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        Metathesis and unmetathesis in Amarasi

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        Author(s)
        Edwards, Owen
        Collection
        Knowledge Unlatched (KU); Dutch Research Council (NWO)
        Number
        106014
        Language
        English
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        Abstract
        This book provides a complete analysis of synchronic CV -> VC metathesis in Amarasi, a language of western Timor. Metathesis and unmetathesis realise a paradigm of parallel forms, pairs of which occur to complement each other throughout the language. Metathesis in Amarasi is superficially associated with a bewildering array of disparate phonological processes including: vowel deletion, consonant deletion, consonant insertion and multiple kinds of vowel assimilation, any of which can (and do) vary by lect in their realisation. By proposing that Amarasi has an obligatory CVCVC foot in which C-slots can be empty, all these phonological processes can be straightforwardly derived from a single rule of metathesis and two associated phonological rules.
        URI
        https://library.oapen.org/handle/20.500.12657/43582
        Keywords
        Language Arts & Disciplines; Linguistics; General
        DOI
        https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3700413
        ISBN
        9783961102228
        Publisher
        Language Science Press
        Publisher website
        https://langsci-press.org/
        Publication date and place
        2020
        Grantor
        • Knowledge Unlatched
        • Nederlandse Organisatie voor Wetenschappelijk Onderzoek
        Imprint
        Language Science Press
        Classification
        Linguistics
        Rights
        https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/legalcode
        • Harvested from KU

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        License

        • If not noted otherwise all contents are available under Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0)

        Credits

        • logo EU
        • This project received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement No 683680, 810640, 871069 and 964352.

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