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    Phonological Augmentation in Prominent Positions

    Proposal review

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    Author(s)
    Smith, Jennifer L.
    Language
    English
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    Abstract
    Phonologically prominent or "strong" positions are well known for their ability to resist positional neutralization processes such as vowel reduction or place assimilation. However, there are also cases of neutralization that affect only strong positions, as when stressed syllables must be heavy, default stress is inserted into roots, or word-initial onsets must be low in sonority. In this book, Jennifer Smith shows that phonological processes specific to strong positions are distinct from those involved in classic positional neutralization effects because they always serve to augment the strong position with a perceptually salient characteristic. Formally, positional augmentation effects are modeled by means of markedness constraints relativized to strong positions. Because positional augmentation constraints are subject to certain substantive restrictions, as seen in their connection to perceptual salience, this study has implications for the relationship between functional grounding and phonological theory.
    URI
    http://library.oapen.org/handle/20.500.12657/24164
    Keywords
    markedness; constraints; faithfulness; constraint; filter; stressed; syllable; positional; initial; syllables
    DOI
    10.4324/9780203506394
    ISBN
    9780415971072;9780415861496;9781135876005;9781135875992;9781135875954
    OCN
    1135849412
    Publisher
    Taylor & Francis
    Publisher website
    https://taylorandfrancis.com/
    Publication date and place
    2005
    Series
    Outstanding Dissertations in Linguistics,
    Classification
    Language: reference and general
    Linguistics
    Rights
    https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/
    • Imported or submitted locally

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    License

    • If not noted otherwise all contents are available under Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0)

    Credits

    • logo EU
    • This project received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement No 683680, 810640, 871069 and 964352.

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