizip* **Movement towards**

The *kommen+Partizip* construction (77) is used to convey that the subject is ap- [10.109] proaching while performing a specific kind of movement. It is very similar to a main verb *kommen* 'to come' with a secondary adverbial predicate (78). Rothstein (2007a; 2011) observed various structural differences between these constructions (see also the general discussion about participles as secondary predicates in Section 10.2.3). The *kommen+Partizip* construction, like with *hüpfen* 'to hop', can be identified by the impossibility of adding the negating *un‑* prefix to the participle (77b) and by the clause-final position of the participle (77c,d). With secondary predicates like *verkleidet* 'dressed up' these syntactic characteristics are reversed (78b–d).

	- b. \* Er kommt ungehüpft.
	- c. Er kommt aus seinem Zimmer gehüpft.
	- d. \* Er kommt gehüpft aus seinem Zimmer.

<sup>39</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 28.07.2001.

<sup>40</sup>dwds: Stucken, Eduard: Die weißen Götter, Stuttgart: Stuttgarter Hausbücherei (1960, 1919), S. 223.

<sup>41</sup>Attested online at https://www.frankenjura.com/klettern/kommentare/poi/13198, accessed 18 September 2022.

<sup>42</sup>Attested online at https://www.harpercollins.de/products/feels-like-love-9783745752526, accessed 20 September 2022.

	- b. Er kommt unverkleidet.
	- c. \* Er kommt aus seinem Zimmer verkleidet.
	- d. Er kommt verkleidet aus seinem Zimmer.
	- (79) a. Er kommt froh, springend und verkleidet.
		- b. \* Er kommt froh, springend und gehüpft.
		- c. \* Er kommt verkleidet und gehüpft.
	- (80) a. Er kommt den Berg herabgelaufen.
		- b. Er kam mir nachgelaufen.
	- (81) a. Er kommt angeritten. (= Er geht reitend irgendwohin.)
		- b. Er kommt angekeucht. (= Er geht keuchend irgendwohin.)
	- b. Er kocht die Rüben. Die Rüben kommen (un)gekocht.
	- c. Er schreibt einen Brief. Sein Brief kam schon fertig geschrieben bei mir auf den Tisch.

# **Attested Verbs**


# **Further Example**


# **10.4.10 [ N | N ]** *bleiben+Partizip* **Continuative**

The *bleiben+Partizip* construction can be used with transitive verbs leading to a [10.114] passive diathesis (see Section 10.5.17), and with intransitive verbs, but then without any diathesis (this section). For example, intransitive verbs like *verschwinden* 'to vanish, to go missing' (83a) or *zufrieren* 'to freeze over' (83b) allow for this epithesis. There is a close connection to the *sein+Partizip* passive construction, though with an added notion of continuation.

	- b. Der Binnensee ist zugefroren. Weihnachten rückt näher, und der Binnensee bleibt zugefroren.<sup>44</sup>

<sup>43</sup>Thomas Mann, cited from (Rothstein 2007a: 161).

<sup>44</sup>Attested online at https://www.haz.de/Umland/Wunstorf/Nachrichten/Inselvogt-Zobel-von-Feuerwehr-gerettet, accessed 16 July 2021.

	- (84) a. ? Das Buch bleibt verbrannt. Die Haut bleibt verbrannt, egal wieviel Sonnenmilch sie dann auftragen.<sup>45</sup>
		- b. ? Das Kind bleibt eingeschlafen. Alex rührt sich, aber bleibt eingeschlafen.<sup>46</sup>

### **Attested Verbs**

• *erkranken, verbrennen, verrosten, verschimmeln, verschwinden, vertrocknen, verwelken, zufrieren*


<sup>45</sup>Attested online at https://www.leben-mit-ms.de/expertenrat/ms-kortison, accessed 16 July 2021.

<sup>46</sup>Attested online at https://blogs.cornell.edu/glp-spr58/2014/05/07/jesus-christus-und-ikea-inwolfgang-beckers-goodbye-lenin/, accessed 16 July 2021.

<sup>47</sup>Attested online at https://www.holidaycheck.de/hrd/hl-miraflor-suites-hotel-sehr-vielverbesserungspotenzial/2e0be7a4-3803-4fe7-a19a-910d17de92b8, accessed 16 July 2021.

<sup>48</sup>Attested online at https://www.zeit.de/1975/46/spurlos-verschwunden/seite-4, accessed 16 July 2021.

<sup>49</sup>Attested online at https://www.hausgarten.net/gartenforum/threads/carnivoren-winterruhe. 32314, accessed 16 July 2021.

• Ich bin auch nach der Schwangerschaft weiter an Diabetes erkrankt geblieben.<sup>50</sup>

# **10.4.11 [ NA | NA ]** *lassen+Partizip* **Permissive continuative**

Similar to the previous construction, the *lassen+Partizip* construction also can be [10.116] used to express the continuation of a state, like with *einschalten* 'to turn on' (85). Although this construction can be used with many different verbs, it turns out to be much more difficult to find suitable examples, which suggests that there are some additional constraints of the applicability of this construction. Semantically, *lassen+Partizip* expresses permissive continuative (cf. the permissive reading of *lassen* with infinitive, see Section 11.2.5).

	- b. Ich lasse den Fernseher eingeschaltet.
	- *anlehnen, ausklammern, einschalten, öffnen, zudecken*

# **Further examples**


# **10.4.12 [ NA | NA ]** *halten+Partizip* **Caused continuative**

A widespread option for transitive verbs is to use the *halten+Partizip* construc- [10.117] tion to express the conscious decision by the subject to prolong a reached state, like with *schließen* 'to close' (86). Semantically, the nominative subject of the *halten+Partizip* construction is a causative agent. The attested verbs listed below are only a few exemplary lexemes. This construction is applicable to a much wider group of verbs.

	- b. Er hält die Tür geschlossen.

<sup>50</sup>Attested online at https://www.hipp.de/forum/viewtopic.php?t=17551, accessed 16 July 2021. <sup>51</sup>dwds: Der Tagesspiegel, 12.07.2004.

<sup>52</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 23.03.1990, Nr. 13.

<sup>53</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 08.03.1974, Nr. 11.

# **Attested verbs**

• *ausstrecken, besetzen, drücken, fangen, richten, schließen, verbergen, verstecken*, etc.

# **Further examples**


# **10.4.13 [ NA | NA ]** *bekommen/kriegen+Partizip* **Achievement**

	- (87) a. Ich koche einen Tee.
		- b. Ich bekomme (schon noch) einen Tee gekocht! (= Ich schaffe es, einen Tee zu kochen.)
		- c. Ich bekomme (von meiner Mutter) einen Tee gekocht. (= Meine Mutter kocht einen Tee für mich.)

# **Attested verbs**

• *kochen, öffnen, schließen, trocknen, vermieten, verschieben, zerbrechen*, etc.

# **Further examples**


# **10.4.14 [ N | N ]** *scheinen/erscheinen+Partizip* **Inferred evidence**

The light verbs *scheinen* and *erscheinen* are used with participles of some intran- [10.120] sitive verbs to describe an inference being made by the speaker. The intransitive verbs that are used in this construction are patientive verbs that have a *sein* perfect, like *einschlafen* 'to fall asleep' (88a). Agentive intransitives, like *schlafen* 'to sleep' are not possible (88b). With transitive verbs this construction leads to an anticausative diathesis (see Section 10.5.10).

	- b. \* Das Kind scheint geschlafen.

An additional experiencer dative is sometimes attested to express the role [10.121] of the person making the inference. When this dative is not present, then the speaker is making the inference (89a). The dative can be used to express that somebody else is making the inference (89b).

	- b. Der jüdische Publizist Julius Rodenberg schien ihm als Namenspatron geeignet.<sup>55</sup>

These constructions are analysed by Lasch (2016: 253ff.) as *Askription mit mo-* [10.122] *daler Relation*. However, I propose to categorise these construction as a kind of evidential, following the proposal by Diewald & Smirnova (2010: 177–191). Diewald

<sup>54</sup>Regnier, Sandra. 2017. *Die magische Pforte der Anderwelt*, p. 122. Available online at https:// books.google.de/books?id=Lhm1DgAAQBAJ&pg=122, accessed 16 July 2021.

<sup>55</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 24.06.1999.

and Smirnova present an extensive discussion of the meaning of *scheinen* in various constructions, but, inexplicably, they did not include the construction with a participle. Still, their proposal that *scheinen* can express an inferential evidential also seems fitting for the participle construction. The German name perfektinferenz is proposed here because of the perfectivity of the main verb. It stands in opposition to the *Imperfektinferenz* construction, which uses a *zu‑Infinitiv* (see Section 12.4.10).

# **Attested verbs**

	- scheinen: *abreisen, brechen, entstehen, gefrieren, gelingen, geschehen, kommen, rücken, verlorengehen, verschwinden, versinken, werden, zerbrechen, zurückziehen*
	- erscheinen: *ausbrennen, ausdehnen, ausformen, ausreifen, bräunen, eignen, einbilden, hervorsteigen, verblühen, verdicken, vertrocknen, wachsen*

# **10.4.15 [ N | N ]** *aussehen/wirken+Partizip* **Sensory evidence**

	- (90) a. Er schläft aus. Er wirkt ausgeschlafen.
		- b. \* Er wirkt gearbeitet.

<sup>56</sup>Data accessed on 24 May 2012, available online at https://goo.gl/xUng8v for *aussehen*, https: //goo.gl/Xj7EW6 for *erscheinen*, https://goo.gl/5YvKiw for *scheinen* and https://goo.gl/yCai8B for *wirken*.

in Section 10.4.14). For *aussehen/wirken* I propose to categorise the participle constructions as a direkt evidential based on sensory evidence by the speaker (*Sinnesevidenz*). With transitive verbs these constructions evoke an anticausative diathesis (see Section 10.5.11).

# **Attested verbs**

The following attested verbs are only illustrative examples taken from the data [10.126] analysed by Lasch (2016).<sup>57</sup> There are many more verbs possible in these constructions, but these lists present a sample of the kind of verbs that are actually attested.


# **10.4.16 [ NA | NA ]** *machen+Partizip* **Resultative**

This is one of the various alternations that occur with *machen+Partizip* (see Sec- [10.127] tion 10.2.8). With some experiencer verbs like *betreffen* 'to concern' this alternation does not induce any role-remapping, i.e. there is no diathesis.

	- b. Der Verlust macht mich betroffen.

There are various highly frequent examples of *machen+Partizip* in which the [10.128] participle is not directly derived from a finite verb (see Section 10.3.4).

	- b. Die Arbeit macht mich erfahren.
	- c. Der Film macht ihn beliebt.
	- d. Der Rauch macht mich benommen.

# **Attested verbs**

• *betreffen, verbittern, verstören, verzagen*

<sup>57</sup>Data accessed on 24 May 2012, available online at https://goo.gl/xUng8v for *aussehen*, https: //goo.gl/Xj7EW6 for *erscheinen*, https://goo.gl/5YvKiw for *scheinen* and https://goo.gl/yCai8B for *wirken*.

# **Further examples**


# **10.4.17 [ NA | NA ]** *nehmen+Partizip* **Imprisonment**

	- (93) a. Er fängt den Dieb.
		- b. Er nimmt den Dieb gefangen.

# **Attested verbs**

• *fangen, festnehmen, schenken*

# **Further examples**


# **10.4.18 [ NA | NA ]** *setzen+Partizip* **Imprisonment**

	- (94) a. Er fängt den Dieb.
		- b. Er setzt den Dieb gefangen.

# **Attested verbs**

• *fangen*

<sup>58</sup>dwds: Perutz, Leo: Die dritte Kugel, Reinbek bei Hamburg: Rowohlt 1988 [1915], S. 217.

<sup>59</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 20.04.2013 (online).

<sup>60</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 12.05.2005, Nr. 20.

# **10.5 Diatheses with subject demotion**

# **10.5.1 sbj › ø : [ N | – ]** *werden+Partizip* **Impersonal**

This and the following [sbj › ø] diatheses are widely referred to as *unpersönliches* [10.131] *Passiv* in the German grammatical tradition, because the actual constructions (using light verbs like *werden*, *sein* or *gehören*) show a parallel to the real passives. However, to call this and the following [sbj › ø] diatheses "passive" is actually a misnomer, because there is no promotion of an argument to subject status. Also the retention of the original subject is mostly not possible. According to the categorisation of diatheses as used in this book a term like *Insubjektiv* would be a more suitable name (see Section 2.7.2).

The *werden+Partizip* impersonal passive is a widely discussed phenomenon in [10.132] German grammar (cf. Primus 2011 and the references therein) that occurs with some intransitive verbs like *schlafen* 'to sleep' (95). A special and very atypical characteristic of this diathesis is that there is no grammatical subject expressed. Typically in German, when a nominative subject is dropped, then a valencysimulating pronoun *es* is inserted (see Section 2.2.3). However, in this diathesis the pronoun *es* is only position-simulating (i.e. it occurs when the first position of the sentence is empty). In contrast, when the first position is filled, the pronoun *es* is absent (95b).

	- b. Es wird im Bett geschlafen. Im Bett wird (\*es) geschlafen.

This diathesis has become famous in grammatical discussions because of the [10.133] claimed correlation with unaccusative verbs (here called "agentive verbs", see Section 10.2.5). Basically, the claim is that there is a correlation between the *sein/haben* selection in the perfect and the possibility of the *werden* impersonal passive. Concretely, the claim is that (agentive) intransitive verbs with *haben* allow for the impersonal passive (95), while (patientive) intransitive verbs with *sein* do not (96).

	- b. \* Im Bett wird eingeschlafen.

Although there indeed seems to be a tendency here, there are many counterex- [10.134] amples. For example, with verbs with *haben+Partizip* like *lügen* 'to lie', *jucken* 'to

itch' or *blühen* 'to blossom' it appears to be neigh impossible to use an impersonal passive. Possible examples are attested only with additional modal verbs like *können* or *dürfen* (97).

	- b. Im Gericht gibt es Fragen, bei denen gelogen werden darf.<sup>62</sup>
	- (98) a. Lange Zeit weiß niemand Patrick eingeschlossen wovor hier eigentlich geflohen wird.<sup>63</sup>
		- b. Außerdem: Wie brutal ist das Betrachten eines Regenbogens, wenn nebenan krepiert wird?<sup>64</sup>
		- c. Auch 2001 soll mit zweistelliger Rate weiter gewachsen werden.<sup>65</sup>
		- d. In meiner Umgebung wird nicht gestorben.<sup>66</sup>
	- (99) a. Ich überarbeite den Aufsatz. Morgen wird dann weiter überarbeitet.
		- b. Ich schenke dir die Bücher. Geschenkt wird erst morgen wieder.
		- c. \* Erst morgen wird dir wieder geschenkt.

<sup>61</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 16.12.1983, Nr. 51.

<sup>62</sup>Attested online at http://www.rhetorik.ch/Aktuell/11/01\_27/index.html, accessed 4 June 2021. <sup>63</sup>dwds: Der Tagesspiegel, 05.01.2002.

<sup>64</sup>dwds: Arjouni, Jakob: Chez Max, Zürich: Diogenes 2006, S. 61.

<sup>65</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 30.05.2001.

<sup>66</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 05.03.2017 (online).

2016: 119). This does not appear to be a special diathesis, but rather an effect of an impersonal passive stacked on top of any construction with a reflexive pronoun. For example, verbs with obligatory reflexive pronouns retain this reflexive pronoun in an impersonal passive, like *konzentrieren* 'to concentrate' (100a), see Section 7.3.1. Also, sentence constructions that include a reflexive pronoun because of another diathesis can be stacked with an impersonal passive on top. For example *kümmern* 'to worry, to take care' shows a conversive diathesis with an reflexive pronoun (see Section 7.5.6) and retains this reflexive pronoun in an impersonal passive (100b). Similarly, regular "self-inflicting" reflexive constructions retain the reflexive pronoun in an impersonal passive (100c). In summary, the *Reflexivpassiv* is not a separate phenomenon, but a combination of two separate diatheses. The term should preferably not be used.

	- b. Ich kümmere mich darum. Es wird sich jetzt endlich darum gekümmert.
	- c. Ich rasiere mich. Heute wird sich rasiert.

# **10.5.2 sbj › ø : [ NP | –P ]** *werden+Partizip* **Impersonal+preposition**

Many, but not all, verbs with governed prepositions (but without accusative ar- [10.138] gument, cf. Section 6.7.1) appear to allow for an impersonal passive, like *warten auf* 'to wait for' or *arbeiten an* 'to work on' (101). Note that these verbs all take a *haben+Partizip* perfekt. Although it seems possible to retain the original subject as a *von* prepositional phrase, I have not been able to find good examples of such subject retention in corpora.

	- b. An den Aufsatz wurde gearbeitet.

Many, but not all, verbs that allow for a reflexive conversive diathesis, like [10.139] *empören* 'to appal' or *aufregen* 'to upset' (102), see Section 7.5.6, also allow for an impersonal passive in the reflexive usage with a governed preposition.

<sup>67</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 11.09.2012, Nr. 37

### 10 Light-verb alternations withPartizip

	- b. In braver Einigkeit wird sich darüber aufgeregt, dass die Debattenkultur in Deutschland zu lahm, zu konsensuell, zu träge geworden sei.<sup>69</sup>

# **Attested verbs**

	- **–** über: *herrschen, siegen, triumphieren, lügen, reden, sprechen, schweigen, denken, diskutieren, meditieren, nachdenken, klagen, lachen, schimpfen, staunen, streiten, weinen*
	- **–** auf: *abfahren (mögen), drängen, hoffen, rechnen, verzichten, warten, schimpfen*
	- **–** an: *arbeiten, denken, klopfen, teilnehmen, zweifeln*
	- **–** um: *streiten*
	- **–** über: *aufregen, ärgern, begeistern, beschweren, empören, freuen, wundern*
	- **–** um: *kümmern*

# **Further examples**


# **10.5.3 sbj › ø : [ ND | –D ]** *werden+Partizip* **Impersonal+dative**

[10.140] Only a small subset of all verbs with a dative argument allow for an impersonal passive. Although this appears to be slightly more common for verbs with a *haben* perfect, like *entsprechen* 'to conform' or *helfen* 'to help' (103a), cf. Section 10.4.5, there are also verbs with a *sein* perfect that allow for an impersonal passive, like *entfliehen* 'to flee' or *beitreten* 'to join' (103b), cf. Section 10.4.6.

<sup>68</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 24.11.2003

<sup>69</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 12.09.2017 (online).

<sup>70</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 01.12.2004.

<sup>71</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 24.09.2015 (online).

	- b. Dem Gefängnis wird entflohen. Dem Verein wird beigetreten.

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**


# **10.5.4 sbj › ø : [ N | – ]** *sein+Partizip* **Impersonal**

It appears to be impossible for intransitives to be used in a *sein+Partizip* imper- [10.141] sonal passive. This section is only included to discuss the theoretical possibility of this construction, because there is a curious parallel with the other impersonal constructions, which makes it noteworthy that this diathesis does not exist. Impersonal constructions with light verbs *werden*, *sein* and *gehören* occur with additional governed prepositions and with additional datives (see the next sections), but a parallel construction with *sein* is (apparently) not attested for "real" intransitives (104).

	- b. \* Während des Protests ist viel gehupt.

Such constructions only seem to be possible with an additional *worden* (105), [10.142] which is effectively a stack of an impersonal *werden+Partizip* passive with a *sein+Partizip* perfect as discussed in detail in Section 10.5.16 (with the participle of *werden* showing up as the idiosyncratic form *worden*).

<sup>72</sup>Attested online at https://wortwuchs.net/stilmittel/concessio/, accessed 6 Juni 2021.

<sup>73</sup>dwds: Klemperer, Victor: [Tagebuch] 1928. In: "Leben sammeln, nicht fragen wozu und warum", Berlin: Aufbau-Taschenbuch-Verl. 2000, S. 258.

<sup>74</sup>dwds: Der Spiegel, 16.01.1989.

	- b. Vier Jahre ist geschlafen worden, jetzt sollen wir alles in vier Tagen machen.<sup>75</sup>

# **10.5.5 sbj › ø : [ NP | –P ]** *sein+Partizip* **Impersonal+preposition**

	- (106) a. Aber auch daran ist gedacht.
		- b. An nichts ist gearbeitet worden.
		- c. Jemand arbeitet an nichts.
			- +> *werden+Partizip* impersonal passive
			- = An nichts wird gearbeitet.
			- +> *sein+Partizip* perfect
			- = An nichts ist gearbeitet worden.

# **Attested verbs**

• *denken*

# **10.5.6 sbj › ø : [ ND | –D ]** *sein+Partizip* **Impersonal+dative**

	- (107) a. Dem Entschluss ist entsprochen. "Es gibt kein Zurück", sagte Metzger, "ganz gleich, ob dem Willen des Haushaltsausschusses entsprochen ist oder nicht."<sup>76</sup>
		- b. Ihm ist geholfen. Ich glaube nicht, dass den Jungs damit geholfen ist.<sup>77</sup>

<sup>75</sup>Attested online at https://www.sueddeutsche.de/muenchen/dachau/brandschutz-karlsfeldwohnhaeuser-kritik-1.5250267, accessed 17 June 2021.

<sup>76</sup>dwds: Der Tagesspiegel, 27.04.2002.

<sup>77</sup>dwds: Der Tagesspiegel, 17.05.2003.

c. Ihm ist gekündigt. Schon gar nicht, bevor dem Mieter dort wirksam gekündigt ist.<sup>78</sup>

# **Attested verbs**

• *antworten, entsprechen, helfen, kündigen*, etc.

# **10.5.7 sbj › ø : [ N | – ]** *gehören+Partizip* **Impersonal**

The *gehören+Partizip* passive occurs in some examples with intransitive verbs, re- [10.145] sulting in an impersonal constructions. An in-depth introduction to the *gehören + Partizip* passive for transitive verbs can be found in Section 10.5.18. The usage of this construction with intransitive verbs needs more in-depth study, as many examples seem doubtful (108a,b). However, they are sparingly attested (108c).

	- b. ? In der Nacht gehört geschlafen.
	- c. Um die Uhrzeit gehört geschlafen.<sup>79</sup>

# **10.5.8 sbj › ø : [ NP | –P ]** *gehören+Partizip* **Impersonal+preposition**

Impersonal passive constructions with a governed preposition are attested with [10.146] the light verb *gehören* (109). Basically the same verbs that occur with *werden+Partizip* (see Section 10.5.2) can also occur with *gehören+Partizip*, though a more detailed study into this construction is necessary.

(109) a. Ich kämpfe gegen den Feind.

Gegen den Feind gehört gekämpft.

b. Darüber gehört diskutiert, darüber gehört gestritten.<sup>80</sup>

# **Attested verbs**

• *diskutieren, kämpfen, streiten*

<sup>78</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 03.05.2003.

<sup>79</sup>Attested online at https://www.motor-talk.de/forum/empire-bikes-und-klaus-huelsmannt3208043.html?page=7, accessed 16 June 2021.

<sup>80</sup>Attested online at https://katharina-schulze.de/zukunft-wird-aus-mut-gemacht/, accessed 17 June 2021.

# **10.5.9 sbj › ø : [ ND | –D ]** *gehören+Partizip* **Impersonal+dative**

	- (110) a. Ich helfe dem Studenten. Dem Studenten gehört geholfen.
		- b. Ich kündige ihm. Ihm gehört gekündigt.

# **Attested verbs**

• *antworten, entsprechen, helfen, kündigen*

# **10.5.10 obj › sbj › ø : [ NA | –N ]** *scheinen/erscheinen+Partizip* **Anticausative**

	- (111) a. Die Polizei hat die Straßensperre aufgehoben. Die Straßensperre scheint aufgehoben.
		- b. Die Spekulation hat die Aktienkurse aufgeblasen. Die Aktienkurse erscheinen aufgeblasen.
	- (112) a. Im Längsschnitt erscheint der helle Innenraum von zwei dunklen Linien begrenzt.<sup>81</sup>

<sup>81</sup>Lasch 2016, citing dwds: Nultsch, Wilhelm, Allgemeine Botanik, Stuttgart: Thieme 1964, S. 52.

b. Zuletzt scheinen von diesem Prozeß die biblischen Gleichnisse betroffen.<sup>82</sup>

Other arguments, like datives (113a) or governed prepositions (113b), are simply [10.150] retained as such with this diathesis.

	- b. Die Mannschaft wappnet sich für die Aufgabe. Deutschlands U 21 scheint für anspruchsvollere Aufgaben gewappnet.<sup>84</sup>

These constructions are regularly attested with an additional experiencer da- [10.151] tive (114). This dative expresses the role of the person making the inference. This role is not a lexical role of the main verb, but an additional role that is part of this evidential diathesis. Without this dative, the person making the inference is assumed to be the speaker, so the first person pronoun *mir* is mostly superfluous (114a,b). By using an explicit non-first person dative the inference can be assigned to another person (114c). Combined with a retained dative (as illustrated above) such an inferential dative can result in a sentence with two datives (114d).

	- b. Sein Gesicht erschien mir vertrocknet.<sup>86</sup>
	- c. Aber der Streit […] schien ihm längst beigelegt.<sup>87</sup>
	- d. Alles scheint mir dem sowjetischen Vorbild nachgeformt.<sup>88</sup>

The light verb *scheinen* can also occur with a *zu sein* construction (115), which [10.152] is analysed here as a stack of a *sein+Partizip* perfect (see Section 10.4.2) with a *scheinen+zu‑Infinitiv* construction (see Section 12.4.10). The two examples in (115a,b) are thus two different constructions, though the semantic difference needs a more in-depth investigation.

<sup>82</sup>Lasch 2016, citing dwds: Busch, Werner, Das sentimentalische Bild, München: Beck 1993, S. 284.

<sup>83</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 01.11.2016 (online).

<sup>84</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 10.09.2013 (online).

<sup>85</sup>Lasch 2016, citing dwds: Der Spiegel 23.02.1987.

<sup>86</sup>Lasch 2016, citing dwds: Blos, Wilhelm, Denkwürdigkeiten eines Sozialdemokraten, Band 1, München: G. Birk, 1914., S. 9306.

<sup>87</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 11.02.2010, Nr. 07.

<sup>88</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 20.03.1999.

	- b. Der Gast scheint abgereist zu sein.
	- c. Der Gast reist ab.
		- +> *sein+Partizip* perfect
		- = Der Gast is abgereist.
		- +> *scheinen+zu‑Infinitiv* evidential
		- = Der Gast scheint abgereist zu sein.

### **Attested verbs**

	- scheinen: *abschließen, andeuten, anordnen, aufführen, aufgeben, aufheben, auflösen, aufrufen, aufzeichnen, ausschalten, ausschließen, beabsichtigen, beenden, begeistern, begründen, beseitigen, bestehlen, bestimmen, betreffen, einbetten, entfernen, entleihen, entscheiden, enttäuschen, erfinden, erledigen, erlöschen, erreichen, erschöpfen, falsifizieren, fassen, gebieten, hüllen, klären, lösen, machen, niederdrücken, retten, schließen, sichern, stützen, treffen, treiben, überfordern, überstehen, überwinden, überzeugen, umwittern, verbinden, verbreiten, verlieren, verstören, verwirklichen, vorzeichnen, wagen, wählen, würdigen, ziehen*
	- erscheinen: *abschließen, anpassen, anzeigen, aufhängen, ausschalten, ausschließen, bedrohen, begrenzen, belasten, beziehen, binden, färben, geben, gefährden, kompromittieren, machen, rechtfertigen, sichern, verändern, verbinden*

# **10.5.11 obj › sbj › ø : [ NA | –N ]** *aussehen/wirken+Partizip* **Anticausative**

[10.154] The verbs *aussehen* 'to appear' and *wirken* 'to have an effect' can be used as light verbs with participles in monoclausal constructions. With intransitive verbs such constructions do not induce a diathesis (see Section 10.4.15). In contrast,

<sup>89</sup>Data accessed on 24 May 2012, available online at https://goo.gl/xUng8v for *aussehen*, https: //goo.gl/Xj7EW6 for *erscheinen*, https://goo.gl/5YvKiw for *scheinen* and https://goo.gl/yCai8B for *wirken*.

with transitive verbs like *quälen* 'to agonise' (116a) or *verändern* 'to change' (116b) these constructions result in an anticausative diathesis. Inspired by the analysis by Diewald & Smirnova (2010: 177–191) I consider these expression as evidentials that mark direct evidence by sensory experience. As a German name I propose to use the term sinnesantikausativ.

	- b. Die Renovierung verändert den Bahnhof. Der Bahnhof sieht verändert aus.

The retention of the agent using a *von* phrase appears to be possible, though [10.155] examples are rare (117). Note that the frequently occurring *wie von* phrases do not instantiate an agent. It seems like the retention of an agent is more acceptable with verbs describing a mental state, like *quälen* (116a), in contrast to verbs that describe a change of state, like *verändern* (116b). Because of the very rare attestation of such agents I consider these diatheses to be anticausatives, and not passives.

	- b. Auch bei der Messe in Györ […] wirkte der Papst […] von Strapazen gezeichnet.<sup>91</sup>

Like the *(er)scheinen* evidential construction discussed previously (see Sec- [10.156] tion 10.5.10), the *aussehen/wirken* construction is sometimes attested with an additional experiencer dative, expressing the role of the person making the evidential inference. However, with *aussehen/wirken* this is very rare (118). With *aussehen* (118a) it is only and very rarely attested in older examples and with *wirken* it seems to be more common to use an *auf* prepositional phrase instead of a dative (118b).

	- b. Der Herr Assauer wirkte mir doch leicht angesäuselt.<sup>93</sup> Der Herr Assauer wirkte auf mich doch leicht angesäuselt.

<sup>90</sup>dwds: Keil, Ernst (Hrsg.): Die Gartenlaube. Jg. 2 (1854).

<sup>91</sup>Lasch 2016, citing dwds: Archiv der Gegenwart, 2001.

<sup>92</sup>dwds: Wallenrodt, Johanna Isabella Eleonore von: Fritz, der Mann wie er nicht seyn sollte oder die Folgen einer übeln Erziehung. Bd. 2. Gera, 1800.

<sup>93</sup>dwds: Der Tagesspiegel, 30.05.2003.

### **Attested verbs**

	- aussehen: *absperren, abtragen, angreifen, anregen, anstrengen, ausschlagen, ausstopfen, begehen, bekümmern, beschädigen, besetzen, drucken, durchleiden, einengen, einrichten, enttäuschen, entzücken, erhitzen, erschöpfen, handhaben, herstellen, improvisieren, knicken, marmorieren, niederschlagen, mitnehmen, möblieren, nähren, narkotisieren, pflegen, stechen, überwachen, verändern, verarbeiten, verbrennen, verjüngen, verlieren, vernichten, verschmutzen, verstören, verwüsten, vollenden, zerkratzen, zerrupfen, zerstreuen, zerzausen, zwingen*
	- wirken: *ankleben, ankreiden, anspannen, aufmalen, auszeichnen, blockieren, darstellen, deplatzieren, deprimieren, entkrampfen, erleichtern, ermatten, hacken, kalkulieren, konstruieren, machen, pflegen, planen, quälen, rupfen, schreiben, stressen, überladen, übertreiben, verändern, verbergen, verfehlen, verkümmern, verlieren, verschließen, verstören, verzerren, zeichnen, zerfetzen, zersplittern, zurechtstützen, zusammenhauen, zusammensuchen*

# **10.5.12 obj › sbj › ø : [ NA | –N ]** *geben/zeigen+Partizip* **Anticausative+reflexive**

	- (119) a. Die Musik entspannt ihn. Er gibt sich entspannt.
		- b. Das kommende Konzert motiviert das Orchester. Auch das Orchester zeigte sich motiviert.<sup>95</sup>

<sup>94</sup>Data accessed on 24 May 2012, available online at https://goo.gl/xUng8v for *aussehen*, https: //goo.gl/Xj7EW6 for *erscheinen*, https://goo.gl/5YvKiw for *scheinen* and https://goo.gl/yCai8B for *wirken*.

<sup>95</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 08.04.1999, Nr. 15.

With some verbs it is possible to retain the original nominative subject (120). [10.159] However, this seems to be relatively uncommon, so I classify this construction as anticausative and not as passive.

	- b. Der Unfall erschüttert sie. Das Hotelmanagement zeigte sich von dem tragischen Unfall erschüttert.<sup>97</sup>

This construction frequently occurs with participles that are not transparently [10.160] related to their meaning as finite verbs. For example, the verbs *reservieren* 'to reserve' and *aufräumen* 'to clean up' are only metaphorically related to their usage as states-of-mind participles in this construction (121).

	- b. Er gibt sich aufgeräumt.

# **Attested verbs**

• *aufklären, beeindrucken, besiegen, entspannen, erfüllen, ermutigen, erschüttern, lösen, motivieren, schlagen, überzeugen*, etc.

# **10.5.13 obj › sbj › ø : [ NA | –N ]** *stehen+Partizip* **Anticausative**

Some instances of *stehen* with a participle appear to have an anticausative effect. [10.161] However, such examples are quite rare and also rather idiomatic (122). They are also close to depictive secondary predication (see Section 10.2.3). So, maybe this construction should not be treated as a grammaticalised diathesis.

	- b. Das kleine Fenster steht geöffnet.<sup>98</sup>

Most examples of finite *stehen* with a participle are no diathesis. Typically, the [10.162] verb *stehen* is used in its literal meaning 'to stand' and the participle is a depictive secondary predicate describing the manner of the position (123a). Another frequent use of *stehen* with a participle is attested with text-manipulation verbs,

<sup>96</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 04.03.2016 (online).

<sup>97</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 15.06.2016 (online).

<sup>98</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 11.08.1955, Nr. 32.

like *schreiben, erwähnen, nennen, eintragen, vermerken*, etc. (123b,c). This seems to be a metaphorical usage of *stehen*, in the sense that letters "stand" on a page. The participle in these constructions is likewise a depictive secondary predicate.

	- b. Die Worte stehen auf der Titelseite geschrieben.
	- c. Ein Erzählwettbewerb stand ausgeschrieben.<sup>99</sup>

# **Attested verbs**

• *öffnen, schließen*

# **Further examples**


# **10.5.14 obj › sbj › ø : [ NA | –N ]** *gehen+Partizip* **Anticausative**

	- (124) a. Ich verliere den Ring.
		- b. Der Ring geht (mir) verloren.

<sup>99</sup>dwds: Der Tagesspiegel, 08.12.1999.

<sup>100</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 12.10.2004.

<sup>101</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 29.09.2012, Nr. 40.

	- b. Er geht gebückt.

# **Attested verbs**

• *gewinnen, vergessen, verlieren*

# **Further examples**


# **10.5.15 obj › sbj › adj : [ NA | pN ]** *werden+Partizip* **Passive**

The *werden+Partizip* vorgangspassiv is the quintessential diathesis according to [10.165] textbooks on German grammar. This diathesis promotes an accusative to nominative and (optionally) retains the original nominative, typically as a prepositional *durch* or *von* phrase (126), but see Section 6.2.6 for a discussion of the status of these prepositions. Pape-Müller (1980: 77–85) discusses various other grammatical possibilities to express the agent. Any further arguments, like datives or governed prepositions, are simply retained (126c,d).

	- b. Das Haus wird angemalt (durch den Handwerker).
	- c. Er schenkt mir den Schrank.
	- d. Der Schrank wird mir (von ihm) geschenkt.

A very peculiar construction occurs when a perfect ist stacked on top of a [10.166] *werden* passive. The verb *werden* takes a *sein+Partizip* perfect (see Section 10.4.2)

<sup>102</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 16.11.2013, Nr. 47.

<sup>103</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 09.07.2017, Nr. 28.

<sup>104</sup>dwds: Schiller, Friedrich: Der Geisterseher. Leipzig, 1789.

<sup>105</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 30.04.2014, Nr. 19.

with a participle *geworden* when used as an independent verb meaning 'to become' (127a). However, as a light verb of the *Vorgangspassiv*, the participle of *werden* in the perfect construction is the idiosyncratic wordform *worden* and not the expected *geworden* (127b). This seems to be the only use of the wordform *worden* in German, so any occurrence of *worden* is a definitive sign of a passive+perfect stack. Note that it is easy to find examples of *geworden* as well in this situation (127c,d), but the constructions with *worden* seems to be much more frequent. It is unclear to me whether there is any difference between the use of *worden* and *geworden* in such contexts.

	- b. Die Tür ist geschlossen worden.
	- c. Tsipras schloss einen Rücktritt aus, der diskutiert geworden war, […].<sup>106</sup>
	- d. Als die Krise in ihrer ganzen Dimension erkannt geworden sei, habe die Regierung gut reagiert.<sup>107</sup>
	- (128) a. Sein Verhalten wundert mich.
		- b. \* Ich werde gewundert durch sein Verhalten.
		- c. Sein Verhalten entsetzt mich.
		- d. \* Ich werde entsetzt durch sein Verhalten.

<sup>106</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 23.07.2015 (online).

<sup>107</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 06.04.2015, Nr. 13.

	- b. \* Ein Zentner wird von dem Lastwagen gewogen.
	- c. Ich besitze einen Hund.
	- d. \* Ein Hund wird von mir besessen.

### **Attested verbs**

The *werden+Partizip* passive is possible with almost all verbs that take an ac- [10.169] cusative argument, except for the following:


# **10.5.16 obj › sbj › adj : [ NA | pN ]** *sein+Partizip* **Passive**

The second most widely discussed diathesis in the German grammatical litera- [10.170] ture (closely after the *werden+Partizip* passive) is the *sein+Partizip* zustandspassiv (Nedjalkov 1988; Rapp 1996; Maienborn 2008, just to cite a few major contributions to this topic). There is a long and ongoing discussion whether this construction should be considered a separate construction in its own right or not (see Section 10.2.8). Following the discussion by Maienborn (2008) I will treat it as a separate construction here.

Most verbs with an accusative argument seem to allow for a *Zustandspassiv*, [10.171] like for example with *öffnen* 'to open' (130a). The agent can optionally be retained, though often only with difficulty (130b). Inanimate agents appear to be most amenable to such retention (130c). Different from the other passives discussed here, the *Zustandspassiv* cannot by used as an impersonal passive with intransitive verbs (see Section 10.5.4). However, an impersonal variant for nominative+dative verbs is clearly attested (see Section 10.5.6).

# (130) a. Der Pförtner öffnet die Tür.

	- (131) a. Die Schüler ärgern den Lehrer.
		- b. \* Der Lehrer ist geärgert.
		- c. Der Lehrer ist verärgert.
	- (132) a. Ich halte den Bus an. Die Botschaften sind angehalten, Visa nicht auszustellen.<sup>109</sup>
		- b. Der Lärm stört den Mann. Der Mann ist gestört.
		- c. Die Transaktionen ergaben einen hohen Gewinn. Ich weiß aber, daß Herr Dulles dem Frieden ergeben ist.<sup>110</sup>

<sup>108</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 29.09.1997.

<sup>109</sup>dwds: Beförderungsverbot. In: Aktuelles Lexikon 1974–2000, München: DIZ 2000.

<sup>110</sup>dwds: Archiv der Gegenwart, 2001 [1956].

two (Nedjalkov 1988: 412; Maienborn 2008: 88). This test proposes to compare point-time and period-time adverbials. I repeat the examples from Maienborn here in (133). The claim is that period-time reference (*seit zwei Stunden*) is only compatible with *sein+Partizip* (133a,b), while point-time reference (*vor zwei Stunden*) is only compatible with *sein+Partizip+worden* (133c,d).

	- b. \* Das Fenster ist seit zwei Stunden geöffnet worden.
	- c. \* Das Fenster ist vor zwei Stunden geöffnet.
	- d. Das Fenster ist vor zwei Stunden geöffnet worden.

Unfortunately, this test does not work. I will lay out the problems with this [10.175] test and then propose an alternative test based on gradual-time reference. The first problem concerns the claimed ungrammaticality of (133b). The problem is that I have no problem finding examples of such constructions. The combination of period-time reference with *sein+Partizip+worden* is mostly not ungrammatical at all (134).

	- b. Der Schatz war in einer von zwei Tempelkammern aufbewahrt, die zuvor rund 150 Jahre lang nicht geöffnet worden waren.<sup>112</sup>

The second problem concerns the ungrammaticality of (133c). This sentence [10.176] is indeed ungrammatical, but for a different reason. The sentence is ungrammatical because the past-time reference *vor zwei Stunden* is not compatible with the present tense of the light verb *ist* (see Section 10.2.6). Simply replacing the present tense (*ist*) with the past tense (*war*) resolves the ungrammaticality. So, in contrast to the claimed ungrammaticality, it is actually no problem to combine point-time reference with the *sein+Partizip* passive, as long as the tense agrees with the time (135).

(135) a. Das Munch-Museum in Oslo war gestern wieder geöffnet.<sup>113</sup>

b. Die Fachmesse ist heute und morgen geöffnet.<sup>114</sup>

Third, the really peculiar observation in the proposed test is the grammatical- [10.177] ity of example (133d), repeated here as (136a). This sentence has present tense

<sup>111</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 02.10.1999.

<sup>112</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 08.07.2011 (online).

<sup>113</sup>dwds: Der Tagesspiegel, 25.08.2004.

<sup>114</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 27.02.2002.

(*ist*) but past time reference (*vor zwei Stunden*). This combination should not be possible, but the sentence is definitively grammatical. The solution to this conundrum is that this sentence is a stack of two different constructions: first a *werden+Partizip* passiv and then a *sein+Partizip* perfect applied on top (24b). Note that the *sein+Partizip* perfect of *werden* leads to the idiosyncratic participle *worden* (see Section 10.5.15). Crucially, the *sein+Partizip* perfekt is the culprit, as this *Perfekt* is the only German participle construction that allows for the combination of present tense with past time (see Section 10.2.6).

	- b. Jemand öffnete das Fenster vor zwei Stunden.
		- +> *werden+Partizip Vorgangspassiv*
		- = Das Fenster wurde vor zwei Stunden geöffnet.
		- +> *sein+Partizip Perfekt*
		- = Das Fenster ist vor zwei Stunden geöffnet worden.
	- (137) a. \* Das Fenster ist in Zeitlupe geöffnet.
		- b. Das Fenster ist in Zeitlupe geöffnet worden.

	- Impossible: *drücken (sorgen machen), feiern, fühlen, hören, kennen, kümmern, legen, loben, lohnen, merken, mögen, quälen, riechen, schmecken, schätzen (hochachten), sehen, setzen, stecken, verlangen, wissen, zeigen, zwicken*

	- **–** Er feiert seinen Geburtstag. \*Der Geburtstag ist gefeiert.
	- **–** Er fühlt den Stich.
		- \*Der Stich ist gefühlt.
	- **–** Er hört das Geräusch.
	- \*Das Geräusch ist gehört. **–** Das Leid der Armen kümmert mich.
	- \*Ich bin gekümmert.
	- **–** Ich lege/setze/stecke das Kind unter die Decke. \*Das Kind ist unter die Decke gelegt/gesetzt/gesteckt.
	- **–** Das Ergebnis lohnt den Aufwand. \*Der Aufwand ist gelohnt.
	- **–** Ich merke den Schmerz. \*Der Schmerz ist gemerkt.
	- **–** Ich mag den Mann. \*Der Mann ist gemocht.
	- **–** Die Schuldgefühle quälen ihn. \*Er ist gequält.
	- **–** Ich rieche/schmecke den Braten. \*Der Braten ist gerochen/geschmeckt.
	- **–** Er schätz seinen Mitarbeiter.
		- ? Sein Mitarbeiter ist geschätzt.
	- **–** Er sieht das Haus. \*Das Haus ist gesehen.
	- **–** Ich weiß die Antwort.
		- \*Die Antwort ist gewusst.
	- **–** Ich zeige dir meine Schätze.
		- \*Meine Schätze sind gezeigt.<sup>115</sup>

<sup>115</sup>Note the possibility of 'Meine Schätze sind schnell gezeigt.' This sentence appears to have a possible prospective interpretation.

	- **–** Sorgen drücken mich. Ich bin (\*gedrückt) bedrückt.
	- **–** Das Essen ekelt mich. Ich bin (\*geekelt) angeekelt.
	- **–** Die Aussicht freut mich. Ich bin (\*gefreut) erfreut.
	- **–** Er hasst seinen Nachbarn. Der Nachbar ist (\*gehasst) verhasst.
	- **–** Ich heirate meinen Freund. Mein Freund ist (\*geheiratet) verheiratet.
	- **–** Ich kenne den Mann. Der Mann ist (\*gekannt) bekannt.
	- **–** Er kratzt seinen Arm. Der Arm ist (\*gekratzt) zerkratzt.
	- **–** Sein Verhalten wundert mich. Ich bin (\*gewundert) verwundert.
	- **–** Er prügelt seine Kinder. Seine Kinder sind (\*geprügelt) verprügelt.

# **10.5.17 obj › sbj › adj : [ NA | pN ]** *bleiben+Partizip* **Passive**

[10.180] The construction *bleiben+Partizip* is both used with intransitive verbs (see Section 10.4.10) and with transitive verbs (this section). The verb *bleiben* has even more uses as a light verb (see Section 11.4.4, 12.9.1) and it can also be used as a main verb with a meaning 'to remain'. This wide variety of uses has lead to quite some discussion in the German grammatical literature about the unity of all these constructions (Eroms 2000: 404; Helbig & Buscha 2001: 163; Krämer 2004; Schlücker 2007: 152; Lasch 2016: 72). Following the general approach in this book, all constructions are discussed separately. However, this is no way precludes any underlying connection between them (see Section 4.3.7 and the subsequent sections for a quick summary of the similarities and differences). I propose to use the

German name *Fortsetzungspassiv* for the transitive *bleiben+Partizip* construction, adapted from Helbig & Buscha (2001: 163).

This construction is closely related to the *sein+Partizip* passive (see Sec- [10.181] tion 10.5.16), but adds a notion of continuation of the resulting state (138a). Like with the *sein* passive, it is often difficult to retain the agent with a *bleiben* passive (138b). However, many examples of retained agents can be found (139). The factors governing the possible retention of the agent need more research. Like with *sein* inanimate agents seem more receptive for retention.

	- b. ? Die Tür bleibt durch den Wind geöffnet.
	- b. Die Raumtiefe bleibt durch einen Vorhang verborgen.<sup>117</sup>
	- c. Und die Mieter bleiben durch Gesetze und Verträge geschützt, auch wenn ihre Wohnungen kein öffentliches Gut mehr sind.<sup>118</sup>

The *bleiben+Partizip* is only possible with a small subset of all verbs that al- [10.182] low for *sein+Partizip*. For example, it seems at least odd (if not impossible) to use it with *schreiben* 'to write' (140a) or *waschen* 'to wash' (140b). Helbig & Buscha (2001: 163) offer an explanation for the restricted applicability of this construction. They propose that only verbs that describe reversible events allow for this diathesis.

(140) a. \* Das Buch bleibt geschrieben.

b. \* Das Auto bleibt gewaschen.

# **Attested verbs**

• *fangen, füllen, öffnen, schließen, schützen, teilen, verbergen, verwarnen*, etc.

# **Further examples**

• Die Tür bleibt geschlossen.

<sup>116</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 02.08.2005.

<sup>117</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 06.04.2005, Nr. 15.

<sup>118</sup>dwds: Der Tagesspiegel, 26.05.2004.


# **10.5.18 obj › sbj › adj : [ NA | pN ]** *gehören+Partizip* **Passive**

	- (141) a. Er verbrennt dieses Buch. Dieses Buch gehört verbrannt.
		- b. Hanna sagt ihm die Meinung. Ihm gehört die Meinung gesagt.
		- c. Der Schiedsrichter verwarnt den Spieler. Der Spieler gehört verwarnt (durch den Schiedsrichter).

	- Examples from (Szatmári 2002: 180): *abnehmen, abnehmen (wegnehmen), abschaffen, abstellen, auftauen, ausmisten, behandeln, bestrafen, entsorgen,*

<sup>119</sup>There are no examples of *gehören+Partizip* with a retained agent in the corpus compiled by Lasch (2016), see https://goo.gl/VPJbAb. Höhle claims that the retention of the agent ist not possible (1978: 50–51), though his examples seem perfectly acceptable to me.

*feiern, legalisieren, machen, reformieren, stoppen, trennen, überprüfen, verfilmen, verhängen*


# **10.5.19 obj › sbj › adj : [ NA | pN ]** *machen+Partizip* **Passive+reflexive**

This is yet another diathesis involving the light verb *machen*, this time with an [10.187] obligatory reflexive pronoun. A summary of the various other possibilities of *machen+Partizip* is presented in paragraph 10.59 on page 467.

	- b. Er macht sich bei der Polizei verdächtigt.

There are various more such *machen+sich+Partizip* constructions that do not [10.188] appear to be transparently related anymore to the finite usage of the main verb (143). These appear to be lexicalised collocations that are rather frequent in German.

	- b. Ich mache mich um etwas verdient.
	- c. Die Loyalität macht sich bezahlt.

# **Attested verbs**

• *fürchten, verdächtigen*

# **Further examples**

• Alle fürchten die Hethiter. Ihre energische Expansion […] hatte die Hethiter […] gefürchtet gemacht.<sup>120</sup>

# **10.5.20 obj › sbj › adj : [ ND | pN ]** *bekommen+Partizip* **Intransitive dative passive**

	- (144) a. Die Ärztin hilft mir.
		- b. ? Ich bekomme geholfen (von der Ärztin).
		- c. Ich bin krank und will geholfen bekommen!<sup>121</sup>

# **Attested verbs**

• Examples from Leirbukt (1997: 64): *applaudieren, assistieren, beipflichten, danken, drohen, gratulieren, heimleuchten, pfeifen, schmeicheln, widersprechen, zuarbeiten, zujubeln, zuwinken*


<sup>120</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 16.02.2002.

<sup>121</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 12.01.2002.

<sup>122</sup>Attested online at https://www.tafeldeko.de/news/geburtstagsgruesse-viele-moeglichkeitenzu-gratulieren/, accessed 16 July 2021.

• Besonders aber hat Madame Lortzing die Schmeichelscenen mit dem Vater so schön und gut gespielt, daß sie bei jeder Scene hat applaudirt bekommen.<sup>123</sup>

# **10.5.21 obj › sbj › adj : [ NDA | pNA ]** *bekommen+Partizip* **Dative passive**

The dative passive is widely discussed in the German grammatical literature un- [10.190] der the name *Rezipientenpassiv*. Leirbukt (1997) presents a major monographsized investigation of this construction. This diathesis promotes the dative argument to nominative subject. For example, the dative *dem Schüler* of the verb *abnehmen* 'to take away' (145a) is remapped to nominative *der Schüler* (145b). As with all passives, the original agent can be expressed with a *von* or *durch* prepositional phrase, though this is uncommon. Leirbukt (1997: 130) finds 10–20% expressed agents, most using *von*, and almost all being semantically animate.

	- b. Der Schüler bekommt das Handy (von dem Lehrer) abgenommen.

The light verbs *kriegen* and *erhalten* also occur in the same construction in- [10.191] stead of *bekommen*. The choice between the light verbs *bekommen*, *kriegen* and *erhalten* does not seem to have any clear semantic impact, but is mainly determined stylistically and dialectally (Leirbukt 1997: Ch. 4; Lenz 2013: 427ff.).

# **Attested verbs**

Leirbukt (1997: 68–99) lists hundreds of verbs organised in many semantic classes, [10.192] which will not be repeated here.


<sup>123</sup>Gräf, Hans Gerhard (ed.) *Goethes Ehe in Briefen* p. 401, available online https://books.google. de/books?id=vehYBQAAQBAJ&pg=PA401-IA2, accessed 16 July 2021.

# **10.5.22 obj › sbj › adj : [ NDA | pNA ]** *haben+Partizip* **Possessor passive**

	- (146) a. Der erfahrene Techniker hat meinen Rechner repariert.
		- b. Der erfahrene Techniker hat mir den Rechner repariert.
		- c. Mir ist der Rechner repariert
		- d. Ich habe den Rechner repariert. (= Der Rechner ist für mich repariert worden.)
	- (147) a. Ich will den Rechner repariert haben. (= Ich will, dass mein Rechner repariert wird.)
		- b. Er hat die Haare geschnitten. (= Ihm sind die Haare geschnitten worden.)
		- c. Ich habe das Bein gebrochen. (= Mein Bein ist gebrochen.)
	- b. Ich hätte den Rechner gerne von dem erfahrenen Techniker repariert.
	- c. Ich will den Rechner von dem erfahrenen Techniker repariert haben.

The possibility of this construction with intransitives is discussed by Rothstein [10.196] (2007b: 295–296), but his examples (*öffnen, schließen*) are not applicable, because they are covert anticausatives (see Section 5.5.5). There are a few other intriguing examples without an accusative object, but they show a rather different remapping of roles as discussed in detail in Section 10.9.1.

There is a long scholarly history describing this beneficiary reading of the [10.197] *haben+Partizip* construction (e.g. Kruisinga 1935: 122; Bech 1955: 20–21; Stopp 1957: 278; Seiler 1973: 842–843; Latzel 1977b: 289; Helbig 1978: 42–43; Höhle 1978: 46; Eroms 2000: 395–396, 420–421). The first more in-depth discussion is by Leirbukt (1981; 2000), followed by Hole (2002), Rothstein (2007b), and most recently Lasch (2016: 87ff.) and Businger (2011: Ch. 4). In the recent literature following Hole (2002), this construction is known as the "Partizipiale *haben*-Konfiguration (PHK)". I find this name rather cumbersome and uninformative. I propose to call this construction pertinenzpassiv as there is a strong connection to the *Pertinenzdativ* (see Section 5.8.4) and the *Rezipientenpassiv* (see Section 10.5.21).

There are various tests to disentangle the two *haben+Partizip* constructions [10.198] (i.e. *Perfekt* and *Pertinenzpassiv*). Businger (2011: 160–171) presents an extensive discussion of such criteria. I will describe only a few criteria here. In general, it is rather easy to force a *Perfect* interpretation, but much harder to force a *Pertinenzpassiv* reading.


<sup>124</sup>Example from Latzel (1977b: 301).

	- b. Ich habe meinen Rechner repariert. (= *Perfekt*: Ich repariere meinen Rechner.)
	- c. Ich habe mir den Rechner repariert. (= *Perfekt*: Ich repariere meinen Rechner.)
	- d. Ich habe den Rechner repariert (bekommen). (= *Pertinenzpassiv*: Jemand repariert meinen Rechner.)
	- e. Ich habe den Rechner (durch seinen Einsatz) repariert . (= *Pertinenzpassiv*: Er hat meinen Rechner repariert.)
	- (150) a. Ich habe den Arm verbunden. (= Mir ist der Arm verbunden.)
		- b. Ich habe den Arm verbunden bekommen. (= Mir ist der Arm verbunden worden.)
	- (151) a. Ich habe den Arm langsam verbunden. (≠ Mir ist der Arm verbunden.)
		- b. Ich habe den Arm langsam verbunden bekommen. (= Mir ist der Arm verbunden worden.)

accusative possessors, that allow for a *Pertinenzpassiv* (Hole 2002: 175–177). The *Pertinenzpassiv*-interpretation is only available when both dative and possessor expressions are possible for the role of the beneficiary (cf. Section 5.8.4). More general, there is a curious and extremely fascinating parallel between different kinds of possessor-datives and different constructions with the light verb *haben*:

	- b. Der Friseur schneidet meine Haare. Mir schneidet der Friseur die Haare. Ich habe die Haare geschnitten.
	- c. Der Affe sitzt auf meiner Schulter. Mir sitzt der Affe auf der Schulter. Ich habe den Affen auf der Schulter sitzen.

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**

• Während der Brexit-Kampagne wetterte Boris Johnson unermüdlich gegen die Europäische Union - jetzt nimmt er als britischer Außenminister erstmals an einer Sitzung mit Amtskollegen in Brüssel teil. Erste Beobachtung: Er hat die Haare geschnitten.<sup>125</sup>

<sup>125</sup>Attested online at https://www.n-tv.de/der\_tag/Boris-Johnson-in-Bruessel-ganz-handzahmarticle18215036.html, accessed 15 July 2021.

• Bei der zweiten Attacke, die wieder in ihrem Haus stattfindet, reißt sie ihm die Ski-Maske vom Gesicht, erkennt ihn und jagt ihm eine Schere durch die Hand, die sie von ihrem Schreibtisch ergattern konnte, woraufhin er flüchtet. Am nächsten Tag begegnen sie sich auf der Straße vor ihren Häusern. Er hat die Hand verbunden.<sup>126</sup>

# **10.5.23 obj › sbj › pbj : [ NA | PN ]** *sein+Partizip* **Conversive**

	- (153) a. Die Nachricht verärgert mich.
		- b. Ich bin verärgert über die Nachricht.
		- c. Ich bin verärgert darüber, dass die Nachricht verbreitet wurde.
	- (154) a. Der Witz amüsiert mich.
		- b. Ich bin von dem Witz amüsiert.
		- c. Ich habe mich über den Witz amüsiert.
	- (155) a. Der Witz ärgert mich.
		- b. \* Ich bin geärgert von dem Witz.
		- c. Ich habe mich über den Witz geärgert.

<sup>126</sup>Attested online at https://andreas-huckele.de/elle-ein-film-von-paul-verhoeven-mit-isabellehuppert-ein-kinoabend-zum-selberdenken/, accessed 15 July 2021.

	- b. Ich bin angewidert von dem Witz.
	- c. \* Ich habe mich von dem Witz angewidert.

# **Attested verbs**



# **10.5.24 obj › sbj › pbj : [ NA | PN ]** *liegen+Partizip* **Conversive**

	- (157) a. Das Desaster begründet die Hoffnung.
		- b. Im Desaster liegt immer auch die Hoffnung begründet.
		- c. Die Hoffnung liegt darin begründet, dass ein Desaster Änderung verursacht.
	- (158) a. Er liegt in der Kirche aufgebahrt.
		- b. Das Geschenk liegt in der Schublade versteckt.

# **Attested verbs**

• *begründen, beschließen, verbergen*

# **Further examples**


# **10.5.25 adj › sbj › ø : [ NpA | –NA ]** *machen+Partizip* **Conciliative**

[10.205] Thisis yet another diathesis involving the light verb *machen* (see paragraph 10.59 on page 467), for example attested with the verb *begehren* 'to desire' (159). The example with *beschämen* 'to make ashamed' is somewhat contrived (160). It is unclear, whether this alternation really should be classified as a separate diathesis. In the form as presented here, it is a nice example of a conciliative diathesis (see paragraph 2.103 on page 51 for the term "conciliative").

<sup>127</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 13.02.2017 (online).

<sup>128</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 18.09.1964, Nr. 38.

<sup>129</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 26.01.2017, Nr. 03.

	- b. Die Bezahlung macht den Job begehrt.
	- b. Ihre Großmut macht mich beschämt. Dieser Verweis machte den General sehr beschämt.<sup>131</sup>

### **Attested verbs**

• *begehren, beschämen*

# **10.6 Diathesis with promotion to subject**

The four verbs *wissen* 'to know', *glauben* 'to believe', *sehen* 'to see' and *finden* 'to [10.206] find' (and apparently only those four) allow for a construction with a participle, reminiscent of the Latin *accusativus cum participio*. This construction describes an opinion by somebody (expressed as a newly added nominative subject) about the veracity of a statement (of which the verb is expressed as a participle). Consequently, such a diathesis will be called an opiniative here. This opinion is marked as either more certain (*wissen, finden*) or less certain (*glauben, sehen*).

Such opiniatives with *glauben* (161a) and *wissen* (161b) can be syntactically be [10.207] identified by the possibility to paraphrase them with a *dass* finite complement clause. In contrast, the participle constructions with *finden* (162a) and *sehen* (162b) cannot directly be reformulated with a *dass* finite complement clause. The meanings of these verbs have been grammaticalised in this construction to mean something like *überzeugt sein* 'to be sure' (162a) and *glauben* 'to believe' (162b), respectively.

	- b. Sie weiß den Nachlass im Archiv gut aufgehoben. (= Sie weiß, dass der Nachlass im Archiv gut aufgehoben ist.)

<sup>130</sup>Adapted from the dwds dictionary available at https://www.dwds.de/wb/beschämen, accessed 23 September 2022.

<sup>131</sup>Bruce, Peter Henry: Des Herrn Peter Heinrich Bruce Nachrichten von seinen Reisen in Deutschland, Rußland, die Tartarey, Türkey, Westindien u.s.f. Leipzig, 1784.

	- (163) a. Sie findet ihn am Schreibtisch eingeschlafen. (= Sie findet ihn, während er am Schreibtisch eingeschlafen ist.) (≠ Sie findet, dass er am Schreibtisch eingeschlafen ist.)
		- b. Er sieht die Buchstaben verzerrt. (= Er sieht die Buchstaben, aber die Buchstaben sind verzerrt.) (≠ Er sieht, dass die Buchstaben verzerrt sind.)

<sup>132</sup>The verb *finden* can also be combined with a regular adverb like in *das finde ich gut*, see Section 9.3.6. This does not appear to be possible with the other opiniative verbs *wissen*, *glauben* and *sehen*.

	- b. Sie wollten in dem Interview ihre Namen nicht genannt sehen.
	- b. Die Belegschaft möchte das Wahlergebnis keinesfalls als Zustimmung verstanden wissen.

Similarly, these opiniatives are much more acceptable (and much more fre- [10.211] quent) when they form a stack in combination with a self-inflicting reflexive pronoun alternation (see Section 7.4.5). The reflexive marking indicates that the opinionator and the opined object are the same participant. This is possible both with intransitives (166) and transitives (167).

	- b. ? Der Lehrer sieht mich gescheitert.
	- c. Ich sehe mich gescheitert.
	- b. ? Ich weiß den Dieb von der Polizei verfolgt.
	- c. Der Dieb weiß sich von der Polizei verfolgt.

# **10.6.1 ø › sbj › obj : [ –N | NA ]** *wissen+Partizip* **Intransitive opiniative**

	- b. Sie weiß das Kind eingeschlafen.

### **Attested verbs**

• *einschlafen*

# **10.6.2 ø › sbj › obj : [ –N | NA ]** *glauben+Partizip* **Intransitive opiniative**

	- b. Er glaubte den Sieg gekommen.

### **Attested verbs**

• *einschlafen, kommen, verirren*

# **Further examples**


# **10.6.3 ø › sbj › obj : [ –N | NA ]** *sehen+Partizip* **Intransitive opiniative**

	- b. Viele Menschen sehen die UN bereits gescheitert. (= Viele Menschen glauben, dass die UN bereits gescheitert ist.)

# **Attested verbs**

• *scheitern*

# **Further examples**

• Während viele Nichtregierungsorganisationen die UN bereits gescheitert sehen, hat Weltbank-Präsident James Wolfensohn noch Hoffnung.<sup>136</sup>

# **10.6.4 ø › sbj › obj : [ –N | NA ]** *finden+Partizip* **Intransitive opiniative**

	- b. Ich finde das Projekt gescheitert.

# **Attested verbs**

• *gelingen, scheitern*

# **Further examples**

• Ich finde das Kunstwerk sehr gelungen.

<sup>133</sup>Attested online at https://www.metal1.info/metal-reviews/code-nouveau-gloaming/, accessed 11 March 2022.

<sup>134</sup>dwds: Parthey, Gustav: Jugenderinnerungen. Bd. 2. Berlin, [1871].

<sup>135</sup>Heinrich Böll, *Für Alexander S. zum 65. Geburtstag*.

<sup>136</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 26.01.2005.

# **10.6.5 ø › sbj › adj : [ –NA | NpA ]** *wissen+Partizip* **Transitive opiniative**

	- b. Ich weiß den Nachlass im Archiv gut aufgehoben.

The following example (173) from Leirbukt (2000) shows that any additional [10.212] dative arguments are simply retained.

	- b. Ich weiß die Ostgebiete dem Kontrollrat unterstellt.

### **Attested verbs**

• *aufheben, lieben, regeln, unterstellen, verstehen*

### **Further examples**


Examples stacked with a modal verb: [10.213]


Examples stacked with a self-inflicting reflexive alternation: [10.214]


<sup>137</sup>dwds: Gerling, Reinhold: Was muß man vor der Ehe von der Ehe wissen? In: ders., Das große Aufklärungswerk für Braut- und Eheleute, Dresden: Buchversand Gutenberg 1933 [1901], S. 207.

<sup>138</sup>dwds: Bodenreuth, Friedrich [d.i. Jaksch, Friedrich]: Alle Wasser Böhmens fließen nach Deutschland, Berlin: Büchergilde Gutenberg 1938 [1937], S. 22.

<sup>139</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 17.09.2017 (online).

<sup>140</sup>dwds: Müller-Jahnke, Clara: Ich bekenne. In: Deutsche Literatur von Frauen, Berlin: Directmedia Publ. 2001 [1904], S. 52626.


# **10.6.6 ø › sbj › adj : [ –NA | NpA ]** *glauben+Partizip* **Transitive opiniative**

	- b. Er glaubt das Seil vom Wind zerrissen. (= Er glaubt, dass das Seil vom Wind zerrissen ist.)

# **Attested verbs**

• *benachteiligen, entschuldigen, erreichen, lieben, verfolgen, verlieren, verraten, zerreißen*

	- Er glaubte sich verraten/zurückversetzt/verfolgt/benachteiligt.
	- Weil sie sich von ihrem Vater nicht geliebt glaubte, flüchtete Irmgard mit 17 Jahren trotzig zu den Diakonissinnen, um Krankenschwester zu werden.<sup>145</sup>

<sup>141</sup>dwds: Freud, Sigmund: Die Traumdeutung, Leipzig u. a.: Deuticke 1914 [1900], S. 80. <sup>142</sup>dwds: Baeck, Leo: Das Wesen des Judentums, Frankfurt a. M.: Kauffmann 1932 [1905], S. 17. <sup>143</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 25.09.2003, Nr. 40.

<sup>144</sup>dwds: Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von: Reinecke Fuchs. In zwölf Gesängen. Berlin, 1794. <sup>145</sup>dwds: Leinemann, Jürgen, Dr Spiegel 09.05.1988, S.140.

# **10.6.7 ø › sbj › adj : [ –NA | NpA ]** *sehen+Partizip* **Transitive opiniative**

	- b. Die Zeitung sieht das Vertrauen durch den Autor gebrochen.

# **Attested verbs**

• *bestärken, bestätigen, brechen, nötigen, verpflichten, zwingen*

### **Further examples**

• Während die WAZ das Vertrauen und den Gesellschaftervertrag gebrochen sieht und juristisch gegen Dichand vorgeht, wehrt sich Dichand publizistisch.<sup>146</sup>

Examples stacked with a self-inflicting reflexive alternation: [10.216]


# **10.6.8 ø › sbj › adj : [ –NA | NpA ]** *finden+Partizip* **Transitive opiniative**

	- b. Du findest mich vom Alter verändert?

# **Attested verbs**

• *bestätigen, nötigen, verändern*

# **Further examples**

• Um die Sache zu prüfen, habe er im Urlaub mal einen Nacktbadestrand aufgesucht - und dort das Bild aus der Sauna bestätigt gefunden.<sup>148</sup>

<sup>146</sup>dwds: Der Tagesspiegel, 24.01.2003.

<sup>147</sup>dwds: Kraus, Karl, Die Fackel, 20.03.1900, S.9.

<sup>148</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 15.02.2016 (online).

10 Light-verb alternations withPartizip

	- Er fand sich bestätigt.
	- Sie fand sich genötigt, ja zu sagen.
	- Es heißt, sie habe sich damals in einem Interview falsch zitiert gefunden.<sup>149</sup>

# **10.6.9 adj › sbj › obj : [ pN | NA ]** *machen+Partizip* **Inverted passive+reflexive drop**

	- (177) a. Ich eigne mich durch meine Qualifikation für den Job.
		- b. Die Qualifikation macht mich geeignet für den Job.

# **Attested verbs**

• *besaufen, eignen, konzentrieren*

# **Further examples**


# **10.7 Diatheses with object demotion**

[10.219] Not attested.

# **10.8 Diatheses with promotion to object**

[10.220] Not attested.

<sup>149</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 14.06.2010 (online).

# **10.9 Symmetrical diatheses**

# **10.9.1 obj › sbj › obj : [ DN | NA ]** *haben+Partizip* **Intransitive possessor passive**

A few incidental intransitive verbs allow for a special variant of the possessor [10.221] passive diathesis Section 10.5.22. In the possessor passive (*Pertinenzpassiv*), the possessor of an accusative object (178a) is remapped to nominative subject (178c). This is only possible with possessors that can alternatively be expressed as a dative (178b).

	- b. Der Friseur schneidet mir die Haare.
	- c. Ich habe die Haare geschnitten.

A similar diathesis for the possessor of an intransitive subject is also attested, [10.222] though it is very rare (cf. Businger 2011: 162–163). An example is the verb *anschwellen* 'to swell', for which the possessor of the subject (179a) can be expressed as a dative (179b) and as a subject in a *haben+Partizip* construction (179c).

	- b. Ihm schwillt der Arm an.
	- c. Er hat den Arm angeschwollen.

A related, but different, diathesis with intransitive verbs uses the *haben+am‑In-* [10.223] *finitiv* constructions (180), discussed extensively in Section 13.9.1. This seems to be more widespread than the *haben+Partizip* diathesis with intransitives.

	- b. Mir glüht die Holzkohle.
	- c. Ich habe die Holzkohle am Glühen.

### **Attested verbs**

• *einwachsen, schwellen, zufrieren*

### **Further examples**

• Ihm sind Haare im Auge eingewachsen. Er hatte Haare im Auge eingewachsen.


# **10.9.2 ø › sbj › ø : [ –NA | N–A ]** *machen+Partizip* **Commutative**

	- (181) a. Er vergisst den Verlust.
		- b. Ich mache den Verlust vergessen.

# **Attested verbs**

• *vergessen*

# **10.9.3 ø › sbj › ø : [ –NA | N–A ]** *geben+Partizip* **Commutative**

	- (182) a. Irgendjemand verliert den Ring.
		- b. Ich gebe den Ring verloren.

# **Attested verbs**

• *verlieren*

<sup>150</sup>Attested online at https://clione.ru/de/treatment/treatment-has-swelled-up-the-leg-what-todo-if-swelling-and-redness-of-the-feet, accessed 13 Mai 2017.

<sup>151</sup>Attested online at https://de.iliveok.com/health/warum-ist-die-lippe-geschwollen\_ 106329i16005.html, accessed 16 July 2021.

# **11 Light-verb alternations with** *Infinitiv*

# **11.1 Introduction**

Constructions with a light verb and an infinitive are common in German. Most [11.1] familiar to German speakers are infinitives used in combination with modal verbs like *müssen* or *wollen* (1a), see Section 11.4.7. More intriguingly, infinitives can be used with *sein* to express the rationale for the absence of the subject (1b), see Section 11.4.1. Less widely discussed is a construction of *haben* with an infinitive and an adverbial to express the fortunate circumstances in which the nominative subject finds itself (1c), see Section 11.4.5.

	- b. Die Schülerin ist die Pflanzen gießen.
	- c. Die Schülerin hat gut reden.

All these examples mentioned above are constructions that do not show any [11.2] role-remapping, i.e. they exhibit epithesis. In contrast, there are also various light verbs that induce a diathesis when used together with an infinitive. For example, *lassen* induces a causative/permissive diathesis (2a), see Section 11.6.2. Likewise widely acknowledged are verbs of perception like *sehen* that give rise to an experiencer construction (2b), see Section 11.6.6. Less widely discussed is the diathesis of *haben* with an infinitive of a position verb, expressing that the nominative subject is some kind of agent/experiencer mixture (2c), see Section 11.9.2.

	- b. Die Lehrerin sieht den Direktor ihre Pflanzen gießen.
	- c. Die Lehrerin hat ihre Pflanzen auf der Fensterbank stehen.

Following Bech (1955) such constructions are often designated as *Erster Status* [11.3] in the German grammatical literature. However, this name is not very transparent nor particularly mnemonic, so I prefer to use the more descriptive designation "light-verb+infinitive" construction, often simply abbreviated to infinitive construction.

### 11 Light-verb alternations withInfinitiv

	- (sbj › ø) *lassen* möglichkeitsbewertung (see Section 11.5.1)
	- (sbj › ø) *sein* zustandsbewertung (see Section 11.5.3)
	- (sbj › adj) *heißen* aufforderungsdesubjektiv (see Section 11.5.4)
	- (obj › sbj › adj) *lassen* permissivpassiv (see Section 11.5.5)
	- (obj › sbj › pbj) *lassen* permissivkonversiv (see Section 11.5.7)
	- (obj › sbj › obj) *lassen* permissivinversiv (see Section 11.9.1)
	- (obj › sbj › obj) *haben* ortspertinenzinversiv (see Section 11.9.2)
	- (ø › sbj › adj) *lassen* passivkausativ (see Section 11.6.1)
	- (ø › sbj › obj) *lassen* permissivkausativ (see Section 11.6.2)
	- (ø › sbj › obj) *schicken* direktivkausativ (see Section 11.6.3)
	- (ø › sbj › obj) *machen* aufforderungskausativ (see Section 11.6.4)
	- (ø › sbj › obj) *sehen/hören/fühlen/spüren* perzeptiv (see Section 11.6.6 ff.)

# **11.2 Characterising infinitive constructions**

# **11.2.1 Identifying the infinitive**

[11.5] The German infinitiv (cf. Duden-Grammatik 2009: 443) is straightforwardly identified as a wordform ending in *‑en* (3a) with an allomorph *‑n* after stems ending in *‑el/er* (3b). This infinitive is used as the citation form of a verb in German, for example occurring as the index entry in dictionaries. Note that there is widespread syncretism between the infinitive and the finite 1st and 3rd person plural of most verbs. For example, the wordform *werden* in (3c) is a finite 1st person plural, while *laufen* is an infinitive. This can be ascertained by changing the subject to the singular (3d), which shows the different agreement of the finite form *werde*, while the infinitive *laufen* does not change.

	- b. sammel-n, bedauer-n, änder-n
	- c. Wir werden laufen.
	- d. Ich werde laufen.

# **11.2.2 Nominal predication**

Functionally, the infinitiv is a nominal form of the verb. Consequently, it regu- [11.6] larly occurs preceded by a determiner. In such usage, German orthography urges for the capitalisation of the infinitive, e.g. *das Laufen* 'the running' (4a). This nominal nature of the infinitive contrasts nicely to the adjectival nature of the participle, e.g. *gelaufene* (4b), as discussed in the previous chapter (see especially Section 10.2.9).

	- b. Die selten gelaufene Distanz fällt mir schwer.

Given the nominal nature of the infinitive, there is a close connection be- [11.7] tween light-verb+infinitive constructions and nominal predication, i.e. constructions of a light verb with a bare noun. Nominal predication in German is typically constructed with the light verbs *werden*, *sein* or *bleiben* (Duden-Grammatik 2009: 812–813). The parallel between infinitives and nouns is obvious with the future meaning of *werden* (5a), see Section 11.4.9, and the continuative meaning of *bleiben* (5b), see Section 11.4.4. However, as illustrated in (5c), the meaning of *sein*+noun ("identification") is quite different from *sein*+infinitive ("absentive"), see Section 11.4.1.

	- b. Ich bleibe Vater. Ich bleibe lieber sitzen.
	- c. Ich bin Vater. Ich bin dann mal einkaufen.

Modal verbs (see Section 11.4.7) are normally not used for nominal predica- [11.8] tion. However, in recent political framing the nominal predication *Kanzler können* 'to know how to be a chancellor' has become famous (6a), even leading to other modal verbs being used in the same construction, like *dürfen* (6b). Kubczak

(2014) investigates the parallels between such usage of modal verbs and nominal constructions of ability (6c).

	- b. Rosier darf Kanzler!<sup>2</sup>
	- c. Er kann den Dialekt dieser Gegend.
	- (7) a. Dieses Sternbild heißt Großer Bär.<sup>3</sup>
		- b. Die Symbole abschaffen heißt die Freimaurerei abschaffen.<sup>4</sup> Von den Erwachsenen lernen, heißt Reife beweisen.<sup>5</sup>
		- c. Diese Wahrheit zu akzeptieren, hieße zu resignieren.<sup>6</sup> Eine Katze zu haben, heißt, sich um ein Lebewesen kümmern zu müssen.<sup>7</sup>
		- d. Der Henker hieß ihn niederknien.

<sup>1</sup>Nürnberger Nachrichten, 30.04.2007: 3, cited from Kubczak (2014: 128).

<sup>2</sup> Süddeutsche Zeitung, 03.08.2011, cited from Kubczak (2014: 129).

<sup>3</sup>Duden-Grammatik (2009): 813

<sup>4</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 20.11.2017, Nr. 47.

<sup>5</sup> In: Leibniz-Institut für Deutsche Sprache: *Wörterbuch zur Verbvalenz*. Grammatisches Informationssystem grammis. https://grammis.ids-mannheim.de/verbs/view/400556/1, accessed 27 September 2021.

<sup>6</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 25.07.2005.

<sup>7</sup>Duden-Grammatik (2009): 813

still includes a sense of possession, see Section 11.9.2. The subject of this construction (here *Sportler* 'sportsman') is necessarily the possessor of the object in the prepositional phrase (here *Nase* 'nose'). In contrast, the *Fortunativ* construction (8d) has no relation to possession at all, see Section 11.4.5 .

	- b. Ich habe Geduld/Schmerzen.
	- c. Der Sportler hat einen Tropfen an seiner Nase hängen.
	- d. Er hat leicht reden.

# **11.2.3 ACI** *accusativus cum infinitivo*

Given the immense influence of Latin grammar on grammatical theory, it is no [11.11] surprise that the classical Latin concept of an *accusativus cum infinitivo* (aci) is often used to describe a similar phenomenon in German. The term aci describes a sentence structure that is the result of a clause alternation in which an originally nominative subject ends up as an accusative, while the verb is expressed as an infinitive.

This aci is very widespread in Latin, but in German it is only attested with [11.12] a few light-verb+infinitive diatheses that add a new subject (see Section 11.6), namely causative light verbs like *schicken* 'to send' (9a) and perception light verbs like *sehen* 'to see' (9b). As a cover term for all diatheses adding a new subject I have proposed the term novative (see Section 2.7.3.2). So, in the terminology as used in this book, an aci sentence structure is the result of a novative diathesis expressed with a light-verb+infinitive voice.

	- b. Der Mann putzt den Tisch. Sie sieht den Mann den Tisch putzen.

Such diatheses regularly result in sentences with two separate noun phrases in [11.13] the accusative, namely when an accusative argument was already present before the diathesis. Such double accusatives are highly unusual in German outside of these constructions (see Section 5.3.9).

Although the surface structure of all these constructions in German is clearly [11.14] monoclausal, underlyingly there might be differences (see Harbert 1977 for a discussion). For example, light verbs like *schicken* only allow for a monoclausal infinitive construction (10a,b), while light verbs like *sehen* additionally allow for a biclausal *dass* alternative (10c,d) .

	- b. \* Sie schickt, dass er einen Tisch kauft.
	- c. Sie sieht ihn den Tisch kaufen.
	- d. Sie sieht, dass er den Tisch kaufen.

# **11.2.4 IPP** *Ersatzinfinitiv*

	- (11) a. Sie sieht, dass er den Tisch putzt. Sie *hat gesehen*, dass er den Tisch putzt.
		- b. Sie sieht ihn den Tisch putzen. Sie *hat* ihn den Tisch putzen *gesehen*. Sie *hat* ihn den Tisch putzen *sehen*.
	- (12) Implicational scale of ipp *ErsatzInfinitiv* verbs causatives < modals < perception verbs < benefactives < duratives < inchoatives < control verbs

However, this hierarchy should be interpreted rather loosely. The designation [11.18] "causative" on the hierarchy is a misnomer. The verb *lassen* also induces the ipp in its other uses, viz. possibility and permission (see the next Section 11.2.5). Conversely, other causative constructions do not induce an ipp, namely those with *schicken* (see Section 11.6.3) and *machen* (see Section 11.6.4). Likewise, while the perception verbs *hören* and *sehen* allow for an ipp, the syntactically similar perception verbs *fühlen* and *spüren* do not (see Section 11.6.6 ff.).

Further, the ipp *ErsatzInfinitiv* is not obligatory for benefactive *helfen* and nei- [11.19] ther for the perception verbs *sehen* and *hören*, but it is obligatory for modal verbs. This would actually nicely correspond to a connected region on the hierarchy, were it not for the verb *lassen*, which also allows for both infinitive and participle (13). However, according to Enzinger (2012: 34) the construction with the participle *gelassen* only allows for a permissive reading (13b). If this is confirmed, then the hierarchy could be extended by adding "permissives" close to "benefactives" to again obtain a connected region on the hierarchy for optional ipp.

	- b. Sie hat mich die Kleider waschen *gelassen*. (only permissive = Sie hat erlaubt, dass ich die Kleider wasche.)

# **11.2.5 The many guises of** *lassen+Infinitiv*

It has been widely observed that there is a large variety of uses of the *lassen+In-* [11.20] *finitiv* construction in German (e.g. Eisenberg 2006b: 369–371; Kotůlková 2010a; Pitteroff 2014). In this chapter I will distinguish six different diatheses that all use the *lassen+Infinitiv* construction, as summarised in Table 11.1. These six constructions are clearly diachronically related, and also synchronically they are very similar. However, they cannot be reduced to a single (abstract) construction with transparent and productive derivations leading to these six different diatheses as distinguished here. I will succinctly summarise these different options here. For a detailed discussion, see the sections as indicated in the table. Note that there is an additional usage of *lassen* with a participle that is discussed in Section 10.4.11.

The six diatheses can be divided into two major groups depending on the [11.21] use of the reflexive pronoun. The first four diatheses in Table 11.1 (with interpretation permission/possibility) obligatorily have a reflexive pronoun. The last two variants (with interpretation causation/permission) do not have a reflexive


Table 11.1: Different diatheses with a *lassen+Infinitiv* construction

pronoun, although they can optionally have one. Basically, when the reflexive pronoun can be removed by a paraphrase, then the construction is of the latter causation/permission type. Note that the possibility of removal is often contextdependent, because exactly the same sentence can have differing structures (and correspondingly differing interpretations) depending on the context in which it occurs.

	- (14) a. Ich lasse mir die Haare schneiden. Ich lasse meine Haare schneiden.
		- b. Ich lasse mir eine Suppe kochen. Ich lasse für mich eine Suppe kochen.
	- b. Der König lässt seine Katze durch die Stadt tragen.
	- c. Der König lässt nicht sich, sondern seine Katze durch die Stadt tragen.

Der König lässt nur sich selbst durch die Stadt tragen.

Returning to the classification of the *lassen* constructions in Table 11.1, the last [11.24] two diatheses (i.e. those without obligatory reflexive pronouns and with causation/permission interpretation) are both promotions. They are novative diatheses that introduce a completely new role into the sentence as a nominative subject. In contrast, the first four diatheses in Table 11.1 (i.e. those with obligatory reflexive pronouns and permission/possibility interpretation) are all demotions. They are closely related, but can be differentiated by their specific remapping of roles.

So, there are the two closely related *lassen+Infinitiv* diatheses with promo- [11.25] tion, which will be called *Permissivkausativ* and *Passivkausativ*. Although both are similar, there are various differences between these two causative diatheses. First, the erstwhile nominative is demoted to an accusative in the *Permissivkausativ* (16), while it is demoted to an optional *von* prepositional phrase in the *Passivkausativ* (17). Second, there are various verbs that allow for a *Permissivkausativ* but not for a *Passivkausativ*. For examples, the verb *antworten* 'to answer' (17c,d) is not compatible with a *Passivkausativ*. Finally, the *Permissivkausativ* can both have a causative (16a) and a permissive (16b) reading, while the *Passivkausativ* cannot have a permissive interpretation, only the causative interpretation is possible (17b).

	- a. Die Schüler schreiben einen Test. Der Lehrer lässt die Schüler einen Test schreiben. (= Der Lehrer sorgt dafür, dass die Schüler einen Test schreiben.)
	- b. Die Schüler gehen nach Hause. Der Lehrer lässt die Schüler nach Hause gehen. (= Der Lehrer erlaubt, dass die Schüler nach Hause gehen.)
	- a. Der Schüler putzt den Tisch.
	- b. Der Lehrer lässt den Tisch (von dem Schüler) putzen. (= Der Lehrer verursacht, dass der Tisch geputzt wird.) (≠ Der Lehrer erlaubt, dass der Tische geputzt wird.)
	- c. Der Lehrer antwortet dem Schüler.
	- d. \* Der Vater lässt dem Schüler von dem Lehrer antworten.

11 Light-verb alternations withInfinitiv

	- (18) permissivpassiv
		- a. Die Besucher besteigt den Berg. Der Berg lässt sich (von Besuchern) besteigen. (= Es ist möglich, den Berg zu besteigen.)
		- b. Der Vater kämmt seine Kinder. Die Kinder lassen sich (vom Vater) kämmen. (= Sie erlauben, dass sie gekämmt werden.)
	- (19) permissivkonversiv
		- a. Dieser Witz empört mich. Ich lasse mich nicht von diesem Witz empören.
		- b. Die Burschen belustigen mich. Man […] läßt sich von den Burschen belustigen.<sup>8</sup>
		- c. Ich lasse mich davon belustigen, dass die Burschen singen.

<sup>8</sup>dwds: Kisch, Egon Erwin: Der rasende Reporter, Berlin: Aufbau-Taschenbuch-Verl. 1925, S. 7.

like *gefallen* 'to like' (20). This dative is promoted to nominative subject (with an obligatory dative reflexive pronoun) and the erstwhile nominative is demoted to accusative. Just like with the previous *Permissivkonversiv*, this diathesis also has verbs that prefer a negation, like *gefallen* 'to like' (20a) and verbs that do not, like *schmecken* 'to taste' (20b).

(20) permissivinversiv


Finally, with agentive intransitive verbs like *wandern* 'to hike' (22a), the *las-* [11.29] *sen+Infinitiv+Reflexiv* construction leads to a special diathesis, called *Möglichkeitsbewertung* here. The nominative subject is removed and an evaluative adverbial is necessary, like *gut* 'well' (21a). Although the nominative is removed, this construction often occurs without a valency-simulating pronoun *es*. Verbs with a governed preposition, like *warten auf* 'to wait for' (22b) are slightly different because when the governed preposition is retained, then (i) the valency simulating *es* is impossible and (ii) no evaluative adverbial is necessary (see Section 11.5.2).

	- a. Die Familie wandert im Wald. Im Wald lässt (es) sich gut wandern.
	- b. Der Kunde wartet auf ein Tattoo. Auf ein Tattoo lässt sich warten.<sup>10</sup>

# **11.3 Deponent verbs**

There do not appear to be any infinitives that do not also occur as a finite verb. A [11.30] possible phenomenon to investigate further in this context are noun+verb compounds that do not have finite forms, like *bauchreden, bausparen, ehebrechen* or *wettlaufen*. Although the second part of these compounds are verbs that clearly

<sup>9</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 22.11.1985, Nr. 48.

<sup>10</sup>Attested online at https://www.t-online.de/nachrichten/deutschland/id\_89453948/coronalockerungen-die-haeme-ueber-die-friseuroeffnungen-ist-entlarvend-.html, accessed 15 September 2021.

can be finite (*reden, sparen, brechen, laufen*), the whole compound cannot be used as a finite verb. However, the question is, whether these lexemes should be classified as verbs in the first place. They only occur as an infinitive, so they are more like nouns. However, they can occur in light-verb+infinitive constructions as discussed in this chapter.

# **11.4 Alternations without diathesis**

# **11.4.1** *sein+Infinitiv* **Absentive**

	- (22) a. Ich schwimme. Ich bin schwimmen.
		- b. Ich bringe dem Nachbarn den Teller zurück. Ich bin nur mal kurz dem Nachbarn den Teller zurückbringen.
		- c. Ich bin dem Nachbarn den Teller zurückbringen gewesen. (\*sein)
	- (23) a. \* Ich bin einschlafen.
		- b. Ich bin dann mal schlafen!
		- c. \* Ich bin auf den Stuhl sitzen.

# **Attested verbs**


# **11.4.2** *gehen/fahren+Infinitiv* **Abitive**

Parallel to the *sein+Infinitiv* absentive, the light verbs *gehen* 'to go' and *fahren* 'to [11.34] drive' can also be used to indicate (intended) absence because of an activity (50a). In accordance to their lexical meaning, these two light verbs place a focus on the movement away, leading to the absence. I propose the term abitive (from Lat. *abire* 'to depart, to go away') for this construction. This term explicitly evokes a relation to the ablative, which is a nominal category that expresses a motion away from something. The verbal abitive construction does not induce an ipp *ErsatzInfinitiv* (24c).

	- b. \* Er geht einschlafen.
	- c. Er ist seinen Freund besuchen gegangen/gefahren. (\*gehen/fahren)

# **Attested verbs**

Probably exactly the same verbs as can be used with *sein+Infinitiv* absentive can [11.35] also be used with *gehen/fahren+Infinitiv*, so they will not be repeated here (see Section 11.4.1).

# **11.4.3** *kommen+Infinitiv* **Aditive**

Contrasting to the *gehen/fahren+Infinitiv* abitive there is also a *kommen+Infinitiv* [11.36] construction to express a movement towards a location where an activity takes place (25a). I propose the term aditive (from Lat. *adire* 'to approach') for this verbal category. The parallel nominal case is called allative, which also includes the prefix *ad-*, though with internal sandhi. This verbal aditive construction does not induce an ipp *ErsatzInfinitiv* (25b).

	- b. Er ist hier immer die Zeitung lesen gekommen. (\*kommen)

# **Attested verbs**

• probably exactly the same verbs as can be used with *sein+Infinitiv* absentive can also be used with *kommen+Infinitiv* (see Section 11.4.1).

# **11.4.4** *bleiben+Infinitiv* **Continuative**

	- (26) a. Nora bleibt morgens immer ewig liegen.<sup>11</sup>
		- b. ? Er bleibt ihr Briefe schicken.
		- c. Nora ist morgens immer liegengeblieben. (\*liegenbleiben)

# **Attested verbs**



<sup>11</sup>Schlücker (2007): 142

<sup>12</sup>Attested online at https://www.haustechnikdialog.de/Forum/t/242166/Viessmann-Vitopend-100-bleibt-laufen, accessed 24 September 2021.

<sup>13</sup>Lutherbibel 1984: 4.Mose 21:9

<sup>14</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 28.11.2017 (online).


# **11.4.5** *haben+Infinitiv* **Fortunative**

The construction *haben+Infinitiv* describes a situation in which the subject is in [11.38] a fortunate situation to do something, so I propose to call this construction fortunative (from Lat. *fortunatus* 'blessed, lucky'). This construction obligatorily needs an adverb, most frequently *leicht* 'easy' (27a) or *gut* 'well' (27b). Only incidentally other adverbs are attested, like *klug* 'clever' (27c). The main verb seems to be restricted to intransitives, most frequent are *reden* 'to talk' and *lachen* 'to laugh'. Utterance verbs appear to be particularly common in this construction. The only examples with transitive verbs involve incorporated-like objects, which makes such constructions arguably intransitive (27d).

This construction with *haben* is closely related to similar constructions with an [11.39] obligatory adverbial evaluation, like with the light verbs *sein* (see Section 11.5.3]) and *lassen* (see Section 3.3.4). A major difference is that *haben* only occurs with positive adverbials, while *sein* and *lassen* also allow the negative counterparts.

	- b. Er hat gut lachen. Der Kanzler hat gut schimpfen.<sup>18</sup>
	- c. Du hast klug reden.<sup>19</sup>
	- d. Wer im Rohr sitzt, hat gut Pfeifen schneiden.<sup>20</sup>

### **Further examples**

• Jungen haben leicht sagen: "Mädchen sind doof."<sup>21</sup>

<sup>15</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 07.11.2017 (online).

<sup>16</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 25.01.1996.

<sup>17</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 13.07.1998.

<sup>18</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 14.12.2002.

<sup>19</sup>dwds: Neutsch, Erik: Spur der Steine, Halle: Mitteldeutscher Verl. 1964 S.7.

<sup>20</sup>dwds: Wander, Karl Friedrich Wilhelm (Hrsg.): Deutsches Sprichwörter-Lexikon. Bd. 3. Leipzig, 1873.

<sup>21</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 20.10.1978, Nr. 43.


# **11.4.6** *tun+Infinitiv* **Progressive/Verb focus**

	- (28) a. ? Ich tu dir das Buch schenken.
		- b. Schenken tu ich dir das Buch.

# **Attested verbs**


# **11.4.7 Modal light verbs**

[11.41] The traditional modal verbs *dürfen/können/mögen/müssen/sollen/wollen* and the modal-like light verbs *werden* and *brauchen* are frequently used in constructions with infinitives. There do not seem to be any restrictions on which verbs can occur as infinitives in such constructions. This is noteworthy because all other constructions as discussed in this book have restrictions on the verbs that can be used with them (cf. Section 1.3.4).

<sup>22</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 28.04.1972, Nr. 17.

<sup>23</sup>dwds: Fontane, Theodor: Effi Briest. Berlin, 1896.

<sup>24</sup>dwds: Pocci, Franz von: Lustiges Komödienbüchlein. Bd. 4. München, 1871.

<sup>25</sup>dwds: Eckermann, Johann Peter: Gespräche mit Goethe in den letzten Jahren seines Lebens. Bd. 3. Leipzig, 1848.

The modal verbs *dürfen/können/mögen/möchten/müssen/sollen/wollen* are ex- [11.42] tensively discussed in the German grammatical literature and will therefore not discussed in any detail here (e.g. see Duden-Grammatik 2009: 556ff.). These modal verbs induce an ipp *ErsatzInfinitiv* (29).

	- b. Er hat das Haus bauen wollen (\*gewollt).

An interesting supplementary effect that these modal verbs have on diathesis [11.43] (first observed by Leirbukt 2000) concerns the interpretation of the *haben+Partizip* construction. This *haben+Partizip* construction has two different interpretations (30a), either *Perfekt* (see Section 10.4) or *Pertinenzpassiv* (see Section 10.5.22). In most uses, the *Perfekt* interpretation is the preferred reading. However, with an additional modal light verb the *Pertinenzpassiv* interpretation is strongly preferred (30b).

	- b. Er will sein Auto repariert haben. (*Pertinenzpassiv* = Er will, dass irgendjemand das Auto für ihn repariert.)

# **11.4.8** *brauchen+Infinitiv* **Negative obligation**

The light verb *brauchen* 'to need' is typically used with a *zu‑Infinitiv* together [11.44] with a negation or a modal particle like *nur* or *bloß* (31a), see Section 12.4.6. However, it also occurs (with the same negative polarity) without the particle *zu* (31b). Without *zu* it seems to be more typically used in sentences without objects. Whether there is any semantic difference between the usage with or without *zu* needs more in-depth investigation. When it is used without *zu* it seems only logical to include *brauchen* in the set of modal verbs (cf. Duden-Grammatik 2009: 556). The light verb *brauchen* is also similar to the modal verbs in that it induces an ipp *ErsatzInfinitiv* (31c).

	- b. Du brauchst nur noch unterschreiben.
	- c. Du hättest doch nur noch unterschreiben brauchen!

# **11.4.9** *werden+Infinitiv* **Future/presumption**

	- (32) a. Der Feind greift morgen vielleicht an.
		- b. Der Feind wird morgen vielleicht angreifen.
		- c. Seine Mutter wird sich damals gefreut haben.<sup>26</sup>
	- (33) a. Die Biene wird mich stechen. (= *werden+Infinitiv*)
		- b. \* Die Biene ist mich stechen geworden/werden. (= stack of *werden+Infinitiv* +> *sein+Partizip Perfekt*)
		- c. \* Ich werde (von der Biene) stechen geworden/werden. (= stack of *werden+Infinitiv* +> *werden+Partizip Vorgangspassiv*) 27
		- d. \* Ich gehöre stechen geworden/werden. (= stack of *werden+Infinitiv* +> *gehören+Partizip Normpassiv*)

<sup>26</sup>Duden-Grammatik (2009): 211

<sup>27</sup>Note that the reversed stack is perfectly possible, viz. *Ich werde (von der Biene) gestochen werden*, which is a stack of *werden+Partizip Vorgangspassiv* +> *werden+Infinitiv Futur*. However, this stack does not help decide whether an ipp occurs with the *werden* future.

# **11.4.10** *lassen+Infinitiv* **Reflexive intransitive**

The construction *lassen+Infinitiv+Reflexiv* is attested in many different variants, [11.47] for a summary see Section 11.2.5. There is a special situation in which this construction can be used with intransitive verbs without diathesis. This is a highly restricted usage that only occurs with intransitive verbs that describe both (i) an action that can be performed by an agent and (ii) an event that occurs by natural force, like *fallen* 'to fall' (34).

	- b. Er lässt sich fallen.

This construction (35) is completely transparent as a stack of a *lassen* causative [11.48] (Section 11.6.2) and a self-inflicting reflexive (Section 7.4.5). So, this epithesis is not an alternation in its own right and thus does not deserve to have its own section in this book. Notwithstanding, I have added this section to document the very small and semantically interesting class of intransitive verbs that allow for this stack.

	- +> *Permissivkausativ* = Ich lasse ihn fallen.
	- +> *Selbstbezogenes Reflexiv* = Er lässt sich fallen.

# **Attested verbs**

• *absacken, fallen, gehen, gleiten, hineinplumpsen, hinfallen, hinunterfallen, hinunterrutschen, sinken, schweben, treiben, zurückfallen*


<sup>28</sup>dwds: Der Tagesspiegel, 14.06.2002.

<sup>29</sup>Attested online at https://www.welt.de/print/welt\_kompakt/print\_literatur/article174151886/ Der-Stoff-der-wilden-Jahre.html, accessed 28 September 2022.

<sup>30</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 03.11.2015 (online).

<sup>31</sup>Attested online at https://www.katrinelihn.de/2016/die-kraft-der-alpen/, accessed 28 September 2022.


# **Notes**

	- (36) a. Er geht nach Hause.
		- b. Er lässt sich gehen.

# **11.4.11** *lernen+Infinitiv* **Assistive**

	- (37) a. Das Baby läuft. Das Baby lernt laufen.
		- b. Ich schreibe meiner Oma monatlich einen Brief. Ich lerne meiner Oma monatlich einen Brief (zu) schreiben.

# **11.4.12** *legen+Infinitiv*

	- (38) Er legt sich schlafen.

<sup>32</sup>dwds: Pressler, Mirjam: Malka Mai, Weinheim Basel: Beltz & Gelberg 2001, S. 167. <sup>33</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 26.10.1999.

<sup>34</sup>dwds: Bach, Tamara: Marsmädchen, Hamburg: Verlag Friedrich Oetinger 2003, S. 57.

# **11.5 Diatheses with subject demotion**

# **11.5.1 sbj › ø : [ N | – ]** *lassen+Infinitiv* **Reflexive impersonal+evaluative**

When used with intransitive verbs like *arbeiten* 'to work' (39a), the construction [11.52] *lassen+Infinitiv* leads to an impersonal construction removing the nominative subject. This construction obligatorily includes a reflexive pronoun and an adverbial that expresses an evaluation, like *gut* 'well' (39b). The expected valencysimulating pronoun *es* is typically present, but it seems possible to leave it out. The conditioning of the presence or absence of *es* needs more investigation (cf. Kunze 1996: 649). Besides the obvious evaluation as given by the adverb, this diatheses adds an epistemic notion of possibility to the meaning of the verb. I propose to call this diathesis möglichkeitsbewertung in German. There is a clear parallel to the impersonal construction without *lassen* in (39c), see Section 9.5.1. This *lassen+Infinitiv* diathesis invokes an *ErsatzInfinitiv* (39d).

	- b. Zuhause lässt (es) sich gut arbeiten.
	- c. Zuhause arbeitet es sich gut.
	- d. Früher hat es sich hier immer gut arbeiten lassen. (\*gelassen)

The attested adverbials are both positive (*gut, leicht, frei*) and negative [11.53] (*schlecht, schwer*). It is possible to find examples without an adverbial, but these always have a strong evaluative conversational implicature (cf. Section 9.3.1 for verbs with a similar effect). For example, in the examples in (40) the implication is that the life or dreams are good.

	- b. Hier lässt es sich träumen!<sup>36</sup>

This diathesis complex *lassen+Infinitiv+Reflexiv+Adverb* can structurally be [11.54] analysed as a stack of two constructions (see Section 2.5 for the notion of a stack). It appears to combine an unmarked impersonal reflexive diathesis (41a), see Section 9.5.1, with a causative *lassen+Infinitiv* diathesis (41b), see Section 11.6.2. However, the productive combination of these two diatheses does not result in the

<sup>35</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 05.01.2012, Nr. 02.

<sup>36</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 12.12.2013, Nr. 50.

*lassen+Infinitiv+Reflexiv+Adverb* construction (41c). For that reason, I consider this combination to be a separate grammaticalised diathesis, i.e. a fixed stack.

	- b. Irgendjemand lässt mich zuhause arbeiten.
	- c. Zuhause lässt es sich gut arbeiten.
	- (42) a. Der Ballon platzt. Der Ballon ist geplatzt.
		- b. \* Zuhause lässt es sich gut platzen.
		- c. Der Patient blutet. Der Patient hat geblutet.
		- d. \* Hier lässt es sich schwer bluten.

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**


# **11.5.2 sbj › ø : [ NP | –P ]** *lassen+Infinitiv* **Reflexive impersonal+preposition**

[11.56] Intransitive verbs with a governed prepositional phrases, like *zweifeln* 'to doubt' (43a), show an impersonal *lassen+Reflexiv* diathesis similar to the previous one.

<sup>37</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 06.11.1997.

When the governed prepositional phrase is expressed (below with the preposition *an*), then there are various syntactic difference to real intransitives. First, the adverbial evaluation does not appear to be necessary anymore. Second, the status of the valency-simulating *es* is unclear in such examples, though my impression is that with governed prepositional phrases the pronoun *es* is left out by default (43b). Whether there really is a difference in the status of *es* depending on the presence of governed prepositional phrases needs more research.

	- b. An der Ernsthaftigkeit der Aussage lässt ? (es) sich zweifeln.

This diathesis appears to be possible with almost all intransitive verbs with a [11.57] governed preposition. I have only been able to find a few exceptions, like *stinken nach* 'to stink of something' (44).

	- b. \* Nach Fisch lässt (es) sich stinken.

# **Attested verbs**


### **Further examples**

• Über das Wetter lässt sich schlecht streiten.<sup>38</sup>

# **11.5.3 sbj › ø : [ N | – ]** *sein+Infinitiv* **Impersonal+evaluative**

As attested in the famous German saying *Im Dunkeln ist gut munkeln*, this diathe- [11.58] sis is rather formulaic, but astonishingly widespread and productive. It consists of the verb *sein* with an infinitive and an evaluative adverb. Only the adverbs *gut, schlecht, leicht* and *schwer* appear to be possible. I propose to use the German name zustandsbewertung for this diathesis.

This diathesis is frequently attested with an additional location phrase (45a). [11.59] However, other adverbial phrases are also attested (45b). The verbs used in this diathesis are typically agentive, though incidental examples with patientive verbs are also attested, like with *einschlafen* (45c), see also the further examples below.

<sup>38</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 02.03.2017 (online).

### 11 Light-verb alternations withInfinitiv

	- b. Mit einem neutralen Deutschland ist schwer leben.<sup>40</sup>
	- c. Mit Vorhängen ist gut einschlafen.

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**


# **11.5.4 sbj › adj : [ N | p ]** *heißen+Infinitiv* **Modal subject demotion**

[11.60] The light verb *heißen* with an infinitive appears in various different constructions. One of them is the widespread desubjective usage with intransitive verbs, like with *warten* 'to wait' (46a). The original subject is demoted, but can optionally be retained as a *für* prepositional phrase. As there is no new subject introduced, an obligatory valency-simulating pronoun *es* is introduced. In German I propose to use the term aufforderungsdesubjektiv for this diathesis.

[11.61] Transitive verbs can be used in this construction, but only when the object does not have an article (46b). Such objects can be interpreted as incorporated

<sup>39</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 13.12.1996, Nr. 51.

<sup>40</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 12.05.1989, Nr. 20.

<sup>41</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 08.12.1995, Nr. 50.

<sup>42</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 30.03.2011, Nr. 13.

<sup>43</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 11.07.1998.

<sup>44</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 03.03.2001.

<sup>45</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 28.06.1968, Nr. 26.

<sup>46</sup>Capitalisation as attested online at https://www.evangelisch.de/blogs/stilvoll-glauben/133455/ 07-04--2016, accessed 26 September 2022.

objects, and there is a recurrent debate in German orthography whether such objects should be written separated by a space or not. Semantically, this *heißen+Infinitiv* construction is very close to the *gelten+zu‑Infinitiv* (see Section 12.5.5). Both express a kind of externally induced necessity (i.e. a modal *müssen*).

	- b. Und dann heißt es Daumen drücken.<sup>48</sup>

It is debatable whether this construction is coherent or not. When *heißen* is [11.62] interpreted as a modal predicate expressing obligation, then it is clearly coherent (47a). However, there is another interpretation of *heißen* as a lexical predicate with the meaning 'to be named, to denote' (see also paragraph 11.9 on page 546). In that interpretation it is mostly written with a colon, and that construction is not coherent (47b).

	- b. (Es ist bekannt, dass) es dann heißt: Daumen drücken.

Exactly the same construction *heißen+Infinitiv* can be also be used as a causa- [11.63] tive, although this usage is slightly old-fashioned (see Section 11.6.5). Sometimes both diatheses are possible, like with *niederknien* 'to kneel down' (48a). Counterintuitively, the effect is that *heißen+Infinitiv* can induce both a causative subject promotion (48b) and a modal subject demotion (48c).

	- b. Der Henker hieß ihn niederknien.
	- c. Vor dem Henker hieß es für ihn niederknien.


<sup>47</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 17.04.2017, Nr. 13.

<sup>48</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 03.08.2017, Nr. 29.

# **11.5.5 obj › sbj › adj : [ NA | pN ]** *lassen+Infinitiv* **Reflexive passive**

	- (49) a. Ich schließe den Schrank.
		- b. Der Schrank lässt sich (von mir) schließen. (= Es ist möglich, dass ich den Schrank schließe.)
		- c. Gestern hat sich der Schrank noch schließen lassen. (\*gelassen)
	- (50) a. Der Vater kämmt die Kinder.
		- b. Die Kinder lassen sich kämmen.
		- c. (= Die Kinder erlauben, dass sie gekämmt werden.)
		- d. (= Es ist möglich die Kinder zu kämmen.)

stacking these two diathesis leads to different results. The first option (51a) is very similar to the intended result (51c), but the implied agent is wrong. The second option (51b) leads to a completely different construction. So, the fixed combination *lassen+Infinitiv+Reflexiv* is arguably a new construction, called *Permissivpassiv* here.

	- +> *Passivkausativ* = Ich lasse den Schrank schließen.
	- +> *Reflexiv Antikausativ* = Der Schrank lässt sich (von mir) schließen.
	- b. Der Bauer schließt den Schrank.
		- +> *Reflexiv Antikausativ* = Der Schrank schließt sich.
		- +> *Passivkausativ* = Ich lasse den Schrank sich schließen.
	- c. Der Schrank lässt sich (vom Bauer) schließen.

It is possible to find ambiguous constructions like (52a), see also Kunze (1996: [11.68] 650ff.). In this example, the transparent combination of a *lassen* causative with a self-inflicting reflexive leads to the causative interpretation as in (52b), while the *Permissivpassiv* as discussed in this section leads either to a deontic interpretation ('permission', viz. *dürfen*) as in (52c) or an epistemic interpretation ('possibility', viz. *können*) as in (52d).

	- b. (= Der König sorgt dafür, dass er selbst getragen wird.)
	- c. (= Der König erlaubt, dass jemand ihn trägt.)
	- d. (= Es ist möglich, den König zu tragen.)

Any additional arguments can be retained in this diathesis. For example, an [11.69] additional dative argument of a ditransitive verb like *zuschreiben* 'to attribute' (53a) simply remains a dative after a *Permissivpassiv* (53b). In contrast, the causative+reflexive combination leads to a completely different result with such ditransitive verbs (53c). This is noteworthy, because this causative+reflexive stack results in exactly the same surface structure as the *Permissivpassiv* with the transitive examples above in (52). Not so with ditransitives like with *zuschreiben* (53a). The *Permissivpassiv* (53b) promotes the accusative to subject (*die Texte* 'the texts') and leaves the dative alone (*dem Autor* 'the author'). In contrast, the causative+reflexive combination (53c) results in a promotion of the dative to subject and leaves the accusative alone (see Section 11.6.1). Connected to this structural difference is a semantic difference. With the *Permissivpassiv* the new sentence has an inanimate subject (53b), so the only available interpretation is epistemic

("possibility"). In contrast, with the causative+reflexive diathesis the new sentence describes causation (53c).

	- b. Die Texte lassen sich dem unbekannten Autor zuschreiben. (= Es ist möglich, ihm die Texte zuzuschreiben.)
	- c. Der unbekannte Author lässt sich die Texte zuschreiben. (= Er sorgt dafür, dass die Texte ihm zugeschrieben werden.)
	- (54) a. Der Dozent übersieht den Rechtschreibfehler. Solch ein Rechtschreibfehler lässt sich leicht (vom Dozenten) übersehen.
		- b. Der Dozent erläutert den Begriff. Der Begriff lässt sich nur schwer (vom Dozenten) erläutern.

# **Attested verbs**



<sup>49</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 31.03.2010, Nr. 14.

# **11.5.6 obj › sbj › adj : [ ND | pN ]** *lassen+Infinitiv* **Dative reflexive passive**

A small group of verbs, like *helfen* 'to help' (55a) and *gratulieren* 'to congratulate' [11.71] (55b) show a dative reflexive passive with a permissive interpretation. Crucially, in this diathesis the original dative is turned into a nominative subject while the old subject is demoted to a *von* prepositional phrase. The obligatory reflexive pronoun is in the dative (55b). This diathesis obligatory has an *ErsatzInfinitiv* (55c).

	- b. Sie gratuliert mir. Ich lasse mir (von ihr) gratulieren. (= Ich erlaube, dass sie mir gratuliert.)
	- c. Sie hat sich gratulieren lassen. (\*gelassen)

There seem to be only very few verbs with a dative (but not accusative) that [11.72] allow for this passive diathesis. Various other verbs with a dative show a reflexive inversive diathesis, to be discussed separately (see Section 11.9.1).

# **Attested verbs**

• *entfliehen, gratulieren, helfen, imponieren*

# **Further examples**


# **11.5.7 obj › sbj › pbj : [ NA | PN ]** *lassen+Infinitiv* **Reflexive conversive**

For some transitive verbs the *lassen+Infinitiv+Reflexiv* diathesis has a slightly dif- [11.73] ferent structure and interpretation from the previously described passives (see Section 11.5.5). For example, this diathesis with *empören* 'to appall' (56a,b) only

<sup>50</sup>dwds: Die Grenzboten. Jg. 65, 1906, Viertes Vierteljahr.

<sup>51</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 01.06.2011, Nr. 23.

has a permissive interpretation ('allowing something to happen') (56c). The epistemic interpretation ('it is possible that something happens') is not available (56d). This restriction is consistent with the fact that the new subject in this diathesis is always human. This usage of *lassen* necessarily needs an *ErsatzInfinitiv* (56e).

	- b. Er lässt sich nicht von diesem Witz empören.
	- c. (= Er erlaubt nicht, dass er von diesem Witz empört wird.)
	- d. (≠ Es ist nicht möglich, dass er von diesem Witz empört wird.)
	- e. Er hat sich nicht empören lassen. (\*gelassen)
	- (57) a. Er empört sich über den Witz. Er empört sich darüber, dass der Witz rassistisch ist.
		- b. Er lässt sich nicht von dem Witz empören. Er lässt sich nicht davon empören, dass der Witz rassistisch ist.
	- (58) Der Witz empört ihn. +> *Passivkausativ* = \*Etwas lässt ihn (von dem Witz) empören. +> *Reflexiv Antikausativ* = Er lässt sich (von dem Witz) empören.
	- (59) a. ? Ich lasse mich von diesem Witz empören.
		- b. Ich lasse mich von diesem Witz begeistern.

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**


# **11.6 Diatheses with promotion to subject**

# **11.6.1 ø › sbj › adj : [ –NA | NpA ]** *lassen+Infinitiv* **Passive causative**

The *lassen+Infinitiv* causative diathesis can be used with almost all German verbs, [11.77] as discussed in the next Section 11.6.2. In that diathesis, the original nominative subject is demoted to an accusative (60a). However, there also exists a variant of that causative, which will be discussed in this section. In this variant, the original nominative is expressed with a *von* prepositional phrase (60b), or it can even be dropped altogether (60c). This results in an embedded "passive" reading with an unknown agent (cf. Enzinger 2012: 26). The resulting construction obligatorily takes an *ErsatzInfinitiv* (60d).

	- b. Sie lässt die Teller von dem Mitarbeiter waschen.

<sup>52</sup>dwds: Der Tagesspiegel, 26.10.2003.

<sup>53</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 18.05.2000, Nr. 21.

<sup>54</sup>dwds: Kisch, Egon Erwin: Der rasende Reporter, Berlin: Aufbau-Taschenbuch-Verl. 1925, S. 7. <sup>55</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 05.03.2011 (online).

### 11 Light-verb alternations withInfinitiv

	- First, (by definition) the *Passivkausativ* does not retain the original subject as an accusative, but uses an optional *von* prepositional phrase. This phrase is typically not present, and the complete absence of the original subject from a sentence is a telltale sign that a causative *lassen* construction is a *Passivkausativ*.
	- Second, the semantics of the *Passivkausativ* are purely causative. There is no alternative permissive interpretation possible, which is available for the other causative construction (hence the name *Permissivkausativ* for that one).
	- Third, some verbs cannot be used with the *Passivkausativ*, though they can be used with the other causative construction.
	- Finally, the *Passivkausativ* is prone to have additional reflexive pronouns added on top of the causative diathesis. This is not possible with the other causative construction.
	- (61) a. Sie lässt die Teller (von dem Mitarbeiter) waschen. (= causation: Sie sorgt dafür, dass die Teller gewaschen werden.) (≠ permission: Sie erlaubt, dass die Teller gewaschen werden.)
		- b. Sie lässt den Mitarbeiter die Teller waschen. (= causation: Sie beauftragt ihn, die Teller zu waschen.) (= permission: Sie erlaubt, dass er die Teller wäscht, obwohl andere Aufgaben warten.)

Expanding on the third characteristic from above: The *Passivkausativ* seems to [11.80] be restricted (or maybe even completely impossible) for verbs that do not have an accusative argument, like *antworten* 'to answer' (62a). The *Passivkausativ* seems to be impossible (62b), but the *Permissivkausativ* is unproblematic for such verbs (62c).

	- b. \* Der Dekan lässt dem Schüler vom Lehrer antworten.
	- c. Der Dekan lässt den Lehrer dem Schüler antworten.

Intransitive verbs like *einschlafen* 'to fall asleep' (63a) likewise do not take a [11.81] *Passivkausativ* because the *von* construction is not possible with intransitives (63b). Intransitives are thus analysed as having a *Permissivkausativ* (63c). This analysis also nicely matches the semantic interpretation, because many intransitive verbs both allow for a causative and a permissive reading in *lassen* constructions (63c).

	- b. \* Ich lasse vom Baby einschlafen.
	- c. Ich lasse das Baby einschlafen. (= permission: Ich erlaube, dass das Baby einschläft, indem ich es in Ruhe lasse.) (= causation: Ich sorge dafür, dass das Baby einschläft, indem ich es in den Schlaf wiege.)

Further, as observed in the literature (Nedjalkov 1976: 7; Enzinger 2012: 27), the [11.82] *Passivkausativ* is impossible with some verbs like *ausziehen* 'to take off' (64a,b). The *Permissivkausativ* with a double accusative is no problem (64c). This impossibility seems to be related to the availability of an endoreflexive diathesis (see Section 7.7.1), but that connection has to be investigated further. Note that with a different object (64d) or with a subject reflexive (64e) this construction is perfectly possible.

	- b. \* Er lässt die (eigene) Jacke von seinem Sohn ausziehen.
	- c. Er lässt seinen Sohn die (eigene) Jacke ausziehen.
	- d. Er lässt das Baby von seinem Sohn ausziehen.
	- e. Er lässt sich von seinem Sohn ausziehen.

11 Light-verb alternations withInfinitiv

	- (65) a. Ich schicke dem Jubilar einen Blumenstrauß. Sie lässt dem Jubilar einen Blumenstrauß schicken.
		- b. Ich spucke die Kerne in eine Schale. Sie lässt die Kerne in eine Schale spucken.
	- (66) a. Die Aushilfe wäscht den Teller. Ich lasse den Teller (von der Aushilfe) waschen.
		- b. Ich lasse mich waschen.
		- c. Ich lasse nicht nur mich waschen.
		- d. Ich lasse nur mich selbst waschen.
	- (67) a. Ich lasse mir die Teller waschen.
		- b. (= Ich lasse meine Teller waschen.)
		- c. (= Ich lasse die Teller für mich waschen.)
	- b. Der Künstler sticht ein Tattoo in ihren Arm. Ich lasse (von dem Künstler) ein Tattoo in ihren Arm stechen. Ich lasse ihr ein Tattoo in den Arm stechen. Ich lasse mir ein Tattoo in den Arm stechen.

These options might appear obviously different, but in practice it is often quite [11.88] confusing to determine what is going on in a specific sentence. There are two reasons for this confusion. First, the dative and accusative reflexive pronoun are identical in the third person (*sich*). Second, there are also various grammaticalised combinations of *lassen+Infinitiv* with a reflexive pronoun, which have clearly different meanings but often look quite similar (see Section 11.2.5 for a survey). To illustrate such possible confusion, I have collected some very similar constructions below in (69), which turn out to be all semantically and structurally different. The proposed analyses are listed in Table 11.2.

	- b. Der König lässt sich widerwillig kämmen. (= Er erlaubt, dass er gekämmt wird.)
	- c. Der König lässt sich einfach kämmen. (= Es ist möglich, den König zu kämmen.)
	- d. Der König lässt sich die Haare kämmen. (= Er sorgt dafür, dass seine eigenen Haare gekämmt werden.)
	- e. Der König lässt sich die Haare seines Hundes kämmen. (= Er sorgt selbstsüchtig dafür, dass andere Haare gekämmt werden.)
	- f. Der König lässt sich den Kuchen schmecken. (= Der Kuchen schmeckt dem König.)
	- g. Der König lässt sich den Kuchen schenken. (= Er sorgt dafür, dass jemand ihm einen Kuchen schenkt.)
	- h. Dem König lässt sich ein Kuchen schenken. (= Ein Kuchen ist ein passendes Geschenk für den König.)

### 11 Light-verb alternations withInfinitiv


Table 11.2: Analysis of the sentences in (69)

# **11.6.2 ø › sbj › obj : [ –N | NA ]** *lassen+Infinitiv* **Permissive causative**

	- (70) a. Ich wasche die Kleider.
		- b. Sie lässt mich die Kleider waschen. (= causation: Sie verursacht, dass ich die Kleider wasche.) (= permission: Sie erlaubt, dass ich die Kleider wasche.)
		- c. Sie hat mich die Kleider waschen lassen.

d. Sie hat mich die Kleider waschen gelassen. (= permission: Sie hat erlaubt, dass ich die Kleider wasche.)

In almost all sentences both the causative and the permissive interpretation of [11.90] the *Permissivkausativ* seem to be possible. Only the context seems to determine which interpretation is intended. In isolation, only very few verbs prefer one or the other interpretation. For example, *schauen* 'to watch' (71a) only allows for a permissive reading, while *sehen* 'to see' (71b) only allows for a causative interpretation. More research is needed to establish what kind of verbs likewise restrict the interpretation of the *Permissivkausativ*.

	- b. Meine Tochter sieht die grausame Fernsehserie. Ich lasse meine Tochter die grausame Fernsehserie sehen. (≠ permission: Ich erlaube, dass sie die Fernsehserie schaut.) (= causation: Ich zeige ihr die Fernsehserie.)

This diathesis can be applied to verbs of all argument structures. There is [11.91] always a new nominative introduced, and the old nominative is demoted to an accusative. Other arguments are simply retained. If there is already an accusative present (72), then the resulting construction simply has two accusative constituents. Such double accusatives are unusual in German because most roleremappings lead to a chain of remappings to not end up with identically marked constituents (see Section 2.6 on the notion of a "chain"). Additionally, any datives (72a) or prepositional phrases (72b) are simply left untouched by this diathesis.

	- b. Der Vater ärgert sich über die vielen Staus. Die Nachrichten lassen meinen Vater sich über die vielen Staus ärgern.

There are some verbs that do not allow for this diathesis (cf. Nedjalkov 1976: [11.92] 17), like *gefallen* 'to like' (73a,b). Such incompatible verbs probably all have a nonagent as nominative subject. However, the restrictions to the applicability of the *Permissivkausativ* need more in-depth investigation.

	- b. \* Der Verkäufer lässt den Schlitten dem Jungen gefallen.
	- (74) a. \* Ich lasse mich die Kleider waschen. (= Ich zwinge mich die Kleider zu waschen.)
		- b. \* Die Kinder lassen den Vater sich kämmen. (= Die Kinder lassen sich vom Vater kämmen.)
		- c. Ich lasse mir den Bart wachsen.
		- d. Ich lasse mich treiben.

# **Attested verbs**

• Not possible with verbs with non-agent subjects: *ähneln, bekommen, beschweren, besitzen, gefallen, interessieren, kennen, missfallen, sich befinden, verunglücken*

# **11.6.3 ø › sbj › obj : [ –N | NA ]** *schicken+Infinitiv* **Causative**

[11.94] The verb *schicken* allows for a construction with an infinitive (75). This diathesis does not express pure causation, but more of a directive to somebody to do something. For that reason I propose to call this diathesis direktivkausativ in German. This diathesis does not invoke the ipp *ErsatzInfinitiv* (75c).

	- b. Ich schicke ihn schlafen.
	- c. Ich habe ihn schlafen geschickt. (\*schicken)

The meaning of the light verb *schicken* in this diathesis is rather close to the [11.95] meaning of the full verb *schicken* 'to send' (76a). The diathesis with infinitive seems to be restricted to agentive intransitives (76b,c).

	- b. \* Er schickte mich einschlafen.
	- c. \* Er schickte mich fallen.

There is a frequent sentence structure of*schicken* with the infinitive of the tran- [11.96] sitive verb *holen* 'to fetch something'. There do not appear to be many transitive examples.

(77) a. Ich hole Bier.

b. Er schickt mich Bier holen.

# **Attested verbs**



<sup>56</sup>dwds: Mauthner, Fritz: Wörterbuch der Philosophie. In: Bertram, Mathias (Hg.) Geschichte der Philosophie, Berlin: Directmedia Publ. 2000 [1910], S. 24606.

<sup>57</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 06.12.2012, Nr. 50.

<sup>58</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 10.02.2005, Nr. 07.

<sup>59</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 19.02.2004.

<sup>60</sup>I thank Yvonne Treis for suggesting this example.

# **11.6.4 ø › sbj › obj : [ –N | NA ]** *machen+Infinitiv* **Causative**

	- (78) a. Ich lache.

Der Clown macht mich lachen.


### **Attested verbs**



<sup>61</sup>dwds: Zeiller, Martin: Centvria III. Variarvm Quæstionvm. Bd. 3. Ulm, 1659.

<sup>62</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 31.05.2007 (online).

<sup>63</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 21.12.2017, Nr. 49.

# **11.6.5 ø › sbj › obj : [ –N | NA ]** *heißen+Infinitiv* **Causative**

The verb *heißen* can also be used with an infinitive to express a causative mean- [11.98] ing (cf. Engel 1996: 489), though this is rather old-fashioned (79a,b). This diathesis does not invoke the ipp *ErsatzInfinitiv* (79c). Note that there is a different, apparently completely independent, desubjective usage of *heißen+Infinitiv* (see Section 11.5.4).

	- b. Der Henker hieß ihn niederknien.
	- c. Der Henker hat ihn niederknien geheißen (\*heißen).

### **Further examples**


# **11.6.6 ø › sbj › obj : [ –N | NA ]** *sehen+Infinitiv* **Experiencer**

The following perception verbs (Lat. *verba sentiendi*, German *Wahrnehmungsver-* [11.99] *ben*) are regularly discussed as a special class in the German grammatical literature: *sehen* 'to see', *hören* 'to hear' and *fühlen/spüren* 'to feel' (e.g. Eisenberg 2006b: 266; Kotůlková 2010b; Enzinger 2012: 23; Fuß et al. 2017: 235–243; Konopka & Hansen-Morath 2021). These verbs are special because they can occur both in a biclausal construction with a finite *dass* complement clause and in a monoclausal construction with an infinitive. This class of verbs is not completely homogeneous because only *sehen* and *hören* can optionally occur with an ipp *ErsatzInfinitiv*. These two verbs are also by far the most frequent in actual usage (Konopka & Hansen-Morath 2021). I propose to also include the verbs *riechen* 'to smell' and *finden* 'to find' (but in this construction it means 'to detect') in this class of verbs, although their use in infinitive constructions is much more restricted. When used in a coherent construction with an infinitive, I propose the German name perzeptiv for such constructions.

The verb *sehen* 'to see' can both be used with a finite *dass* complement clause [11.100] (80a) and with an infinitive construction (80b). This infinitive construction optionally allows for an ipp *ErsatzInfinitiv* (80c,d).

<sup>64</sup>dwds: Ganghofer, Ludwig: Der Dorfapostel, Stuttgart: Adolf Bonz 1900, S. 124.

<sup>65</sup>dwds: Rosegger, Peter: Die Schriften des Waldschulmeisters. Pest, 1875.

### 11 Light-verb alternations withInfinitiv

	- b. Ich sehe dich dem Jungen ein Buch geben.
	- c. Ich habe dich dem Jungen das Buch geben sehen/gesehen.
	- d. Die Mutter war sehr ängstlich und hat ständig ihre Kinder unter einem Auto liegen sehen.<sup>66</sup> Bei ihrer Flucht habe sie auf den Hoteltreppen viele Leichen liegen gesehen.<sup>67</sup>

# **11.6.7 ø › sbj › obj : [ –N | NA ]** *hören+Infinitiv* **Experiencer**

	- (81) a. Ich höre, dass du das Lied singst.
		- b. Ich höre dich das Lied singen.
		- c. Ich habe dich das Lied singen hören/gehört.
		- d. Während meiner Recherche habe ich Ulrike nicht singen hören.<sup>68</sup> Dort hat mich ein Erzieher auf dem Flur singen gehört.<sup>69</sup>

# **11.6.8 ø › sbj › obj : [ –N | NA ]** *fühlen+Infinitiv* **Experiencer**

	- (82) a. Er fühlt, dass die Ameisen über seinen Arm laufen.
		- b. Er fühlt die Ameisen über seinen Arm laufen.
		- c. Er hat die Ameisen über seinen Arm laufen gefühlt (\*fühlen).
		- d. Auf so anrührende Weise wie in Asmara haben wir uns selten unterhalten gefühlt.<sup>70</sup>

<sup>66</sup>In: Leibniz-Institut für Deutsche Sprache: *Wörterbuch zur Verbvalenz*. Grammatisches Informationssystem grammis. https://grammis.ids-mannheim.de/verbs/view/400881/14, accessed 22 July 2021.

<sup>67</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 27.11.2008, Nr. 48.

<sup>68</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 18.01.2018, Nr. 01.

<sup>69</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 15.09.2016 (online).

<sup>70</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 16.12.2010, Nr. 51.

# **11.6.9 ø › sbj › obj : [ –N | NA ]** *spüren+Infinitiv* **Experiencer**

The verb *spüren* 'to feel' can both be used with a *dass* complement clause (83a) [11.103] and with an infinitive construction (83b). This infinitive construction does not allow for an ipp *ErsatzInfinitiv* (83c,d).

	- b. Er spürt die Ameisen über seinen Arm laufen.
	- c. Er hat die Ameisen über seinen Arm laufen gespürt (\*spüren).
	- d. Und Pfauder habe sein Herz bis zum Hals hoch klopfen gespürt.<sup>71</sup>

# **11.6.10 ø › sbj › obj : [ –N | NA ]** *riechen+Infinitiv* **Experiencer**

The verb *riechen* 'to smell' can be used with a *dass* complement clause (84a) and [11.104] in very few cases it is also attested with an infinitive construction (84b). This infinitive construction does not allow for an ipp *ErsatzInfinitiv* (84c,d).

	- b. Er riecht seine Mutter Milchreis kochen.
	- c. Er hat seine Mutter Milchreis kochen gerochen (\*riechen).
	- d. Er schlug sich querfeldein, nahm meilenweite Umwege in Kauf, wenn er eine noch Stunden entfernte Schwadron Reiter auf sich zukommen roch.<sup>72</sup>


<sup>71</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 30.11.1996.

<sup>72</sup>dwds: Süskind, Patrick: Das Parfum, Zürich: Diogenes 1985, S. 4.

<sup>73</sup>William M. Thackeray: Die Rose und der Ring. Übersetzung Jörg Karau 2009. Attested online at https://www.joergkarau-texte.de/PDF/Die%20Rose%20und%20der%20Ring.pdf, accessed 22 July 2021.

<sup>74</sup>Note the non-standard capitalisation. Attested online at https://twitter.com/oerthelius/status/ 1368214157347221508, accessed 13 September 2021.

# **11.6.11 ø › sbj › obj : [ –N | NA ]** *finden+Infinitiv* **Experiencer**

	- (85) a. Er stellte fest (\*findet), dass sein Teller auf dem Tisch steht.
		- b. Er fand seinen Teller auf dem Tisch stehen.
		- c. Er hat seinen Teller auf dem Tisch stehen gefunden (\*finden).
		- d. Er […] rauchte den Joint auf, den er dort liegen fand.<sup>75</sup>

# **Attested verbs**

• Position verbs: *stehen, liegen, sitzen*

# **Further examples**


# **11.6.12 ø › sbj › obj : [ –N | NA ]** *lehren+Infinitiv* **Assistive**

[11.106] The verb *lehren* 'to teach' can be used as a light verb with infinitive. The construction induces a novative diathesis in which a new role ("the teacher") is introduced as a nominative and the erstwhile nominative is demoted to accusative (86a,b). Atypically for a light-verb construction, the meaning of the light verb *lehren* remains completely transparently related to the full verb with the meaning 'to teach'. There is an alternative construction with *zu‑Infinitiv* (see Section 12.2.2) that appears to have a highly similar meaning. More research is needed to elucidate any difference between these two constructions (86b,c). The *lehren+Infinitiv* diathesis does not invoke the ipp *ErsatzInfinitiv* (86d).

<sup>75</sup>dwds: Der Tagesspiegel, 02.10.1998.

<sup>76</sup>dwds: Süddeutsche Zeitung, 1995 [1945].

<sup>77</sup>dwds: Droysen, Johann Gustav: Geschichte Alexanders des Großen. Hamburg, 1833.

	- b. Die Mutter lehrt den Jungen schwimmen.
	- c. Die Mutter lehrt den Jungen zu schwimmen.
	- d. Die Mutter hat den Jungen schwimmen *gelehrt*.

There does not seem to be any syntactic restriction on the main lexical verbs [11.107] that can be used in this diathesis. Any verb can be used as long as the verb can sensibly be conceived as something that can be taught. Any other arguments of the lexical verb simply are retained, which regularly leads to double accusatives (87a,b).

	- b. Sie lehrt mich mich waschen.

# **11.6.13 ø › sbj › obj : [ –N | ND ]** *helfen+Infinitiv* **Assistive**

The verb *helfen* 'to help' can be used as a light verb with infinitive. The con- [11.108] struction induces a novative diathesis in which a new role ("the helper") is introduced as a nominative and the erstwhile nominative is demoted to dative (88a,b). Atypically for a light-verb construction, the meaning of the light verb *helfen* remains completely transparently related to the full verb with the meaning 'to help'. There is an alternative construction with *zu‑Infinitiv* (88c), see Section 12.2.2, that appears to highly similar. More research is needed to elucidate any difference between these two constructions. The *helfen+Infinitiv* diathesis allows for the ipp *ErsatzInfinitiv*, but it is not obligatory (88d).

	- b. Er hilft mir den Koffer tragen.
	- c. Er hilft mir den Koffer zu tragen.
	- d. Er hat mir den Koffer tragen *geholfen*. Er hat mir den Koffer tragen *helfen*.

Any lexical verb can be used in this construction as long as the verb can sen- [11.109] sibly be conceived as something that can be helped with. Other arguments of the lexical verb are simply retained. However, the *helfen+Infinitiv* construction seems to be dispreferred when the lexical verb has many arguments (89a,b). It appears to be more typical of constructions with only a single lexical argument (89c,d). Note that this construction is also typically used without the beneficiary of the helping being expressed, i.e. the agent of the lexical verb is dropped (89d).

	- b. Sie hilft mir dir einen Brief schreiben.
	- c. Sie hilft mir schreiben.
	- d. Sie hilft den Brief schreiben.

# **11.7 Diatheses with object demotion**

[11.110] Not attested.

# **11.8 Diatheses with promotion to object**

[11.111] Not attested.

# **11.9 Symmetrical diatheses**

# **11.9.1 obj › sbj › obj : [ ND | AN ]** *lassen+Infinitiv* **Dative reflexive inversive**

	- (90) a. Ihm fällt etwas Neues ein.
		- b. Er lässt sich etwas Neues einfallen. (\*eingefallen)
		- c. Ihm fällt etwas Neues ein.
			- +> *Passivkausativ* = ? Irgendjemand lässt ihm etwas Neues einfallen.
			- +> *Reflexiv Antikausativ* = ?Etwas Neues lässt sich ihm einfallen.
	- b. Der Spaß entgeht mir. Den Spaß lasse ich mir nicht entgehen.

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**


# **11.9.2 obj › sbj › obj : [ NDL | ANL ]** *haben+Infinitiv* **Possessor inversive**

The construction of a light verb *haben* with an infinitive (cf. Hole 2002: 183–185) [11.114] is attested with various position verbs like *hängen* (92a). These position verbs obligatorily need a location phrase (92b). In this diathesis, the hanging object is expressed as an accusative, and the new nominative subject of the *haben+Infinitiv* construction is necessarily the dative possessor of the location (92c), see Section 6.8.12. By using this diathesis, the new nominative subject is presented as a curious mix of both being in control and being a helpless experiencer at the same time. In German I propose to use the name ortspertinenzinversiv for this diathesis. This diathesis does not invoke the ipp *ErsatzInfinitiv* (92d).

	- b. \* Er hat einen Tropfen hängen.
	- c. Ein Tropfen hängt an seiner Nase. Ein Tropfen hängt ihm an der Nase.
	- d. Er hat einen Tropfen an der Nase hängen *gehabt* (\*haben).

<sup>78</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 22.11.1985, Nr. 48.

<sup>79</sup>dwds: Brief von Irene G. an Ernst G. vom 07.12.1939, Feldpost-Archive mkb-fp-0270.

<sup>80</sup>dwds: Strittmatter, Erwin: Der Laden, Berlin: Aufbau-Verl. 1983, S. 213.

11 Light-verb alternations withInfinitiv

	- (93) Ich habe das Auto auf dem Parkplatz stehen. (= Mein Auto steht auf dem Parkplatz.) (≠ Das Auto steht auf meinen Parkplatz.) (≠ Das Auto steht mir auf dem Parkplatz.)
	- (94) a. Ein Tropfen hängt ihm an der (seiner) Nase. Er hat einen Tropfen an seiner Nase hängen.
		- b. Die (seine) Wohnung brennt ihm. Er hat seine Wohnung am brennen.

# **Attested verbs**



<sup>81</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 28.07.2003.

# **12 Light-verb alternations with** *zu‑Infinitiv*

# **12.1 Introduction**

Besides diatheses with regular infinitives, as discussed in the previous chapter, [12.1] there are also light-verb constructions with *zu* and an infinitive. The German particle *zu* is historically an allative 'towards' preposition related to English *to*. In the German orthography, the *zu* element is regularly separated from the infinitive by a space. However, morphologically the *zu‑Infinitiv* is clearly one word and should be considered a special non-finite form of the verb, alongside the participle and the infinitive (see Section 12.2.1).

The *zu‑Infinitiv* can be combined with various light verbs to form a mono- [12.2] clausal construction. This is widespread without diathesis, for example with light verbs *pflegen* (1a), see Section 12.4.1, and *haben* (1b), see Section 12.4.5. However, the main focus of this chapter is on light verbs that induce diathesis when used with the *zu‑Infinitiv*, for example a passive with *sein* (1c), see Section 12.5.8, and an anticausative with *stehen* (1d), see Section 12.5.6.

	- b. Die Schüler haben die Aufgaben zu lösen.
	- c. Hunde sind an der Leine zu führen.
	- d. Ein weiterer Beschäftigungsabbau steht zu befürchten.

Following Bech (1955), constructions with a *zu‑Infinitiv* are often designated [12.3] as *Zweiter Status* in the German grammatical literature. However, this name is not very transparent nor particularly mnemonic, so I prefer to simply use the term *zu‑Infinitiv* construction.

One of the central issues with sentences that include a *zu‑Infinitiv* is the ques- [12.4] tion whether such sentences are biclausal or monoclausal. There is actually a grammaticalisation cline with (non-coherent) biclausal structures on the one side and (coherent) monoclausal structures on the other side (see Section 12.2.2). The

major aim of this chapter is to list and discuss all grammaticalised coherent monoclausal *zu‑Infinitiv* constructions of the German language, all diatheses as well as all epitheses. The biclausal constructions are deliberately excluded. There is a strong tendency for the monoclausal *zu‑Infinitiv* constructions to express some kind of imperfective aspect and/or modality, as opposed to participle constructions (Chapter 10) that tend to express perfective meanings.

	- [sbj › ø] *sein* unpersönliches modalpassiv (see Section 12.5.1 ff.)
	- [sbj › adj] *geben* möglichkeitsdesubjektiv (see Section 12.5.4)
	- [sbj › adj] *gelten* notwendigkeitsdesubjektiv (see Section 12.5.5)
	- [obj › sbj › ø] *gehen* unmöglichkeitsantikausativ (see Section 12.5.7)
	- [obj › sbj › ø] *stehen* erwartungsantikausativ (see Section 12.5.6)
	- [obj › sbj › adj] *sein* modalpassiv (see Section 12.5.8)
	- [obj › sbj › obj] *bleiben* restinversiv (see Section 12.9.1)
	- [ø › sbj › obj] *geben* möglichkeitskausativ (see Section 12.6.1)

# **12.2 Defining the** *zu‑Infinitiv*

# **12.2.1 Morphological structure**

	- (2) a. Du brauchst nichts zu kaufen.
		- b. Du brauchst nichts einzukaufen.

because (i) it is always unstressed and (ii) it is not separable from the infinitive, not even by preverbs like *ein‑*. The combination of *zu* plus infinitive is thus best considered to be a grammaticalised non-finite verb form of German, alongside the *Partizip* and the *Infinitiv*. I propose to simply call it the *zu‑Infinitiv*.

Probably the only reason that simplex verbs still have a written space between [12.8] *zu* and the infinitive is that homographs would be introduced when the two parts would be written without a space. For example, the *zu‑Infinitiv* of the verb *schließen* 'to close' would be *zuschlíeßen* with unstressed *zu* and a main stress on *schließ* (3a), while the regular *Infinitiv* of the verb *zuschließen* 'to lock' would be *zúschließen* with stressed *zu* (3b). Obviously, an alternative orthographic choice would be to indicate the primary stress in such (rare) cases of possible confusion (e.g. by a diacritic). Or even more stringently, ideally the usage of the space in (3) would be reversed, i.e. write the *zu‑Infinitiv* without space and detach stressed preverbs with a space. However, the current usage is strongly entrenched in the German orthography and is unlikely to change. Yet, this should not distract from the fact that morphologically *zu* in a *zu‑Infinitiv* (3a) is clearly bound morphology, while the *zu‑* preverb (3b) has a much weaker morphological bond.

	- b. Du musst die Tür nicht zuschließen.

# **12.2.2 Grammaticalisation**

The element *zu* in the *zu‑Infinitiv* is obviously related to the preposition *zu*, [12.9] which has a bewildering number of different uses in German.<sup>1</sup> Diachronically, there has been a development from an originally allative meaning 'towards' via a purpose meaning 'with the intention to' to the usage of *zu* in complement clauses. This grammaticalisation pathway is widespread worldwide (Haspelmath 1989) and well described for Germanic languages (e.g. Smirnova 2016 for German; Los 2005 for English).

This grammaticalisation pathway can be further extended as shown in (4). The [12.10] verb *lehren* 'to teach' can actually be used in all three syntactic stages. In the first stage, the verb *lehren* is used with a *zu‑Infinitiv* complement clause that is expressed after the main clause. Such constructions are non-coherent and thus consist of two clauses. In the second stage, the verb *lehren* can also be used with a *zu‑Infinitiv*, but now this infinitive is incorporated into the main clause. Such constructions are coherent and thus consist of just a single clause. Finally, in

<sup>1</sup> For example, see the listing of the dwds at https://www.dwds.de/wb/zu.

the third stage, the verb *lehren* is used with a bare infinitive without *zu*. Such constructions are always monoclausal.

	- (5) a. Wahrscheinlich auch, weil ihn die Erfahrung [gelehrt hat], niemals nie [zu sagen].<sup>2</sup>
		- b. Unser Abgott Theodor Fontane dagegen, der uns so vieles in Stadt und Land [zu sehen] [gelehrt hat], scheint die Berliner Galerie kaum besucht zu haben.<sup>3</sup>
		- c. Was hast du den Indios für Possen angerichtet, daß sie dich so schön [tanzen] [gelehrt haben]?<sup>4</sup>
	- (6) a. Sie [hat] noch viele Jahre [zu leben].
		- b. (Es ist bekannt, dass) sie noch viele Jahre [zu leben] [hat].
		- c. \* (Es ist bekannt, dass) sie [hat] noch viele Jahre [zu leben].

<sup>2</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 28.07.2013 (online).

<sup>3</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 11.06.1998.

<sup>4</sup>dwds: Perutz, Leo: Die dritte Kugel, Reinbek bei Hamburg: Rowohlt 1988 [1915], S. 5.

Most verbs with a *zu‑Infinitiv* actually only allow for the first option: biclausal non-coherent complement constructions (7a). These fall outside of the scope of this book. At the other extreme, some verbs only allow for monoclausal *Infinitiv* construction (7g). These were already discussed in the previous Chapter 11. The verbs that allow for both stage 2 and 3 with the same meaning (6f) were also already included in the previous chapter and will not be discussed here again (*heißen, helfen, lehren* and *lernen*).

	- a. **Only stage 1 possible** (only biclausal *zu‑Infinitiv*): e.g. *schwören* 'to vow', *fragen* 'to ask'
	- b. **Both stage 1 and 2 possible with the same meaning** (biclausal and monoclausal *zu‑Infinitiv*): e.g. *anfangen* 'to begin', *versuchen* 'to attempt'
	- c. **Both stage 1 and 2 possible with different meanings** (biclausal and monoclausal *zu‑Infinitiv*): e.g. *wissen* 'to know' vs. 'can', *drohen* 'to threaten' vs. 'there is evidence for it'
	- d. **Only stage 2 possible** (only monoclausal *zu‑Infinitiv*): *pflegen* lit. 'to nurse' but here meaning 'to do habitually'
	- e. **Both stage 2 and 3 possible with different meanings** (both monoclausal *zu‑Infinitiv* and *Infinitiv*), e.g. *bekommen* 'covert experience' vs. 'recipient subject'
	- f. **Both stage 2 and 3 possible with the same meaning** (both monoclausal *zu‑Infinitiv* and *Infinitiv*): e.g. *brauchen* 'to require, need', *helfen* 'to help'
	- g. **Only stage 3 possible** (only monoclausal *Infinitiv*): e.g. *müssen* 'must', *können* 'can'

In between these extremes there are various further possibilities. Most promi- [12.14] nently, there is the group of verbs that allow for both stage 1 and 2 without any obvious differences in meaning (7b). These are widely discussed in the German grammatical literature under the heading modalitätsverben. Various lists can be found, for example in Wurmbrand (2003: 318–319) and Colomo (2010: 167– 175), citing earlier literature. A short survey of various structural and semantic aspects of this group is presented in Rapp & Wöllstein (2013). From a quick search in the dwds corpus it appears that the the following verbs are the most interesting for further research. These verbs are frequently attested with both sentence structures, but without obvious differences in meaning between those structures:

*anfangen, aufhören, beabsichtigen, beginnen, erlauben, gedenken, glauben, heißen, helfen, hoffen, lehren, lernen, lieben, sich lohnen, machen, meinen, streben, trachten, sich trauen, vergessen, versuchen, vorgeben, wagen, wünschen*. Examples with the verb *wünschen* 'to wish' are shown in (8). These verbs will not be further discussed in this chapter, but they deserve more research.

	- b. Das war es was er zu hören gewünscht hatte.<sup>6</sup>
	- (9) a. Er verspricht rechtzeitig nach Hause zu kommen. (Es ist bekannt, dass) er verspricht rechtzeitig nach Hause zu kommen.
		- b. Der Film verspricht eine Sensation zu werden. (Es ist bekannt, dass) der Film eine Sensation zu werden verspricht.

<sup>5</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 23.11.2011 (online).

<sup>6</sup>dwds: Fontane, Theodor: Wanderungen durch die Mark Brandenburg. Bd. 4: Spreeland. Berlin, 1882.

# **12.3 Deponent verbs**

This is not attested. Note that theoretically such verbs might occur in German, [12.17] but as far as I am aware there do not exist any examples. The necessary observation would be a lexical verb that can occur in a *zu‑Infinitiv* construction (10a), but cannot be used as a finite verb (10b). The verb *überzeugen* in (10) is thus not an example of this hypothetical phenomenon, as the second sentence then should have been ungrammatical.

	- b. Der Lehrer überzeugt seine SchülerInnen.

# **12.4 Alternations without diathesis**

# **12.4.1** *pflegen+zu‑Infinitiv* **Habitual**

The lexical verb *pflegen* means 'to nurse, to maintain'. However, in combination [12.18] with a *zu‑Infinitiv* the verb *pflegen* is one of the clearest examples of a construction that is always coherent, while at the same time it has a completely different meaning from its other uses. The *pflegen+zu‑Infinitiv* expresses a habitual aspect, meaning approximately something like 'to usually do something' (11a,b). Examples proving coherence are shown in (11c,d).

Colomo (2010: 246–256) argues that the real semantic content of *pflegen+zu‑In-* [12.19] *finitiv* is not the habitual aspect, but that it is more closely related to modal meanings of other *zu‑Infinitiv* constructions. However, that analysis needs a lot of semantic trickery, and I do not see what is gained from it. I propose to simply consider the *pflegen+zu‑Infinitiv* a habituativ in German.

	- b. Sie pflegte laut zu lachen.
	- c. (Es ist bekannt, dass) sie laut zu lachen pflegte.
	- d. \* (Es ist bekannt, dass) sie pflegte laut zu lachen.

# **12.4.2** *belieben+zu‑Infinitiv* **Habitual**

The verb *belieben* can be used with a *zu‑Infinitiv*, but only in rather archaic and [12.20] mostly ironic usage. When interpreted literally, such structures convey a habitual action by the subject. However, interpreted ironically it normally means that the

speaker disagrees with the action (12a). This even leads to contexts in which the construction is used to express 'you should reconsider your actions' (12b).

	- b. Schmoller beliebe zu überlegen, dass er in diesem Satze seine Meinung plötzlich ändert.<sup>7</sup>

# **12.4.3** *wissen/verstehen+zu‑Infinitiv* **Ability**

	- (13) a. Der Lehrer weiß die Schüler zu begeistern.
		- b. (Es ist bekannt, dass) der Lehrer die SchülerInnen zu begeistern weiß.
		- c. \* (Es ist bekannt, dass) der Lehrer weiß die SchülerInnen zu begeistern.
	- (14) a. Er versteht zu siegen.
		- b. Er hat zu siegen verstanden.<sup>8</sup>
		- c. \* Er hat verstanden zu siegen.


<sup>7</sup>dwds: Menger, Carl: Die Irrthümer des Historismus in der deutschen Nationalökonomie. Wien, 1884.

<sup>8</sup>dwds: Der Tagesspiegel, 04.10.2000.

<sup>9</sup>Attested online at https://www.philaseiten.de/cgi-bin/index.pl?PR=51029, accessed 26 October 2021.

# **12.4.4** *vermögen+zu‑Infinitiv* **Negative ability**

The construction *vermögen+zu‑Infinitiv* is an expression from a more formal reg- [12.23] ister meaning 'to be capable of something (with effort)' (cf. Engel 1996: 482). It is typically used with negation (15a) and it is obligatorily coherent (15b). Incidental cases without negation are also attested (15c).

	- b. Wie lange genau, hat er nicht zu sagen vermocht.
	- c. Bisher habe die Industrie es vermocht, Rohstoffe immer noch effizienter und noch billiger zu fördern.<sup>11</sup>

# **12.4.5** *haben+zu‑Infinitiv* **Obligation**

The *haben+zu‑Infinitiv* construction is extensively discussed in Holl (2010). It has [12.24] a clear modal meaning of obligation, i.e. 'must' (16a). There is a direct parallel to the English *to have to* construction. In German I propose to call this diathesis obligativ. This construction is obligatorily coherent (16b).

	- b. (Es ist bekannt, dass) die Schüler die Aufgaben zu lösen haben.

The examples in (17) suggest that this construction sometimes means 'can' [12.25] instead of 'must'. It is unclear to me how widespread this usage is. It might be connected to the occurrence of the particle *noch*, but that needs a more in-depth investigation.

	- b. Die Bürger haben nur noch indirekt etwas zu sagen.<sup>12</sup>


<sup>10</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 23.06.2015, Nr. 25.

<sup>11</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 26.03.2015, Nr. 13.

<sup>12</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 16.04.2015, Nr. 16.

# **12.4.6** *brauchen+zu‑Infinitiv* **Negative obligation**

	- (18) a. Ich brauche ein Handtuch.
		- b. Du brauchst nur zu rufen.
		- c. Niemand braucht es zu wissen.
	- (19) a. Er braucht seine Kleider nicht selber (zu) waschen.
		- b. (Es ist bekannt, dass) er seine Kleider nicht selber zu waschen braucht.

# **12.4.7** *gehören+zu‑Infinitiv* **Obligation**

	- (20) Den Kauffleuthen vnd Bawren gehört zu trawen vnd glauben zu halten mit dem grossen hauffen.<sup>13</sup>

<sup>13</sup>dwds: Wander, Karl Friedrich Wilhelm (Hrsg.): Deutsches Sprichwörter-Lexikon. Bd. 2. Leipzig, 1870.

# **12.4.8** *suchen+zu‑Infinitiv* **Conative**

The verb *suchen* 'to search' has a special usage with a *zu‑Infinitiv* expressing the [12.29] meaning 'to attempt to do something' (21a). In this usage, the meaning of *suchen* is very close to the meaning of *versuchen* 'to try'. It seems to be restricted to a high-education written register in German. Crucially, in this meaning the verb *suchen* is a light verb because the construction *suchen+zu‑Infinitiv* is obligatorily coherent (21b,c). Note that the semantically similar lexical verb *versuchen* is not obligatorily coherent.

There is an old tradition in Latin grammar to describe one of the possible [12.30] meanings of the Latin present tense as a "conative present" (from Lat. *conor* 'to try') when it should be translated as an attempted action. Thus, it seems fitting to call the *suchen+zu‑Infinitiv* diathesis a conative.

	- b. Mit ihrem Namen ist ein blutiges Ereignis verbunden, das sie erfolglos zu verhindern gesucht hatte.<sup>15</sup>
	- c. \* … ein Ereignis, … das sie erfolglos gesucht hatte zu verhindern.

# **12.4.9** *denken+zu‑Infinitiv* **Cogitative**

In most contexts, the verb *denken* means 'to think, to believe'. In this meaning, [12.31] a *zu‑Infinitiv* construction is not coherent (22a,b). In contrast, with a *zu‑Infinitiv* in a coherent construction, the verb *denken* means 'to plan, to intend' (22c,d). This usage of *denken* is arguably somewhat special, either old-fashioned or simply slightly poetic. I propose to call this coherent monoclausal construction a *cogitative* (from Lat. *cogitare* 'to plan, to intend').

	- b. \* (Es ist bekannt, dass) er mich überraschen zu können denkt.
	- c. Ich denke ihn zu überraschen. (Es ist bekannt, dass) ich ihn zu überraschen denke.
	- d. ? (Es ist bekannt, dass) ich denke, ihn zu überraschen.

<sup>14</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 27.11.2017, Nr. 48.

<sup>15</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 08.05.2003, Nr. 20.

# **Further examples**


# **12.4.10** *scheinen+zu‑Infinitiv* **Inferential evidence**

	- (23) a. Er scheint ihm ein Buch zu geben.
		- b. Ich habe gesehen, wie er ihm ein Buch zu geben scheint.
		- c. \* Ich habe gesehen, wie er scheint ihm ein Buch zu geben.
	- (24) a. Das Kind scheint mir zu schlafen.
		- b. Viele von ihnen hatten während des Vorwahlkampfs Hillary Clinton unterstützt, weil ihnen die Vorstellung eines schwarzen Präsidenten einfach zu kühn, zu vermessen erschien.<sup>18</sup>

<sup>16</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 05.01.2006, Nr. 02.

<sup>17</sup>dwds: Klepper, Jochen: Der Vater, Gütersloh: Bertelsmann 1962 [1937], S. 452.

<sup>18</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 06.11.2008, Nr. 46.

# **12.4.11** *drohen/versprechen+zu‑Infinitiv* **Direct evidence**

A detailed discussion of *drohen* and *versprechen* is presented by Diewald & Smir- [12.34] nova (2010: 191–217). Basically, when used with a *zu‑Infinitiv*, both verbs can either have a speech-act usage (25), meaning 'to threaten' and 'to promise', respectively, or they can have a grammaticalised light-verb usage with an evidential meaning (26). There is a very strong tendency that the speech-act usage is syntactically non-coherent, while evidential usage is coherent (Reis 2005: 136– 140).

	- a. Er hatte dem Konzern gedroht, Lebensmittel zu vergiften.<sup>19</sup>
	- b. Er hat versprochen, Marihuana zu legalisieren.<sup>20</sup>
	- a. Das führt zu einem Problem, das Johanna Knüppel in den Wahnsinn zu treiben droht.<sup>21</sup>
	- b. Die Pfänder hinter den Papieren waren Immobilien, deren Wert ständig weiter zu steigen versprach.<sup>22</sup>

Diewald & Smirnova (2010: 191–217) analyse the coherent light-verb usage of [12.35] *drohen* and *versprechen* as marking a direct evidential, i.e. the speaker of the utterance has first-hand evidence for the proposition (27). There are various differences between *drohen* and *versprechen*. First, drohen is very frequent in its evidential coherent reading (80% of all occurrences), while versprechen (10% of all occurrences) is not (corpus counts from Diewald & Smirnova 2010: 214). Second, *drohen* can be used with animate/human subjects, while *versprechen* is restricted to inanimate subjects. Third, *drohen* does not have strong restrictions as to which verbs can be used as infinitive. The verbs are typically non-agentive but possibly intentional (Diewald & Smirnova 2010: 197–199). In contrast, *versprechen* only allows for a restricted set of verbs that do not express agency (Diewald & Smirnova 2010: 212). Finally, *drohen* implies a negative evaluation from the speaker's point of view, while *versprechen* implies a positive evaluation. Because of this evaluation I propose to use the German name bewertungsevidenz for this construction.

<sup>19</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 14.10.2015 (online).

<sup>20</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 05.05.2016 (online).

<sup>21</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 08.12.2017, Nr. 51.

<sup>22</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 15.08.2017 (online).

### 12 Light-verb alternations withzu‑Infinitiv

	- a. *drohen*: "The speaker has (had) perceptual access to certain pieces of information which s/he interprets as pointing towards the described event (which is evaluated negatively from the speaker's point of view)." (Diewald & Smirnova 2010: 195)
	- b. *versprechen*: "The speaker has perceptual access to certain pieces of information which s/he interprets as pointing towards the described event (which is evaluated positively from the speaker's point of view)." (Diewald & Smirnova 2010: 209)

# **Attested verbs**


# **12.4.12** *kommen+zu‑Infinitiv* **Covertly caused state**

	- (28) a. Plötzlich ist er neben ihr zu liegen gekommen.<sup>24</sup>
		- b. Jetzt ist sie hier im Torf auch zu blühen gekommen.<sup>25</sup>

<sup>23</sup>See also Lesart 44 von *kommen* in the *Wörterbuch zur Verbvalenz*, available online at https: //grammis.ids-mannheim.de/verbs/view/400724/44, accessed 3 November 2021.

<sup>24</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 07.08.1992, Nr. 33.

<sup>25</sup>Attested online at https://www.orchideenkultur.net/index.php?topic=23522.0, accessed 27 September 2021.

	- b. (Es ist bekannt, dass) Sie gekommen sind (um) ihm zu helfen.
	- c. Wir dürfen nicht zulassen, dass die Stationierung von Truppen zum Surrogat für Politik wird und dass Truppen, die in der Absicht zu helfen gekommen sind, im Laufe der Zeit als Eindringlinge und Besatzer wahrgenommen werden.<sup>26</sup>

# **Attested verbs**

• *liegen, wohnen, leben, glauben, blühen, sprechen, stehen*

# **Further examples**


# **12.4.13** *bekommen/kriegen+zu‑Infinitiv* **Covertly caused experience**

Jäger (2013) presents a detailed examination of the *bekommen/kriegen+zu‑Infini-* [12.38] *tiv* construction (30). She concludes that the subject of such sentences is typically an experiencer (Jäger 2013: 235). The centrality of the experiencer role is reminiscent of the *bekommen/kriegen/erhalten+Partizip* dative passive diathesis, in which the recipient is promoted to subject (see Section 10.5.21). However, both structurally and semantically these two constructions are clearly different.

(30) Ich habe auch sonst mancherlei zu sehen bekommen, was anderer Augen versagt bleibt.<sup>27</sup>

Jäger performed a corpus investigation and found that 77% of all examples [12.39] used a verb of sensation (Jäger 2013 'to feel' (31a). The second largest group with about 16% were verbs of consumption (Jäger 2013: 161), like *essen* 'to eat' (31b). Various agentive verbs make up a third group of about 6% (Jäger 2013 'to grasp' (31c).

<sup>26</sup>Attested online at >https://docplayer.org/40817735-Clausewitz-gesellschaft-e-v-jahrbucheine-zusammenfassung-von-beitraegen-aus-der-arbeit-der-gesellschaft-2006.html>, accessed 3 November 2021.

<sup>27</sup>Cited in Jäger (2013: 11), orignially from dwds: Janitschek, Maria (1902): Die neue Eva, Leipzig: Seemann, S. 36138.

12 Light-verb alternations withzu‑Infinitiv

	- (31) a. Das hat auch Wiesbaden zu spüren bekommen.<sup>28</sup>
		- b. Den Tag über bekommen sie nichts Warmes zu essen.<sup>29</sup>
		- c. Die Nacht war dunkel, und ich bekam nachher den Jammerkerl zu packen.<sup>30</sup>

# **Attested verbs**


# **12.5 Diatheses with subject demotion**

# **12.5.1 sbj › ø : [ N | – ]** *sein+zu‑Infinitiv* **Impersonal**

	- (32) a. Ab 22 Uhr ist zu schlafen.<sup>31</sup>
		- b. Zum Schutz von ein- und aussteigenden Fahrgästen ist langsam zu fahren und nötigenfalls anzuhalten.<sup>32</sup>

<sup>28</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 13.03.1958, Nr. 11.

<sup>29</sup>dwds: Frisch, Karl von: Erinnerungen eines Biologen, Berlin: Springer 1957, S. 7.

<sup>30</sup>dwds: Scheerbart, Paul: Immer mutig! In: Deutsche Literatur von Lessing bis Kafka, Berlin: Directmedia Publ. 2000 [1902], S. 144560.

<sup>31</sup>Holl (2010): 18

<sup>32</sup>dwds: o. A.: Verkehrskunde für die Führerscheinklassen 1-3–4, Remagen: Verkehrs-Verl. 1965, S. 109.

# **Attested verbs**

• *anhalten, fahren, schlafen*

# **12.5.2 sbj › ø : [ NP | –P ]** *sein+zu‑Infinitiv* **Impersonal+preposition**

It is slightly more common to find impersonal *sein+zu‑Infinitiv* constructions [12.42] with governed prepositions, though this usage is still very rare (33). Note that the original nominative subject cannot be retained in another form, and it is not replaced by a valency-simulating pronoun *es*. Because of the parallel to the *Modalpassiv* (see Section 12.5.8) I will call this diathesis unpersönlicher modalpassiv, although the name "passive" is actually not fitting in this case. Just as with the *Modalpassiv*, this construction can have either a deontic *müssen* interpretation (33a) or a dynamic *können* meaning (33b), the latter typically with negation.

	- b. Mit ihm ist nicht zu spaßen.

# **Attested verbs**

• *antworten auf, arbeiten an, lachen über, spaßen mit, warten auf*

# **Further examples**


# **12.5.3 sbj › ø : [ ND | –D ]** *sein+zu‑Infinitiv* **Impersonal+dative**

Similarto the previous section, impersonal*sein+zu‑Infinitiv* is possible with some [12.43] verbs taking a dative object, though this usage is exceedingly rare (34). Just like in the previous section, the original nominative subject cannot be retained and, while removed, it is not replaced by a valency-simulating pronoun *es*. Also this construction can have either a deontic *müssen* interpretation (34a) or a dynamic *können* meaning (34b), the latter typically with negation.

<sup>33</sup>Holl (2010): 18

<sup>34</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 28.10.1999, Nr. 44.

<sup>35</sup>dwds: Vischer, Friedrich Theodor von: Ästhetik oder Wissenschaft des Schönen. Bd. 1. Reutlingen u. a., 1846.

	- b. Auch ihm war nicht zu trauen.<sup>37</sup>

# **Attested verbs**

• *beitreten, gedenken, gratulieren, helfen, trauen*

# **Further examples**


# **12.5.4 sbj › adj : [ NA | pA ]** *geben+zu‑Infinitiv* **Subject demotion**

	- (35) a. Seine Fans kaufen ein Gesamtpaket.
		- b. Stattdessen gibt es für seine Fans ein Gesamtpaket zu kaufen.<sup>41</sup>
		- c. Stattdessen hat es für seine Fans ein Gesamtpaket zu kaufen gegeben.

<sup>36</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 21.12.1990, Nr. 52.

<sup>37</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 15.09.2005, Nr. 38.

<sup>38</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 02.10.2000.

<sup>39</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 17.02.1984, Nr. 08.

<sup>40</sup>dwds: Jahresberichte für deutsche Geschichte, 1939, S. 354.

<sup>41</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 11.12.2013 (online).

This construction is commonly used with an quantified adverb like *viel/genug/* [12.46] *reichlich/nichts* (36b) instead of an nominal accusative object (36c). Also, *geben + zu‑Infinitiv* is typically used without the retained subject in a *für* phrase (37a). Without a retained subject, the expression of a full nominal accusative is more widespread (37b).

	- b. Es gibt für Reisende noch viel zu entdecken.
	- c. \* Es gibt für Reisende das Land zu entdecken.
	- b. Ich gewinnen einen Preis. Es gibt einen Preis zu gewinnen.

# **Further examples**


# **12.5.5 sbj › adj : [ NA | pA ]** *gelten+zu‑Infinitiv* **Subject demotion**

The verb *gelten* can be used with a *zu‑Infinitiv* by demoting the original subject [12.47] to an (optional) *für* prepositional phrase (38a). As there is no replacement for the subject of the sentence, a valency-simulating pronoun *es* is introduced. This results in a fixed expression *es gilt* (cf. Engel 1996: 488–489). This construction expresses a necessity, close to a modal 'must', and is mainly used in a formal written register. In contrast to the previous *Möglichkeitsdesubjektiv* (see Section 12.5.4) I propose to call this diathesis notwendigkeitsdesubjektiv in German.

The *gelten+zu‑Infinitiv* construction is typically coherent, viz. the finite verb [12.48] *gilt* appears at the end of a subordinate clause (38a). However, it is possible to find non-coherent examples (38b), indicating that this construction is not completely grammaticalised into a monoclausal construction. The coherent usage appears to be the more widespread, though.

<sup>42</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 03.04.2014, Nr. 15.

### 12 Light-verb alternations withzu‑Infinitiv

(38) a. Lanz verteidigt den Sieg.

Jetzt gilt es für Lanz den Sieg zu verteidigen.<sup>43</sup>


# **Further examples**


# **12.5.6 obj › sbj › ø : [ NA | –N ]** *stehen+zu‑Infinitiv* **Anticausative**


<sup>43</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 02.11.2012 (online).

<sup>44</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 05.07.2017, Nr. 28.

<sup>45</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 09.11.1996.

<sup>46</sup>Bech (1955): 220–222

<sup>47</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 16.11.2010 (online).

<sup>48</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 13.06.2008, Nr. 25.

	- b. Jemand befürchtet, dass ihr Nachfolger das anders handhaben wird. Es steht zu befürchten, dass ihr Nachfolger das anders handhaben wird.<sup>50</sup>
	- c. So steht zu befürchten, dass sich die innenpolitischen Gräben noch vertiefen.<sup>51</sup>

Except for the verbs of expectation, there are two incidental, but quite fre- [12.52] quent, verbs that can be used in this construction, namely *lesen* 'to read' (40a) and *verkaufen* 'to sell' (40b). Semantically, these do not seem to express any notion of expectation. Crucially, the *stehen+zu‑Infinitiv* construction is coherent with these two verbs (40c,d).

	- b. Luxuriöse Villa auf der Insel Brač steht zu verkaufen.<sup>53</sup>
	- c. (Es ist bekannt, dass) es hier zu lesen steht.
	- d. (Es ist bekannt, dass) das Haus zu verkaufen steht.

### **Attested verbs**


# **12.5.7 obj › sbj › ø : [ NA | –N ]** *gehen+zu‑Infinitiv* **Negative anticausative**

The *gehen+zu‑Infinitiv* anticausative (41a) seems to be typical for an informal [12.53] register. Most examples include a negation, and only very few examples without

<sup>49</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 15.01.1999.

<sup>50</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 12.05.2016 (online).

<sup>51</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 07.05.2015, Nr. 19.

<sup>52</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 03.09.2012 (online).

<sup>53</sup>Attested online at https://www.croatia-property.net/de/property/luxuriose-villa-auf-derinsel-brac-zu-verkaufen-1991/, accessed 8 November 2021.

negation are attested (41b,c). The construction expresses that something is impossible (or, without negation, possible). In German I propose to use the name unmöglichkeitsantikausativ for this diathesis.

	- b. Die temporäre Datei geht zu löschen, aber nicht die exe.<sup>54</sup>
	- c. Das Radio geht zu reparieren.<sup>55</sup>
	- (42) a. Die Sozialdemokraten haben […] verhindert, was nur zu verhindern ging.<sup>56</sup>
		- b. Die […] Hochschulen haben versucht zu retten, was zu retten ging.<sup>57</sup>
		- c. Was zu privatisieren ging, ist privatisiert.<sup>58</sup>

# **Attested verbs**

• *ändern, bauen, beheben, kitten, löschen, reparieren, rezipieren, schneiden, stopfen, verschließen*


<sup>54</sup>Attested online at https://administrator.de/forum/windows-7-probleme-nachlaufwerksbuchstaben-zuweisung-von-wechseldatentraegern-112602.html, accessed 8 November 2021.

<sup>55</sup>Helbig & Buscha (2001): 166

<sup>56</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 23.09.2000.

<sup>57</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 17.05.2000.

<sup>58</sup>dwds: Der Tagesspiegel, 14.07.2003.

<sup>59</sup>Attested online at https://www.gutefrage.net/frage/schneiden-einer-feuerfesten-scheibe, accessed 8 November 2021.

<sup>60</sup>Attested online at https://www.rc-network.de/threads/portalfräse-mit-laser-nachrüsten. 370360/page-4, accessed 8 November 2021.

<sup>61</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 05.09.2009, Nr. 20.


# **12.5.8 obj › sbj › adj : [ NA | pN ]** *sein+zu‑Infinitiv* **Modal passive**

When used with transitive verbs, the *sein+zu‑Infinitiv* construction is a passive [12.55] diathesis with a modal meaning, which I propose to call modalpassiv in German. A passive is defined here as a promotion of the accusative object to nominative subject and the demotion (and possibly complete deletion) of the original subject. Authors that argue against a passive status for this construction simply use other criteria for what counts as "passive" (cf. Holl 2010: 19).

Depending on the context, various modal interpretations are possible for the [12.56] *sein+zu‑Infinitiv* construction, as illustrated in (43). These examples show a *müssen* interpretation in (43a), a *dürfen* interpretation in (43b), a *können* interpretation in (43c) and a *nicht brauchen* interpretation in (43d). The *müssen* and *können* interpretations appear to be the most frequent.

	- b. Ich öffne das Fenster. Das Fenster ist (nur von bestimmte Personen) zu öffnen.
	- c. Du löst die Aufgabe. Die Aufgabe ist (für dich) leicht zu lösen.
	- d. Ich erwarte Hagel. Hagel ist nicht zu erwarten.

<sup>62</sup>dwds: Am Ende der Welt X. Herzschnalzen Blog, 2010-06-01.

<sup>63</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 21.07.2001.

<sup>64</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 22.07.1977, Nr. 30.

<sup>65</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 03.11.1972, Nr. 44.

<sup>66</sup>dwds: Liliencron, Adda Freifrau von: Krieg und Frieden, Erinnerungen aus dem Leben einer Offiziersfrau. In: Simons, Oliver (Hg.) Deutsche Autobiographien 1690–1930, Berlin: Directmedia Publ. 2004 [1912], S. 45055.

<sup>67</sup>dwds: Wander, Karl Friedrich Wilhelm (Hrsg.): Deutsches Sprichwörter-Lexikon. Bd. 1. Leipzig, 1867.

12 Light-verb alternations withzu‑Infinitiv

	- (44) a. Das Pult ist zu bedienen. Das Pult ist einfach zu bedienen.
		- b. Der Weg ist zu gehen. Der Weg ist schön zu gehen.
	- (45) a. \* Die Bücher werden am Schalter im Lesesaal bekommen.
		- b. Die Bücher sind am Schalter im Lesesaal zu bekommen.

	- Verbs with obligatory quantified objects (Section 5.3.4): *dauern, enthalten, kosten, sparen, umfassen, wachsen, wiegen, zunehmen*
	- Verbs with reflexive conversive (Section 7.5.6): *bekümmern, empören, ergeben, erstaunen, interessieren, freuen, kümmern, wundern*
	- Verbs of possession: *besitzen*
	- Other verbs without passive: *kennen, schmerzen (traurig machen, mit Akkusativ)*

# **Further examples**


# **Notes**

The verb *kennen* 'to be acquainted with' used to be possible in this construction. [12.60] The most recent example that I have been able to find is from Hugo von Hofmannsthal (46).

(46) Sie ist schwer zu kennen.<sup>72</sup>

# **12.6 Diatheses with promotion to subject**

# **12.6.1 ø › sbj › obj : [ –NA | NDA ]** *geben+zu‑Infinitiv* **Novative**

The *geben+zu‑Infinitiv* construction has two rather different uses. It can be used [12.61] with subject demotion and a modal meaning (see Section 12.5.4) or with subject promotion and a causative/permissive meaning (this section). With subject promotion it is widely used with verbs of cognition that take an embedded clause, like *bedenken* 'to consider' (47a). Embedded in the *geben+zu‑Infinitiv* construction, this results in a novative construction with a meaning 'to offer to consider' (47b). Such constructions are coherent (47c,d). I propose to call this diathesis möglichkeitskausativ in German.

	- b. Er gibt mir zu bedenken, dass es schon spät ist.
	- c. Er hat mir zu bedenken gegeben, dass es schon spät ist.
	- d. \* Er hat mir gegeben zu bedenken, dass es schon spät ist.

<sup>68</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 09.06.2005, Nr. 24.

<sup>69</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 18.09.2008, Nr. 39.

<sup>70</sup>Attested online at https://wohnwagen-forum.de/wwf/forum/index.php?thread/67750 stromzähler/&pageNo=2, accessed 9 November 2021.

<sup>71</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 21.09.2017 (online).

<sup>72</sup>dwds: Hofmannsthal, Hugo von: Der Schwierige. In: Deutsche Literatur von Lessing bis Kafka, Berlin: Directmedia Publ. 2000 [1917], S. 92458.

	- (48) a. Soldaten hätten ihnen zu essen und zu trinken gegeben.<sup>73</sup>
		- b. Als Großmütter ihren Enkeln mit der Flasche ungesüßte Schokolade zu trinken gaben.<sup>74</sup>

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**


# **Notes**

[12.63] The verb *leben* 'to live' is used in this construction with a slightly different meaning. As illustrated in (49a) it does not mean 'to cause to live' but 'to predict

<sup>73</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 12.05.2015 (online).

<sup>74</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 07.03.2013, Nr. 11.

<sup>75</sup>dwds: Müller-Jahnke, Clara: Ich bekenne. In: Deutsche Literatur von Frauen, Berlin: Directmedia Publ. 2001 [1904], S. 52490.

<sup>76</sup>dwds A. Zweig, Junge Frau, S. 203.

<sup>77</sup>dwds: Kafka, Franz: Amerika. In: Deutsche Literatur von Lessing bis Kafka, Berlin: Directmedia Publ. 2000 [1914], S. 105459.

to remain alive'. The *geben+zu‑Infinitiv* construction with the verb *denken* 'to think' is typically stacked inside a modal *sollen/müssen+Infinitiv* (49b) or a perfect *haben+Partizip* (49c).

	- b. Sollte das nicht den Pazifisten zu denken geben?
	- c. Hoffentlich hat die Sendung auch Lehrern zu denken gegeben.

# **12.7 Diatheses with object demotion**

Not attested. [12.64]

# **12.8 Diatheses with promotion to object**

Not attested. [12.65]

# **12.9 Symmetrical diatheses**

# **12.9.1 obj › sbj › obj : [ NA | DN ]** *bleiben+zu‑Infinitiv* **Inversive**

The *bleiben+zu‑Infinitiv* diathesis shows many intricate details that are in need [12.66] of a much deeper investigation than I can offer here. I have only been able to find a few short discussions of this construction in the literature, none of which go into much detail (Höhle 1978: 48–50; Engel 1996: 478–479; Colomo 2010: 196–197).

Basically, this diathesis is an passive-like construction, with the accusative be- [12.67] ing promoted to nominative subject. However, different from a passive, the original subject can be retained as a dative (50a). For that reason this diathesis is classified as an inversive. Because the demotion (nominative to dative) is "larger" than the promotion (accusative to nominative), this diathesis can be considered a "demoted" inversive. Just like all diatheses, this construction is coherent (50b).

Semantically, this diathesis expresses that (some part of) the grammatical pa- [12.68] tient is still left over to be applied to the verb, so there is something still to be considered. For this reason I propose to use the German name restinversiv for this diathesis.

### 12 Light-verb alternations withzu‑Infinitiv

	- b. Ich habe gehört, dass dem Inspektor nur noch der letzte Fall zu klären bleibt.
	- (51) a. Jetzt bleibt nur noch, diesen Entwurf zu diskutieren. […] weil jetzt nur noch dieser Entwurf zu diskutieren bleibt.<sup>78</sup>
		- b. Der Wahlleiter klärt den Wahltermin. Vorher jedoch bleibt der Wahltermin zu klären.<sup>79</sup>
		- c. Ich berücksichtige den Glücksanspruch der Mutter. Aber ebenso bleibt der Glücksanspruch der Mutter auch zu berücksichtigen.<sup>80</sup>
	- (52) a. Ich entdecke hier viel.
		- b. Hier bleibt mir noch viel zu entdecken.<sup>81</sup>
		- c. (Es ist bekannt, dass) mir hier noch viel zu entdecken bleibt.
	- (53) a. Ich warte ab, ob Paul wirklich kommt. Es bleibt abzuwarten, ob Paul wirklich kommt.<sup>82</sup>
		- b. Wir müssen Geduld haben, weil abzuwarten bleibt, ob Paul wirklich kommt.

<sup>78</sup>Höhle (1978): 49

<sup>79</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 30.10.1987, Nr. 45.

<sup>80</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 02.10.1970, Nr. 40.

<sup>81</sup>dwds: Der Tagesspiegel, 09.03.2003.

<sup>82</sup>Holl (2010): 10

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**


# **Notes**

The situation with verbs that take a dative argument, like *danken* 'to thank' or [12.71] *antworten* 'to answer', needs more investigation. The *bleiben+zu‑Infinitiv* construction seems to result in sentences with a double dative (54b). However, this construction does not appear to be coherent (54c,d).

(54) a. Ich danke dem Veranstalter für diese Ausstellung.

b. Mir bleibt, dem Veranstalter zu danken für diese Ausstellung.<sup>90</sup>

<sup>83</sup>Colomo (2010): 196

<sup>84</sup>dwds: Bresch, Carsten: Klassische und molekulare Genetik, Berlin u. a.: Springer 1965 [1964], S. 174.

<sup>85</sup>dwds: Der Tagesspiegel, 16.10.2003.

<sup>86</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 24.02.1996.

<sup>87</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 01.01.1993, Nr. 01.

<sup>88</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 16.09.2010, Nr. 38.

<sup>89</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 22.09.2005, Nr. 39.

<sup>90</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 02.05.1969, Nr. 18.

	- (55) a. Es bleibt der Ratschlag, Objekte gut zu prüfen.<sup>91</sup>
		- b. Es bleibt der Anspruch, die Region zu befrieden.<sup>92</sup>
		- c. Jemand gab den Ratschlag, die Objekte gut zu prüfen.
		- d. Jemand hat den Anspruch, die Region zu befrieden.

<sup>91</sup>dwds: Der Tagesspiegel, 24.12.2004.

<sup>92</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 15.10.1998, Nr. 43.

# **13 Light-verb alternations with** *Präpositionsinfinitiv*

# **13.1 Introduction**

This final chapter investigates a class of constructions that consist of a light [13.1] verb with a preposition, an article and an infinitive, like the *sein+am‑Infinitiv* progressive (1a), see Section 13.4.1, or the *haben+am‑Infinitiv* inversive (1b), see Section 13.9.1. German has various such grammaticalised monoclausal constructions, which are superficially similar, but syntactically clearly different from clauses with ordinary prepositional phrases. The grammaticalised combination of a preposition, an article and an infinitive will be called a *Präpositionsinfinitiv* and it is proposed here as a fourth non-finite verbform alongside *Partizip*, *Infinitiv* and *zu‑Infinitiv*.

	- b. Der Jongleur hat unzählige Teller am Drehen.

Such grammaticalised constructions appear to be relatively new to the German [13.2] language. There is some historical research on the *sein+am‑Infinitiv* progressive, and a few tentative examples have been observed as early as the 16th century (Gárgyán 2010: 124–132). However, the progressive only becomes regularly attested in the 19th century. The other constructions discussed in this chapter have not yet been properly diachronically investigated, but my impression is that they are all relatively recent developments. Accordingly, these constructions are often considered colloquial and are regularly avoided in formal written language.

In German orthography, when an infinitive is used as a noun (as most clearly [13.3] indicated by a preceding article) than the rules dictate that it should be written with a capital letter. Consequently, I have written all infinitives with capitals in this chapter. However, there is quite a bit of uncertainty about this in daily orthographic practice. For example, both capitalised and non-capitalised forms of the *am* progressive are frequently attested in contemporary German (Gárgyán 2010: 67–68, 73–74). Using lowercase actually makes sense, given that the infinitive in a *Präpositionsinfinitiv* is a grammaticalised non-finite verbform.

### 13 Light-verb alternations withPräpositionsinfinitiv

	- (2) a. Sie träumt vom Schwimmen.
		- b. Er läuft zum Schwimmen durch die halbe Stadt.
	- (pbj › sbj › ø) *sein zum* auslösersubjektiv (see Section 13.5.1)
	- (obj › sbj › obj) *haben am* pertinenzinversiv (see Section 13.9.1)
	- (ø › sbj › obj) *halten am* fortsetzungskausativ (see Section 13.6.1)

# **13.2 Defining the** *Präpositionsinfinitiv*

# **13.2.1 Grammatical structure**

[13.6] The *Präpositionsinfinitiv* is a grammaticalised construction that will be distinguished from the superficially identical "regular" combination of a preposition with an article and an infinitive. This distinction is rather subtle and there is quite some individual variation, indicating that the *Präpositionsinfinitiv* is still in its early stages of grammaticalisation. I will first discuss the general characteristics of regular preposition+article+infinitive combinations, only to subsequently argue that the *Präpositionsinfinitiv* (3a) is different, see Section 13.2.1. Various highly similar structures will be distinguished from the *Präpositionsinfinitiv* in the ensuing sections, namely (i) governed prepositional subordination (3b), see Section 13.2.2, (ii) adverbial modification (3c), see Section 13.2.3 and (iii) the *Funktionsverbgefüge* (3d), see Section 13.2.4.

	- b. Der Husten kommt sicher vom Rauchen. ('vom Rauchen' = prepositional subordination, Section 13.2.2)
	- c. Der Senior kommt täglich zum Schwimmen. ('zum Schwimmen' = adverbial modification, Section 13.2.3)
	- d. Das Prinzip kommt bald zur Anwendung. ('zur Anwendung' = *Funktionsverbgefüge*, Section 13.2.4)

The central part of a *Präpositionsinfinitiv* is the infinitive verbform. An infini- [13.7] tive is basically a noun derived from a verb (see Section 11.2.2). As a noun, an infinitive can regularly be preceded by an article, forming a noun phrase, like *das Schreiben* 'the writing' (4a). And as a noun phrase, it can be preceded by a preposition to form a prepositional phrase *durch das Schreiben* 'by writing' (4b). The infinitive can also have additional attributive modifiers, e.g. adjectives like *schnell* 'fast' (4c), modifying prepositional phrases like *im Dunkeln* 'in the dark' (4d) or modifying genitive phrases like *eines Tagebuchs* 'of a diary' (4e). Syntactically, the position of the preposition+article+infinitive phrase in the sentence is flexible. Specifically, it does not have to occur immediately before the finite verb at the end of a subordinate clause (4f). Finally, under some morphophonological circumstances the preposition and article fuse together, leading to contractions like *beim*, from *bei*+*dem* (4g). All these possibilities show that the infinitive operates exactly like a regular noun inside a prepositional phrase.

	- b. [Durch das Schreiben]PP ist er berühmt geworden.
	- c. [Durch das schnelle Schreiben]PP ist er müde geworden.
	- d. [Durch das Schreiben im Dunkeln]PP ist er blind geworden.
	- e. [Durch das Schreiben eines Tagebuchs]PP hat er viel gelernt.
	- f. (Es ist bekannt, dass) er sich [durch das Schreiben]PP von seinen Dämonen befreit hat.
	- g. [Beim Schreiben]PP ist er eingeschlafen.

Different from (4), some preposition+article+infinitive combinations have spe- [13.8] cial characteristics indicating that they are grammaticalised into bound morphology, namely the preposition and article are (i) fused, (ii) unstressed and (iii) inseparable, and the whole phrase (iv) cannot be modified and (v) is positionally fixed.

### 13 Light-verb alternations withPräpositionsinfinitiv

I will call such grammaticalised combinations präpositionsinfinitiv. They behave syntactically like a non-finite verbform, on a par with the *Partizip*, *Infinitiv* and *zu‑Infinitiv*. For example, they regularly occur in the so-called "right sentence bracket" at the end of a clause, in which all German non-finite verbs are placed.

	- (i) The preposition and the article are obligatorily fused.
	- (ii) The fused preposition/article is always unstressed (e.g. contrastive focus is not possible).
	- (iii) The fused preposition/article is inseparable into its component pieces.
	- (iv) The infinitive does not allow for any attributive modifiers, such as prenominal adjectives, post-nominal genitives or prepositional phrases.
	- (v) In subordinate position, the preposition+article+infinitive combination is inseparable, placed immediately in front of the sentence-final finite verb.
	- (5) a. Ich sitze am Tisch.
		- b. Ich bin am Arbeiten.
	- (6) a. Ich sitze ám Tisch, nicht áuf dem Tisch.
		- b. ? Ich bin ám Arbeiten, nicht béim Arbeiten.

Next, in the locational usage the fused preposition+article combination can [13.12] be separated into two words (7a). This is not possible in the grammaticalised progressive construction (7b), cf. Gárgyán (2010: 71).

(7) a. Ich sitze an dem Tisch.

b. \* Ich bin an dem Arbeiten.

Additionally, attributive adjectives are possible in the locational usage (9a), [13.13] but not in the progressive construction (9b), cf. Gárgyán (2010: 69). Other modifiers, like genitives, relative clauses or prepositional clauses are likewise not well-formed in the grammaticalised progressive construction.

	- b. \* Ich bin am harten Arbeiten.

Finally, the syntactic flexibility of a location phrase like *am Tisch* is much [13.14] greater than the progressive *am Arbeiten*. This is most clearly illustrated by adding an adverb like *gerne* 'gladly' and then embedding the whole construction into a subordinate position. In the locational example, the adverb can occur both before and after the prepositional phrase (9). In contrast, the adverb can only occur before and not after the prepositional phrase in the progressive construction (10). Crucially, this shows that the phrase *am Arbeiten* cannot be separated from the finite verb *bin* in subordinate position. This kind of restriction is consistent with analysing *am Arbeiten* as an non-finite verb form.<sup>1</sup>

	- b. (Es ist bekannt, dass) ich am Tisch gerne sitze.

# **13.2.2 Governed prepositional subordination**

Verbs with governed prepositions show many characteristics of a *Präpositionsin-* [13.15] *finitiv*. However, they are classified here as a different kind of construction. By

<sup>1</sup>Gárgyán (2010: 35, 179–181) investigates the co-occurrence of adverbial prepositional phrases in progressive sentences. She finds various postposed examples, although they appear less frequent than preposed ones. Unfortunately, she did not explicitly investigate progressives in subordinate position. The few examples cited do not show anything intervening between the *am* phrase and the final *sein* in subordinate position.

13 Light-verb alternations withPräpositionsinfinitiv

definition (see Section 6.2.1), governed prepositions allow for a biclausal subordinate paraphrase with *da(r)+Präposition, dass*, like with *reden über* 'to talk about' in (11a). Alternatively, most such governed prepositions also allow for a similar construction with a subordinate *zu‑Infinitiv* (11b). As a third alternative only the infinitive can be used, leading to a construction very close to a *Präpositionsinfinitiv* (11c).

	- b. Sein Vater redet darüber, nicht mehr zu rauchen.
	- c. Sein Vater redet übers Rauchen.
	- (12) a. Ich träume vom Autofahren.<sup>2</sup>
		- b. So werden die Cannabispflanzen am Blühen gehindert.<sup>3</sup>
		- c. Übers Altwerden klagte er oft und verhöhnte alles, was kam, ihn zu ehren.<sup>4</sup>
		- d. Ich habe Freude am Lesen.
		- e. Ich habe Spaß am Leben.
	- (13) a. Der RB-Fan neigt zum Klatschen.<sup>5</sup>
		- b. \* Der RB-Fan neigt zu dem Klatschen.
		- c. \* (Es ist bekannt, dass) der RB-Fan zum Klatschen immer neigt.

<sup>2</sup>dwds: Zeit Magazin, 16.05.2013, Nr. 21.

<sup>3</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 18.06.2015, Nr. 25.

<sup>4</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 12.07.1956, Nr. 28.

<sup>5</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 27.04.2014, Nr. 17.

However, in contrast to a *Präpositionsinfinitiv*, modification of the infinitive [13.18] is possible. This is illustrated here with genitives in prepositional constructions with *bringen zu* (14a) and *abhalten von* (14b). These genitives are actually retained arguments of the verbs in the infinitive. For example in (14b), the phrase *vom Besuchen des Spiels* is derived from the clause *sie besuchen das Spiel*, in which *Spiel* 'game' is the object of *besuchen* 'to visit'. Adjectival modification is illustrated with governed prepositions of the verbs *profitieren von* (14c) and *einladen zu* (14d).

	- b. Mit erhöhten Ticketpreisen sollten die Hooligans [vom Besuchen des Spiels] abgehalten werden.<sup>7</sup>
	- c. Ebay profitiert [vom boomenden Einkaufen] im Internet.<sup>8</sup>
	- d. Mehrere Bänke sollen [zum besinnlichen Sitzen] […] einladen.<sup>9</sup>

Summarising, verbs with a governed preposition allow for a construction that [13.19] is very close to the *Präpositionsinfinitiv*. However, governed prepositions with infinitives are transparently related to biclausal subordinate constructions and retain characteristics of biclausality. Still, governed prepositions seem to be a good starting point for future developments of new *Präpositionsinfinitiv* constructions. For this to happen, however, a verb with a governed preposition has to establish a new (grammaticalised) meaning when used with a bare infinitive.

A possible example in an early stage of a grammaticalisation is the verb *denken*. [13.20] The verb *denken* has various slightly different meanings. Crucially in the current context, the combination *denken an* means 'to remember, to not forget' (15a). This preposition *an* is a governed preposition and can be used with a subordinate *daran, dass* construction (15b) or a *daran+zu‑Infinitiv* construction (15c). A different meaning of *denken* 'to plan, to consider' is attested without *an*, but with a *zu‑Infinitiv* (15d), see also Section 12.4.9. Contradictorily, *denken+ans‑Infinitiv* has the meaning 'to plan' (15e), i.e. it does not have the same meaning as *denken an*. The meaning of the *denken+ans‑Infinitiv* construction is thus separated from *denken an* and might be classified as a *Präpositionsinfinitiv*.

	- b. Bitte denke daran, dass du die Kinder abholen sollst.

<sup>6</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 25.10.2017 (online).

<sup>7</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 04.08.2013 (online).

<sup>8</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 18.10.2012 (online).

<sup>9</sup>dwds: Der Tagesspiegel, 17.01.2003.

	- (16) a. Sie bringt mich nach Hause.
		- b. Sie bringt mich immer zum Weinen. Sie bringt mich immer dazu, zu weinen.
		- c. […] wenn […] ein wilder Föhn […] die weichen Schneemassen […] zum schnellen Schmelzen bringt.<sup>11</sup> Wer es zum aktiven Offizier gebracht hat […].<sup>12</sup> Er hätte vielleicht sogar auf diese Art seine Flucht zum guten Ende bringen können.<sup>13</sup>
	- (17) a. Durch die Vollbremsung kam das Auto ruckhaft zum Stehen. (= *kommen+zum‑Infinitiv* 'end of movement', Section 13.4.7)
		- b. Nach dem Umzug kam der Fernseher neben dem Esstisch zu stehen. (= *kommen+zu‑Infinitiv* 'covertly caused state', Section 12.4.12)

<sup>10</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 04.03.2013, Nr. 10.

<sup>11</sup>dwds: Voß, Richard: Zwei Menschen, Stuttgart: Engelhorn 1911 [1949], S. 52.

<sup>12</sup>dwds: Süddeutsche Zeitung, 1995 [1945].

<sup>13</sup>dwds: Seghers, Anna: Das siebte Kreuz, Berlin: Aufbau-Taschenbuch-Verl. 2002 [1942], S. 207.


# **13.2.3 Adverbial modification**

Another phenomenon that looks like a *Präpositionsinfinitiv*, but has to be strictly [13.23] separated from it, are prepositions with infinitives that function as adverbial modifiers in the sentence. These are constituents that consist of a preposition, an article and an infinitive, like *zum Laufen*, in which the preposition and the article are obligatorily fused. However, they have an adverbial status in the sentence. Because adverbials are syntactically optional, the easiest test for such adverbial usage is to simply leave them out. The resulting sentence should still be grammatical.

There are a few common adverbial uses that can be identified by the possibility [13.24] of a very specific paraphrase. First, teleological ("goal oriented") *zum‑Infinitiv* adverbials are especially common, like, *zum Schwimmen* in (18a). Such adverbials can be paraphrased as 'with the intent to', or in German as *um zu+Infinitiv*. A second frequently used adverbial phrase is the temporal *beim‑Infinitiv*, meaning 'while' (18b). In German such usage can be paraphrased by *während+Infinitiv*. Other prepositions with infinitives are less frequent in adverbial function. Some incidental locational examples can also be found, like an allative ('from') *vom‑Infinitiv* (18c) or ablative ('to') *zum‑Infinitiv* (18d).

	- b. Er verletzt sich [beim Schälen einer Avocado]. (= während des Schälens)
	- c. Er nimmt den Zug [von dem täglichen Einkaufen] nach Hause. (= vom Einkaufen kommend)
	- d. Er fährt mit dem Bus [zum Grillen an der Lahn]. (= zum Ort, wo gegrillt wird)

These adverbials do not adhere to most of the characteristics of the [13.25] *Präpositionsinfinitiv*, except for the fact that the preposition and article are typically fused. However, the preposition and article can optionally be separated (18b), the whole phrase can move rather freely inside the sentence (18a), and the

infinitive can be modified by a genitive (18b), an adjective (18c), or a prepositional phrase (18d).

# **13.2.4 The** *Funktionsverbgefüge*

[13.26] The analysis of the so-called *Funktionsverbgefüge* has a fifty-years long history in German linguistics (cf. Heine 2020 for a survey). This term is used to refer to grammaticalised constructions that commonly consist of a light verb with a prepositional phrase, like *zur Verfügung stehen* 'to be available', *in Zorn geraten* 'become enraged' or *in Zweifel ziehen* 'to cast doubt' (Heine 2020: 17). Syntactically these phrases are strongly lexicalised and, as can be gleaned from the English translations, they are semantically on a par with individual verbs. They are widely discussed in the German literature and even the infamous Duden grammar includes an extensive eight-page discussion (Duden-Grammatik 2009: 418– 425). A common distinction is made between basic noun-verb combinations under the heading *Funktionsverbgefüge mit akkusativisch angeschlossenem Verbalsubstantiv* (Duden-Grammatik 2009: 419) and a combination of a verb with a prepositional phrase under the heading *präpositional angeschlossene Funktionsverben* (Duden-Grammatik 2009: 422).

[13.27] There clearly is a lot of similarity between such a prepositional *Funktionsverbgefüge* and the *Präpositionsinfinitiv* as discussed in this chapter. The *Funktionsverben* that are typically used in a *Funktionsverbgefüge* show a lot of overlap with the light verbs that are discussed throughout this book. And indeed, the English term "light verb" has recently been used as a translation of the German term *Funktionsverb* (Fleischhauer & Gamerschlag 2019; Fleischhauer 2021; Fleischhauer & Hartmann 2021). However, a *Funktionsverbgefüge* is obviously different in that it includes either (i) a noun (e.g. *Zorn* 'anger'), or (ii) a noun derived from a verb with nominalising derivational morphology (e.g. *Verfügung* 'disposal' from *verfügen* 'to have at one's disposal' + *‑ung*), or (iii) a zero-derived noun (*Zweifel* 'doubt' from *zweifeln* 'to doubt'). In contrast, the *Präpositionsinfinitiv* as discussed in this chapter employs infinitives.

[13.28] Of course, as explained above, an infinitive is also a nominalised verbform, which once more emphasises the strong affinity between the *Funktionsverbgefüge* and the *Präpositionsinfinitiv*. However, the crucial syntactic difference between them is the same difference as discussed previously with prepositional subordination (see Section 13.2.2). The deverbal nouns of a *Funktionsverbgefüge* can still be modified by retained arguments or modifiers, like genitives (19a) or adjectives (19b), which is impossible for a *Präpositionsinfinitiv*.

	- b. Ich ziehe es in ernste Zweifel. Am wenigsten freilich Finnland, dessen Fortbestand als selbständiger Staat auch wohl in Rußland selbst nicht mehr in ernste Zweifel gezogen wird.<sup>15</sup>

# **13.3 Deponent verbs**

Not attested. [13.29]

# **13.4 Alternations without diathesis**

# **13.4.1** *sein+am‑Infinitiv* **Progressive**

The *sein+am‑Infinitiv* progressive has already extensively been investigated [13.30] (Krause 2002; Gárgyán 2010) and I will not repeat all results from those investigations here. This construction can be used with intransitive verbs to mark an ongoing activity (20a). It is considered colloquial and frowned upon in formal writing, but it is in widespread use. Transitive verbs can only be used with incorporated objects without article (20b), which are arguably intransitive (see Section 5.2.5). The variant with a separated object without article is only used in a small patch at the Dutch border of the German-speaking area (20c).<sup>16</sup>

	- b. Der Millionär kauft Häuser. Der Millionär ist am Häuserkaufen.
	- c. ? Der Millionär ist Häuser am Kaufen.

It is important to realise that this section only deals with the *sein+am‑Infinitiv* [13.31] construction. There are various other grammaticalised progressive constructions

<sup>14</sup>dwds: Archiv der Gegenwart, Bd. 2, 15.11.1932.

<sup>15</sup>dwds: Vossische Zeitung (Abend-Ausgabe), 11.03.1922.

<sup>16</sup>Verlaufsform mit 'am'. In: Elspaß, Stephan & Robert Möller. 2003ff. Atlas zur deutschen Alltagssprache (AdA). Online at https://www.atlas-alltagssprache.de/r10-f10abcd, accessed 29 November 2021.

that are similar, but should be kept distinct. The *sein+im‑Infinitiv* is a progressive of change (see Section 13.4.2) and the *bleiben+am‑Infinitiv* construction is a continuative progressive (see Section 13.4.3). In contrast, the *sein+beim‑Infinitiv* construction is not analysed as a progressive here, but as an absentive (see Section 13.4.4).

# **13.4.2** *sein+im‑Infinitiv* **Progressive change**

	- (21) a. Aber der Frühling ist im Kommen.<sup>17</sup>
		- b. Die Spaßgesellschaft ist im Wachsen.<sup>18</sup>
		- c. Die Schwellung ist im Abklingen.<sup>19</sup>

# **Attested verbs**



<sup>17</sup>dwds: Langer Winter. Schneeschmelze | Texte, 2010-02-16.

<sup>18</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 06.09.2001.

<sup>19</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 03.08.1995.

<sup>20</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 18.02.2016 (online).

<sup>21</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 15.11.2011, Nr. 46.

<sup>22</sup>dwds: Umerziehung in Westdeutschland. Eine Deutsche Weise, 2012-02-24.

# **13.4.3** *bleiben+am‑Infinitiv* **Progressive continuative**

Parallel to the *sein* progressive there is also a *bleiben* progressive, which combines [13.33] the progressive aspect with an added continuative aspectual meaning. For that reason I propose to call this diathesis kontinuativprogressiv in German. The most frequent collocation is with the verb *leben* 'to live' (22a), but many other agentive intransitive verbs can also be used in this construction. However, this construction appears to be less productive than the *sein* progressive.

	- b. Das Schiff muss immer schön am schwimmen bleiben.<sup>24</sup>

# **Attested verbs**

• *dampfen, jammern, kämpfen, leben, schwimmen*

# **Further examples**


# **13.4.4** *sein+beim‑Infinitiv* **Recurrent absence**

The *sein+beim‑Infinitiv* construction (23a) seems to be very similar to the *sein +* [13.34] *am‑Infinitiv* progressive (e.g. they are deemed functionally indistinguishable in Gárgyán 2010: 41–42). However, that is the wrong comparison. The *sein+beim‑Infinitiv* is actually functionally similar to the *sein+Infinitiv* absentive (23b), see Section 11.4.1. The *sein+beim‑Infinitiv* likewise signifies that the subject is not present (absentive), but it adds an extra aspectual dimension, namely that the activity is

<sup>23</sup>dwds: Kant, nicht Keller. Oder?. Not quite like Beethoven, 2009-11-19.

<sup>24</sup>Attested online at https://freiamtplus.ch/blog-home-switcher/660-operette-mit-historischemhintergrund.html, accessed 26 November 2021.

<sup>25</sup>dwds: Gall, Lothar: Krupp, Berlin: Siedler 2000, S. 81.

<sup>26</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 29.05.1981, Nr. 23.

<sup>27</sup>dwds: Das Diamond Gaming Network eröffnet Silkroad Privatserver. the-pain.net, 2011-02-03.

<sup>28</sup>dwds: Russisches Silkroad Online angekündigt. the-pain.net, 2009-07-07.

performed regularly or habitually. I will use the term "frequentative" for this aspect and propose to call this diathesis absentivfrequentativ in German.

	- b. Ich bin Arbeiten.
	- (24) a. Sie war beim Haareschneiden.<sup>29</sup> b. Sie war beim Friseur.
	- (25) a. Ich bin dabei einzukaufen.
		- b. Ich bin beim Einkaufen.

<sup>29</sup>dwds: Der Tagesspiegel, 19.10.2001.

(26) Immerhin kann man unterstellen, dass Latein-Lernen kein Hindernis ist beim Geldverdienen.<sup>30</sup>

# **Attested verbs**


# **Further examples**


# **Notes**

The two examples in (27) are further cases of the anticausative-like usage, as [13.38] described above for the infinitive *Haareschneiden*.

(27) a. Sie war beim Fettabsaugen.<sup>36</sup>

b. Meine Diplomarbeit ist beim Binden.<sup>37</sup>

# **13.4.5** *gehen/fahren+zum‑Infinitiv* **Recurrent movement to**

The *gehen/fahren+zum‑Infinitiv* construction basically expresses a movement to- [13.39] wards a place at which the verb will be performed. It is typically used with agentive intransitive verbs like *einkaufen* 'to shop' (28a) or*schwimmen* 'to swim' (28b). There is a close connection to the *gehen/fahren+Infinitiv* abitive construction, which also expresses a movement towards an activity (see Section 11.4.2). The current construction with the *zum‑Infinitiv* adds a frequentative/habitual aspect

<sup>30</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 05.01.2005.

<sup>31</sup>dwds: Der Tagesspiegel, 09.11.2001.

<sup>32</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 31.01.2008, Nr. 06.

<sup>33</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 10.03.2001.

<sup>34</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 21.08.1996.

<sup>35</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 19.10.2002.

<sup>36</sup>dwds: Der Tagesspiegel, 14.11.2001.

<sup>37</sup>dwds: verwaltungmodern.de, 2007-04-10.

to the activity, so I propose to use the name abitivfrequentativ in German. It is often attested with adverbs like *regelmäßig* to emphasise this aspectual notion.

	- b. Ich gehe regelmäßig zum Schwimmen.
	- (29) a. Ah ja, und dann bin ich zum Massieren gegangen.<sup>38</sup>
		- b. Ich bin zum Massagesalon gegangen.
	- (30) a. Ich fahre gleich zum Einkaufen in die Stadt. (= Ich fahre in die Stadt um einzukaufen.)
		- b. Ich gehe regelmäßig zum Schwimmen ins Schwimmbad. (= Ich gehe ins Schwimmbad um zu schwimmen.)


<sup>38</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 17.06.1994, Nr. 25.

# **Further examples**

• Das können wir nämlich deshalb so gut, weil wir immer mit den Kleinen zum Schlittenfahren gegangen sind.<sup>39</sup>

# **13.4.6** *kommen+vom‑Infinitiv* **Recurrent movement from**

The opposite of the previous *gehen+zum‑Infinitiv* (see Section 13.4.5) is the *kom-* [13.42] *men+vom‑Infinitiv* expressing movement towards (31). There is a straightforward change in preposition, opposing *gehen zum* 'to go to' with *kommen von* 'to come from'. There also exist a *kommen+zum‑Infinitiv* construction, which, however, has a completely different semantics (see Section 13.4.7 below).

Just like the previous *gehen+zum‑Infinitiv*, the *kommen+vom‑Infinitiv* has an [13.43] additional frequentative/habitual aspect. This construction expresses that the movement is done regularly as a matter of habit. For that reason I propose to call this diathesis aditivfrequentativ in German. This construction stands in opposition to the *kommen+Infinitiv* aditive construction (without preposition *von*) that does not include this habitual aspect (see Section 11.4.3).

	- b. Das hat meine Mutter nämlich damals getan, wenn ich nachts um drei vom Tanzen kam.<sup>40</sup>

This construction is very close to an adverbial modification as discussed in Sec- [13.44] tion 13.2.3. For example, compare the previous examples (31) with the adverbial examples below in (32). In the examples below the *vom* prepositional phrase is an optional adverbial modification that can be left out.

	- b. Ich laufe nachts (vom Tanzen) nach Hause.

# **Attested verbs**

Probably the same verbs as for the *gehen+zum‑Infinitiv* (see Section 13.4.5) can [13.45] be used for the *kommen+vom‑Infinitiv*. They will not be repeated here.

<sup>39</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 20.02.1998.

<sup>40</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 04.11.1999, Nr. 45.

# **13.4.7** *kommen+zum‑Infinitiv* **End of movement**

	- (33) a. Das Auto kommt vor der Ampel zum Stehen.
		- b. Die Friedensverhandlungen im Jemen sind zum Erliegen gekommen.<sup>41</sup>
	- (34) a. Kaum jemand sei zum Baden gekommen.<sup>42</sup> (= Kaum jemand kommt um zu baden.)
		- b. Ich bin in den letzten Tagen nicht zum Schreiben gekommen.<sup>43</sup> (= Ich habe keine Zeit gehabt zum Schreiben.)
		- c. Ich bin nicht dazu gekommen, dir einen Brief zu schreiben.
		- d. Die Stärke des Gegners wäre nicht zum Tragen gekommen.<sup>44</sup>

<sup>41</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 07.07.2017 (online).

<sup>42</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 18.05.2017, Nr. 21.

<sup>43</sup>dwds: Brief von Ernst G. an Irene G. vom 28.10.1939, Feldpost-Archive mkb-fp-0270. <sup>44</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 18.08.2005.

# **Attested verbs**

• *erliegen, halten, liegen, sitzen, stehen, stoppen*

# **Further examples**


# **13.5 Diatheses with subject demotion**

# **13.5.1 pbj › sbj › ø : [ NP | –N ]** *sein+zum‑Infinitiv* **Emotional trigger subject**

The construction *sein+zum‑Infinitiv* drops the nominative subject and promotes [13.48] a governed preposition to subject. Such a role-remapping is rather unusual in German. In another diathesis, the *Kreationsubjektiv* (see Section 6.5.7), it is a creation manufactured by the subject that is promoted to subject. In the present construction, it is the trigger of an emotional reaction that is promoted to subject. For that reason I propose to call this diathesis auslösersubjektiv in German.

The *sein+zum‑Infinitiv* diathesis appears only to apply to verbs of emotion, like [13.49] *heulen* 'to cry' (35). This emotion is triggered by something which is expressed with an *über* governed prepositional phrase (35a). Using this diathesis, the trigger is promoted to subject and the original subject is dropped and cannot be retained in any form (35b). Typically this diathesis is used without explicitly expressing the trigger at all. As a result, the new sentence after the diathesis lacks a subject, and thus a valency-simulating pronoun *es* is commonly attested in this construction (35c).

(35) a. Ich heule über den Schaden. Ich heule darüber, dass der Schaden so groß ist.

<sup>45</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 27.07.2016 (online).

<sup>46</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 21.09.1984, Nr. 39.

<sup>47</sup>dwds: Der Tagesspiegel, 12.09.2002.


# **Attested verbs**

• Verbs of emotion: *empören, heulen, kotzen, lachen, totlachen, verrücktwerden, verzweifeln, weinen*

# **Further examples**


# **13.6 Diatheses with promotion to subject**

# **13.6.1 ø › sbj › obj : [ –N | NA ]** *halten+am‑Infinitiv* **Continuative causative**

	- (36) a. Der so erzeugte Druck hielt die Partnerschaft am Laufen.<sup>49</sup>
		- b. Photos, Interviews und Indiskretionen halten den Topf am Kochen.<sup>50</sup>

<sup>48</sup>Attested online at https://headtopics.com/de/analyse-trumps-problemzone-3271583, accessed 9 November 2021.

<sup>49</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 28.05.1999.

<sup>50</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 20.01.1961, Nr. 04.

There are also some examples with the light verb *erhalten* instead of *halten* (37), [13.52] but there is no obvious difference in meaning. The verb *erhalten* most frequently occurs in the collocation with *am Leben* 'alive'.

	- b. Das Feuer, das den Geist der Liebe lebendig erhält, kann nur von oben her entzündet und am Brennen erhalten werden.<sup>52</sup>

The semantically opposite construction *hindern am* 'to prevent' is not (yet) [13.53] grammaticalised. Although it is frequently used with *am+Infinitiv* (38a), it does not show the characteristics of a grammaticalised *Präpositionsinfinitiv* (see Section 13.2.1). For example, it can be used with an adjectival modifier (38b) and the preposition *am* can also be separated into *an dem* (38c).

	- b. Er hat die Pommern nicht nur am rechtzeitigen Entkommen gehindert […].<sup>54</sup>
	- c. […] haben sie ihn so lange an dem Ziel seines Lebens gehindert.<sup>55</sup>

### **Attested verbs**



<sup>51</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 08.07.2016 (online).

<sup>52</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 02.08.1951, Nr. 31.

<sup>53</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 14.03.2014, Nr. 11.

<sup>54</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 20.03.2014, Nr. 13.

<sup>55</sup>dwds: Die Zeit, 27.04.1990, Nr. 18.

<sup>56</sup>Attested online at https://pippin-unterwegs.de/hogmanay-in-glasgow/, accessed 20.11.2021.

<sup>57</sup>dwds: Die Schönheit Des Simplexen, 2005-06-29.


# **13.7 Diatheses with object demotion**

[13.54] Not attested.

# **13.8 Diatheses with promotion to object**

[13.55] Not attested.

# **13.9 Symmetrical diatheses**

# **13.9.1 obj › sbj › obj : [ DN | NA ]** *haben+am‑Infinitiv* **Dative inversive**

	- (39) a. Die Wohnung (des Studenten) brennt.
		- b. Dem Studenten brennt die Wohnung.
		- c. Der Student hat die Wohnung am Brennen.

<sup>58</sup>dwds: Konstantin Filtschew WebLog, 2008-10-13.

<sup>59</sup>dwds: Von Genrebetrachtungen und Happy Ends. Katastrophengebiet, 2011-06-05.

<sup>60</sup>dwds: KOCHWERKSTATT Wo es so lecker ist!. koch-werkstatt.de, 2006-03-09.

part of the German name for all diatheses that include such an inherent possessor in the role-remapping. The current diathesis is thus called pertinenzinversiv. This diathesis is closely related to the *Ortspertinenzinversiv*, see Section 11.9.2. Both diatheses are semantically and structurally similar, though curiously the *Ortspertinenzinversiv* uses a *haben+Infinitiv* construction without *am*.

# **Attested verbs**

• *brennen, drehen, funktionieren, glühen, laufen, schlafen*


<sup>61</sup>dwds: Berliner Zeitung, 10.12.2005.

<sup>62</sup>Businger (2011): 324

<sup>63</sup>Businger (2011): 324

<sup>64</sup>Businger (2011): 324

<sup>65</sup>Businger (2011): 324

<sup>66</sup>Businger (2011): 324



*phology* (HSK 17/2), 1130–1145. Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton. DOI: 10 . 1515 / 9783110172782.2.14.1130.



Kruisinga, Etsko. 1935. *Einführung in die deutsche Syntax*. Groningen: Noordhoff.





# **Name index**

Abraham, Werner, 554 Aichinger, Carl Friedrich, 455 Aikhenvald, Alexandra A. Y., 46 Baumann, Luisa, 18 Bech, Gunnar, 527 Broschart, Jürgen, 396 Buscha, Joachim, 492, 520 Businger, Martin, 459, 528, 541, 642 Chang, Lingling, 392 Colomo, Katarina, 617 Comrie, Bernard, 118, 122 Coupé, Griet, 548 Czicza, Dániel, 27 De Vaere, Hilde, 16, 19, 147, 223 Diewald, Gabriele, 506, 560, 602–604 Dixon, R. M. W., 46, 251, 457 Duden-Grammatik, 255, 449, 468, 544– 546, 559, 592, 598, 630 Dux, Ryan, 19 Eisenberg, Peter, 10, 139, 381, 449, 490, 500, 549, 556, 583 Engel, Ulrich, 10, 19, 556, 583, 598, 599, 608–610, 617 Engelen, Bernhard, 181 Enzinger, Stefan, 573, 575, 578, 583 Erb, Marie Christine, 558 Eroms, Hans-Werner, 18, 137, 143, 313, 369, 520, 527

Fabricius-Hansen, Christine, 560 Fehrmann, Ingo, 469 Felfe, Marc, 316, 490 Fischer, Hanna, 464 Fleischhauer, Jens, 10, 212, 630 Fuhrhop, Nanna, 398 Fuß, Eric, 583 Gallmann, Peter, 139 Gamerschlag, Thomas, 10, 630 Gárgyán, Gabriella, 621, 631, 633 Geist, Ljudmila, 313 Geniušė, Emma, 46 Gillmann, Melitta, 478 Grewendorf, Günther, 487 Günther, Hartmut, 313 Haider, Hubert, 592 Haig, Geoffrey, 470, 472, 473 Hansen-Morath, Sandra, 583 Harbert, Wayne, 547 Harris, Zellig S., 6 Hartmann, Stefan, 10, 630 Haspelmath, Martin, 18, 46, 49, 57, 60, 61, 593 Heine, Antje, 630 Helbig, Gerhard, 492, 520, 527 Heringer, Hans-Jürgen, 18 Himmelmann, Nikolaus P., 395 Hinze, Christian, 478 Höhle, Tilman N., 459, 527, 617 Hole, Daniel, 243, 313, 528, 529, 589

### Name index

Holl, Daniel, 18, 598, 606, 610, 613, 614 Hooste, Koen Van, 197 Hopper, Paul J., 22 Imo, Wolfgang, 19 Jäger, Agnes, 548 Jäger, Anne, 18, 605 Kamber, Alain, 10 Keller, Frank, 476 Kim, Gyung-Uk, 313, 369 Kiss, Tibor, 9 Kittilä, Seppo, 29, 46, 135 König, Svenja, 554 Konopka, Marek, 583 Köpcke, Klaus-Michael, 478 Kotůlková, Veronika, 549, 583 Krämer, Sabine, 520 Krause, Olaf, 631 Kruisinga, Etsko, 527, 528 Kulikov, Leonid, 46 Kunze, Jürgen, 252, 563 Kurogo, Yoko, 16, 289 Lahiri, Aditi, 199, 201, 336 Lasch, Alexander, 500, 520, 523, 600 Latzel, Sigbert, 527 Leirbukt, Oddleif, 18, 494, 525, 559 Lenz, Alexandra N., 494, 525 Levin, Beth, 17, 138, 239 Los, Bettelou, 315, 593 Maienborn, Claudia, 459, 515, 517 Malchukov, Andrej, 46 Marcotte, Ethan, 2 McIntyre, Andrew, 232 Mel'čuk, Igor, 46 Mithun, Marianne, 457 Müller-Bardey, Thomas, 46, 57, 60

Nedjalkov, Vladimir P., 61, 192, 261, 284, 286, 300, 382, 459, 515, 517, 530, 575, 579 Nichols, Johanna, 49 Nübling, Damaris, 161 Olsen, Susan, 602 Pafel, Jürgen, 602 Pfeiffer, Wolfgang, 311, 315, 338 Pitteroff, Marcel, 549 Plank, Frans, 199, 201, 336 Primus, Beatrice, 499 Proost, Kristel, 218 Pullum, Geoffrey K., 457 Rapp, Irene, 470, 515 Reis, Marga, 506, 603 Rothstein, Björn, 453, 490, 491 Sapir, Edward, 457 Schäfer, Florian, 16, 289 Schallert, Oliver, 548 Scheibl, György, 46, 152 Schlücker, Barbara, 492, 520 Schmid, Tanja, 548 Schulze-Berndt, Eva, 395 Schumacher, Helmut, 19 Schwarz, Christian, 558 Seiler, Hansjakob, 527 Silverstein, Michael, 46 Smirnova, Elena, 506, 560, 593, 602– 604 Sorace, Antonella, 476 Stathi, Katerina, 523 Steinbach, Markus, 423 Stiebels, Barbara, 313, 330, 345 Stopp, Frederick John, 527 Strecker, Bruno, 264, 346 Strobel, Sven, 487

Name index

Szatmári, Petra, 522

Thieroff, Rolf, 466 Thompson, Sandra A., 22

Uhlig, Gustavus, 46

Vogel, Petra M., 554

Weber, Heinrich, 10 Welke, Klaus, 23 Wiemer, Björn, 192, 261, 284, 286, 300, 382 Wiese, Richard, 449, 472 Wunderlich, Dieter, 46, 313, 365, 392, 457

Zifonun, Gisela, 289 Zúñiga, Fernando, 29, 46, 135

# Encyclopaedia of German diatheses

A diathesis is a sentence structure that reshapes the expression of the roles of a verb. This book presents an encyclopaedic survey of diathesis in German. Currently almost 250 different German diatheses are described in this book, some highly productive, some only attested for a handful of verbs. The main goal of this book is to present this wealth of grammatical possibility in a unified manner, while at the same time attempting to classify and organise this diversity. A summary of the about 80 most prominent diatheses is also provided, including many newly minted German names, because most of these diatheses did not have a German name yet.

Except for diathesis this book also aims to completely catalogue its counterpart: epithesis. An epithesis is a derived sentence structure in which the marking of the roles is not changed. Basically, these are the grammaticalised constructions expressing tenseaspect-mood-evidentiality in German. The list of major epitheses is also quite long (about 40 constructions), but it is quite a bit smaller than the list of major diatheses (about 80 constructions). This indicates that from a purely grammatical perspective, diathesis ("grammatical voice") is about a two-times more elaborate topic than epithesis ("tenseaspect-mood marking") in German.